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Plate  I.  Restoration  of  an  Egyptian  \'ase  of  the 
Pyramid  Age.  (After  Borchard) 

The  original  was  wrought  of  gold  (here  yellow),  inlaid  with  lapis 
lazuli  (here  blue),  by  the  goldsmith  (§  82  and  Fig.  47) 


ANCIENT  TIMES 
A HISTORY  OF  THE 
EARLY  WORLD 


AN  INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  STUDY  OF 
ANCIENT  HISTORY  AND  THE 
CAREER  OF  EARLY  MAN 


BY 

JAMES  HENRY  BREASTED,  Ph.D.,  LL.D. 

PROFESSOR  OF  ORIENTAL  HISTORY  AND  EGYPTOLOGY;  CHAIRMAN 
OF  THE  DEPARTMENT  OF  ORIENTAL  LANGUAGES 
IN  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  CHICAGO 


GINN  AND  COMPANY 


BOSTON  • NEW  YORK  • CHICAGO  • LONDON 
ATLANTA  • DALLAS  • COLUMBUS  - SAN  FRANCISCO 


COPYRIGHT,  1916,  BY  JAMES  HENRY  BREASTED 
ENTERED  AT  STATIONERS*  HALL 
ALL  RIGHTS  RESERVED 


OUTLINES  OF  EUROPEAN  HISTORY,  PART  I 

COPYRIGHT,  1914,  BY  JAMES  HARVEY  ROBINSON 
AND  JAMES  HENRY  BREASTED 
ENTERED  AT  STATIONERS’  HALL 
ALL  RIGHTS  RESERVED 

375.1 


tBl)e  !3ti)ensum  Stress 


GINN  AND  COMPANY  • PRO- 
PRIETORS • BOSTON  • U.S.A. 


PREFACE 


j ' ' c ■ ^ 


In  the  selection  of  subject  matter  as  well  as  in  style  and 
diction,  it  has  been  the  purpose  of  the  author  to  make  this 
book  sufficiently  simple  to  be  put  into  the  hands  of  first-year 
high-school  pupils.  A great  deal  of  labor  has  been  devoted 
to  the  mere  task  of  clear  and  simple  statement  and  arrange- 
ment. W'hile  simple  enough  for  first-year  high-school  work,  it 
nevertheless  is  planned  to  interest  and  stimulate  all  students 
of  high-school  age.  In  dealing  with  each  civilization  a suffi- 
cient framework  of  political  organization  and  of  historical 
events  has  been  laid  down ; but  the  bulk  of  the  space  has  bceji 
dei'oted  to  the  life  of  man  in  all  its  manifestations — society, 
industr)-,  commerce,  religion,  art,  literature.  These  things  are 
so  presented  as  to  make  it  clear  how  one  age  grows  out  of 
another,  and  how  each  civilization  profits  by  that  which  has 
preceded  it. 

The  story  of  each  great  race  or  nation  is  thus  clearly  disen- 
gaged and  presented  in  period  after  period ; but,  nevertheless, 
the  book  purposes  to  present  the  career  of  man  as  a whole,  in 
a connected  story  of  expanding  life  and  civilization  from  the 
days  of  the  rudest  stone  hatchet  to  the  Christian  cathedrals  of 
Europe,  without  a serious  gap.  A symmetrical  presentation 
of  the  career  of  man  requires  adequate  space  for  the  origins  of 
civilization  and  the  history  of  the  Orient,  as  these  two  subjects 
have  been  revealed  by  the  excavations  and  discoveries  of  the 
last  two  generations,  especially  the  last  twenty-five  years.  The 
reasons  for  devoting  more  than  the  customary  space  to  these 
subjects  in  this  book  may  therefore  be  briefly  noted. 

The  length  of  the  career  of  man  discernible  by  us  has  been 
enormously  increased  at  the  present  day  by  archaeological 

iii 


* ’ C 1 •> 


IV 


Ancient  Times 


discovery,  carrying  back  the  development  of  human  arts  at 
least  fifty,  and  perhaps  two  hundred  thousand,  years.  Even  as 
recorded  in  'ivritten  documents,  modern  discovery  in  the  Orient 
has  placed  behind  the  period  of  human  history  as  formerly 
known  to  us  another  period  equally  long,  thus  doubling  the 
length  of  the  historic  age.  It  cannot  be  said  that  all  this  vast 
new  outlook  has  as  yet  been  surveyed  and  briefly  presented  in 
a form  intelligible  to  younger  students  as  an  imposing  pano- 
rama of  the  expanding  human  career.  The  attainment  of  such 
a point  of  view  of  the  career  of  man  has  been  a slow  process. 
The  ancient  history  written  by  Sulpicius  Severus,  about  400  a.d., 
survived  for  over  a thousand  years,  and  became  a respected  text- 
book, which  was  in  use  as  late  as  the  sixteenth  century.  It 
dealt  almost  exclusively  with  the  history  of  Rome.  A mention 
of  the  battle  of  Marathon  was  its  only  reference  to  Greek  history. 
The  Roman  colossus  bulked  so  large  that  nothing  earlier  could 
be  seen  behind  it. 

Within  the  last  few  years,  however,  the  marvelous  genius 
of  the  Greeks  has  finally  found  full  recognition  in  our  histori- 
cal textbooks.  There  is  another  similar  step  yet  to  be  taken, 
and  that  is  to  discern  behind  Greece  and  Rome  an  additional 
great  and  important  chapter  of  the  human  story  and  to  give  it 
adequate  and  interesting  presentation  to  young  readers.  Prob- 
ably no  one  outside  the  arcanum  of  the  traditional  classicists 
would  question  the  assertion  that  conquests  which  we  owe  to 
the  Orient,  like  the  discovery  of  metal  and  the  invention  of 
alphabetic  writing,  were  achievements  of  far  greater  impor- 
tance than  the  details  of  the  Peloponnesian  Wars,  whether 
estimated  by  their  consequences  to  the  human  race  or  by  their 
value  as  information  in  the  mind  of  the  modern  high-school 
pupil.  Whether  such  achievements  are  regarded  as  falling 
within  the  historic  epoch  or  not  is  a matter  of  small  moment. 
They  belong  to  the  huma7i  career,  and  as  such  they  should  find 
their  place  in  the  picture  of  that  career  which  is  presented  to 
the  younger  generation. 


Preface 


V 


The  intelligent  person  of  to-day  desires  to  be  so  familiar  with 
such  facts  as  these  in  the  rise  of  civilization  as  to  possess  some 
moderate  acquaintance  with  the  early  chapters  in  the  human 
career.  Civilization  arose  in  the  Orient,  and  early  Europe  ob- 
tained it  there.  But  the  languages  of  the  early  Orient  perished, 
and  the  ability  to  read  them  was  lost  many  centuries  ago.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  languages  of  Greece  and  Rome  were  never 
lost,  like  those  of  the  ancient  Orient.  In  modern  educational 
history  Greek  and  Latin  have  not  been  suddenly  recovered, 
and  we  have  not  had  to  grow  accustomed  to  their  abrupt  intro- 
duction into  science  and  education.  The  sudden  and  dramatic 
recovery  of  the  earlier  chapters  of  the  human  career,  lying 
behind  Greece  and  Rome,  has  created  a situation  to  which  our 
histories  of  the  ancient  world,  as  they  are  found  in  our  public 
schools,  have  not  yet  adjusted  themselves.  The  habit  of  regard- 
ing ancient  history  as  beginning  with  Greece  has  become  so 
fixed  that  it  is  not  easily  to  be  changed.  Furthermore,  the 
monuments  and  documents  left  us  by  the  ancient  Orient  are 
far  larger  in  extent  than  those  which  we  have  inherited  from 
Greece  and  Rome  together,  and  their  enormous  volume,  to- 
gether with  their  difficult  systems  of  writing,  have  made  it  very 
laborious  to  recover  and  arrange  the  history  of  the  Orient  in 
form  and  language  suitable  for  the  high-school  pupil. 

In  1884  Eduard  Meyer,  the  leading  ancient  historian  of  this 
generation,  in  his  History  of  Antiquity  devoted  six  hundred 
and  nineteen  pages  to  the  Orient.  In  the  third  edition,  still 
unfinished,  which  began  to  appear  in  1913,  the  portion  of 
the  Orient  thus  far  issued  (less  than  half)  occupies  eleven 
hundred  and  fifty  pages.  The  remainder,  still  unpublished, 
will  easily  bring  the  treatment  of  the  Orient  up  to  twenty- 
four  or  Lventy-five  hundred  pages,  that  is,  about  four  times  its 
former  bulk.  A textbook  which  devotes  a brief  fifty-  or  sixty- 
page  introduction  to  the  Orient  and  begins  " real  history  ” with 
the  Greeks  is  not  proportioned  in  accordance  with  modem 
knowledge  of  the  ancient  world. 


VI 


Ancient  Times 


Furthermore,  the  value  of  the  early  oriental  monuments  as 
teaching  material  has  as  yet  hardly  been  discerned.  The  highly 
graphic  pictorial  monuments  and  records  of  the  East,  when 
accompanied  by  proper  explanations,  may  be  made  to  convey 
to  the  young  student  the  meaning  and  character  of  a contem- 
porary historical  source  more  vividly  than  any  body  of  ancient 
records  surviving  elsewhere.  When  adequately  explained,  such 
records  also  serve  to  dispel  that  sense  of  complete  unreality 
which  besets  the  young  person  in  studying  the  career  of  ancient 
man.  These  materials  have  not  been  employed  in  our  schools, 
because  they  have  not  been  available  to  the  teacher  in  the 
current  textbooks. 

Finally,  when  we  recall  that  the  leading  religion  of  the  world  — 
the  one  which  still  dominates  Western  civilization  to-day  — came 
to  us  out  of  the  Orient ; when  we  further  remember  that  before 
it  fell  the  Roman  Empire  was  completely  orientalized,  it  would 
appear  to  be  only  fair  to  our  schools  to  give  them  books  furnish- 
ing an  adequate  treatment  of  pre-Greek  civilization.  This  does 
not  mean  to  question  for  a moment  the  undeniable  supremacy 
of  Greek  culture,  or  to  give  it  any  less  space  than  before.  The 
author  believes  that  no  one  who  reads  the  chapters  on  Greece 
in  this  survey  will  gain  the  impression  that  Hellas  has  been  sac- 
rificed to  Moloch  • — • in  other  words,  to  her  oriental  predecessors. 

The  author  is  convinced  that  the  surviving  monuments  of 
the  entire  ancient  world  can  be  so  visualized  as  to  render  ancient 
history  a very  real  story  even  to  young  students,  and  that  these 
monuments  may  be  made  to  tell  their  own  story  with  great 
vividness.  This  method  he  has  already  introduced  into  the 
ancient-history  chapters  of  Outlines  of  Etiropean  History,  Part  I, 
where  it  has  demonstrated  its  availability.  The  same  method 
has  been  employed  in  illustrating  this  ancient  history.  The 
result  has  been  a book  somewhat  larger  than  the  current  text- 
books on  ancient  history ; but  the  excess  is  due  to  the  series  of 
illustrations.  The  book  actually  contains  a text  of  about  five 
hundred  pages,  with  a " picture  book  ” of  about  two  hundred 


Preface 


vii 

and  fifteen  pages.  Teachers  will  do  well  to  make  the  illustra- 
tions and  accompanying  descriptive  matter  part  of  each  lesson. 
The  references  in  the  te.vt  to  the  illustrations,  and  the  refer- 
ences to  the  text  in  the  descriptive  matter  under  the  illustrations, 
if  noted  and  used,  will  be  found  to  merge  text  and  illustrations 
into  a unified  whole.  It  should  be  noted  that  all  references  to  the 
text  are  by  paragraph  (§)  except  a few  references  by  ” Section.” 

An  elaborate  system  of  maps  has  been  arranged  by  the 
author  for  the  purpose  of  bringing  the  successive  epochs  of 
history-  before  the  pupil  in  terms  of  geography.  The  under- 
lying principle  is  the  arrangement  on  the  same  plate  of  from 
two  to  four  maps  representing  successive  historical  epochs. 
It  is  believed  that  these  composite  maps,  called  by  the  author 
sequence  maps,  will  prove  a powerful  aid  to  the  teacher. 

The  author  has  not  found  it  an  easy  task  to  turn  from 
twenty-five  years  of  research  in  a laboratory  of  ancient  history, 
extending  from  a university  post  in  America  to  the  frontiers 
of  the  oriental  lands,  and  endeavor  to  summarize  for  youthful 
readers  the  facts  now  discernible  in  the  career  of  ancient 
man.  Uryder  these  circumstances  the  experience  of  my'’  friend 
Professor  James  Harvey  Robinson,  who  has  done  so  much  for 
the  study  of  history  in  the  schools  of  America,  has  been 
invaluable.  The  book  owes  a great  deal  to  the  inspiration  of 
his  unflagging  interest  and  the  helpfulness  of  his  long  experi- 
ence in  the  art  of  simplification.  It  may  be  mentioned  here 
that  Professor  Robinson’s  Medieval  and  Moder?!  Times  forms 
the  continuation  of  this  volume  on  ancient  history'.  To  my 
colleague  Professor  C.  F.  Huth  also  I am  indebted  for  careful 
reading  of  the  proofs,  accompanied  by  unfailingly  valuable 
counsel.  To  him,  furthermore,  I owe  the  excellent  bibliography 
of  Greece  and  Rome  at  the  end  of  the  volume.  Mr.  Robert  I. 
Adriance,  head  of  the  history  department  of  the  East  Orange 
high  schools,  has  kindly  read  all  the  proofs.  His  discerning 
criticisms  and  wide  knowledge  have  proved  very  valuable  to  the 
book,  and  his  unfailing  interest  has  been  a great  encouragement. 


Ancient  Times 


viii 

It  will  be  noticed  that  some  of  the  author’s  treatment  of  the 
ancient  world  in  Outlines  of  European  History,  Part  7,  has 
been  retained  here.  These  portions  had  already  been  looked 
over  by  Mr.  A.  F.  Barnard  of  the  University  High  School 
of  Chicago,  and  he  has  also  very  kindly  read  the  proofs  of  the 
remainder  of  the  volume.  The  chapters  on  the  Babylonians 
and  Assyrians  have  been  read  by  Professor  D.  D.  Luckenbill,  and 
that  on  the  Hebrews  by  Professor  J.  M.  Powis  Smith,  and  to  their 
kindness  I am  indebted  for  several  suggestions.  The  sections 
on  early  Christianity  and  the  Church  have  likewise  been  looked 
over  by  my  colleague  Professor  S.  J.  Case.  To  all  these  friends 
and  colleagues  the  author  would  here  express  his  sincere  thanks. 

It  has  been  very  gratifying  to  the  author  to  be  able  to 
include  in  a book  of  this  character  the  six  charming  etchings 
made  expressly  for  the  volume  by  Mr.  George  T.  Plowman. 
To  Mrs.  William  T.  Brewster  he  is  also  indebted  for  the 
beautiful  water  color  of  the  Plain  of  Argos  (Plate  HI).  Besides 
photographs  furnished  by  the  Egyptian  Expedition  of  The  U ni- 
versity  of  Chicago,  many  illustrations  have  been  contributed 
by  foreign  scholars,  to  whom  the  author  would  here  express 
his  thanks,  especially  to  Bissing  (Munich),  Borchardt  (Cairo), 
Dechelette  now  alas ! a sacrifice  of  the  great  war  (Roanne), 
Dorpfeld  (Athens  and  Berlin),  Hoemes  (Vienna),  Koldewey 
(Babylon),  Montelius  (Stockholm),  Schaefer  (Berlin),  Schubart 
(Berlin),  Steindorff  (Leipzig),  and  some  others,  who  have  kindly 
furnished  photographs  and  sketches.  The  author  is  also  espe- 
cially indebted  to  Messrs.  Underwood  & Underwood  for  per- 
mission to  use  their  unrivaled  series  of  Egyptian,  oriental,  and 
Mediterranean  photographs  as  the  basis  for  a number  of 
sketches:  Eigs.  23,  122,  128,  153,  159,  163,  171,  174,  175, 
176,  177,  178,  179,  189,  190,  203,  221,  260.  No  more  vivid 
impressions  of  the  places  and  scenes  where  the  men  of  the 
early  world  lived  and  wrought  can  be  obtained  than  by  the  use 
of  these  photographs  in  stereoscopic  form.  Teachers  who  make 
the  Underwood  stereographs  a part  of  their  equipment  wiU 


Preface 


IX 


find  that  their  teaching  gains  enormously  in  effectiveness.  The 
author  desires  to  thank  also  Mr.  E.  K.  Robinson  of  Ginn  and 
Company,  without  whose  experienced  assistance  and  unfailing 
patience  it  would  have  been  impossible  to  complete  the  unusual 
and  elaborate  illustrative  scheme  of  this  book.  To  the  pub- 
lishers, who  have  unhesitatingly  supported  this  expensive  and 
laborious  illustrative  equipment  and  to  the  remarkably  skillful 
and  efficient  proofreaders  and  printers  who  have  solved  the 
numerous  and  extraordinary  typographical  difficulties  involved 
in  so  large  an  illustrative  scheme,  the  author  would  also  offer 
his  hearty  thanks. 

JAMES  HENRY  BREASTED 


CONTENTS 


PART  I.  THE  EARLIEST  EUROPEANS 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

/L  Early  Mankind  in  Europe 

1.  Earliest  Man’s  Ignorance  and  Progress i 

2.  The  Early  Stone  Age 5 

3.  The  Middle  Stone  Age 9 

4.  The  Late  Stone  Age 14 

PART  11.  THE  ORIENT 

The  Story  of  Egypt:  the  Earliest  Nile-Dwellers 
.AND  THE  Pyramid  Age 

5.  Egypt  and  its  Earliest  Inhabitants 35 

6.  The  Pyramid  Age  (about  3000  to  2500  b.c.) 49 

7.  Art  and  Architecture  in  the  Pyramid  Age 68 

JH.  The  Stora’  of  Egypt  : the  Feudal  Age  and  the  Empire 

8.  The  Nile  Voyage  and  the  Feudal  Age 74 

9.  The  Founding  of  the  Empire 80 

10.  The  Higher  Life  of  the  Empire 86 

11.  The  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Egyptian  Empire  ....  93 

12.  The  Decipherment  of  Egyptian  Writing  by  Champollion  97 

'fv.  Western  Asia;  B.abylonia 

13.  The  Lands  and  Races  of  Western  Asia 100 

14.  Rise  of  Sumerian  Civilization  and  Early  Struggle  of 

Sumerian  and  Semite 107 

15.  The  First  Semitic  Triumph:  the  Age  of  Sargon  . . . 122 

16.  Union  of  Sumerians  and  Semites:  the  Kings  of  Sumer 

and  Akkad 126 

17.  The  Second  Semitic  Triumph:  the  Age  of  Hammurapi 

and  After 128 

V.  The  Assyrians  and  Ch.aldeans 

18.  Early  Assyria  and  her  Rivals 140 

19.  The  Assyrian  Empire  (about  750  to  612  b.c.) 151 

20.  The  Chaldean  Empire : the  Last  Semitic  Empire  . . . 164 

xi 


Ancient  Times 


xii 


CHAPTER 

The  Medo.-Persian  Empire 

21.  The  Indo-European  Peoples  and  their  Dispersion  . . 

22.  The  Aryan  Peoples  and  the  Iranian  Prophet  Zoroaster 

^3.  Rise  of  the  Persian  Empire : Cyrus 

24.  The  Civilization  of  the  Persian  Empire  (about  530 

to  330  B.c.) 

25.  Persian  Documents  and  the  Decipherment  of  Cuneiform 
y 26.  The  Results  of  Persian  Rule  and  its  Religious  Influence 

'"''^VII.  The  Hebrews  and  the  Decline  of  the  Orient 

27.  Palestine  and  the  Predecessors  of  the  Hebrews  there 

28.  The  Settlement  of  the  Hebrews  in  Palestine  and  the 

United  Hebrew  Kingdom 

29.  The  Two  Hebrew  Kingdoms 

30.  The  Destruction  of  the  Hebrew  Kingdoms  by  Assyria 

and  Chaldea 

31.  The  Hebrews  in  Exile  and  their  Deliverance  by  the 

Persians 

^^32.  Decline  of  Oriental  Leadership;  Estimate  of  Oriental 
— Civilization 


PAGE 

171 

176 

179 

182 

189 

194 

197 

200 

206^ 

210 

213 

217 


PART  HI.  THE  GREEKS 

VIII.  The  Dawn  of  European  Civilization  and  the  Rise 


OF  THE  Eastern  Mediterranean  World 

33.  The  Dawn  of  Civilization  in  Europe 221 

34.  The  Aigean  World:  the  Islands 225 

35.  The  ZEgean  World;  the  Mainland 236 

36.  Modern  Discovery  in  the  Northern  Mediterranean  and 

the  Rise  of  an  Eastern  Mediterranean  World  . . . 244 

IX.  The  Greek  Conquest  of  the  AIgean  World 

37.  The  Coming  of  the  Greeks 252 

38.  The  Nomad  Greeks  make  the  Transition  to  the  Settled 

Life 259 


X.  Greek  Civilization  in  the  Age  of  the  Kings 

39.  The  .dEgean  Inheritance  and  the  Spread  of  Phoenician 

Commerce 263 

40.  The  Phoenicians  bring  the  First  Alphabet  to  Europe  270 

41.  Greek  Warriors  and  the  Hero  Songs 273 

42.  The  Beginnings  and  Early  Development  of  Greek 

Religion 276 


Contents 


xiii 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

The  Age  of  the  Nobles  and  Greek  Expansion  in 
THE  Mediterranean 

43.  The  Disappearance  of  the  Kings  and  the  Leadership 

of  the  Nobles 282 

44.  Greek  Expansion  in  the  Age  of  the  Nobles  ....  287 

45.  Greek  Civilization  in  the  Age  of  the  Nobles  ....  290 

XII.  The  Industrial  Revolution  and  the  Age  of  the 
Tyrants 

46.  The  Industrial  and  Commercial  Revolution  ....  295 

47.  Rise  of  the  Democracy  and  the  Age  of  the  Tyrants  . 301 

48.  Civilization  of  the  Age  of  the  Tyrants 307 

^ XIII.  The  Repulse  of  Persia 

49.  The  Coming  of  the  Persians ....  322 

50.  The  Greek  Repulse  of  Persians  and  Phoenicians  . . 328 

/XIV.  The  Growing  Rivalry  between  Athens  and  Sparta, 

AND  the  Rise  of  the  Athenian  Empire 

51.  The  Beginnings  of  the  Rivalry  between  Athens  and 

Sparta 336 

52.  The  Rise  of  the  Athenian  Empire  and  the  Triumph 

of  Democracy 339 

53.  Commercial  Development  and  the  Opening  of  the 

Struggle  between  Athens  and  Sparta 344 

XV.  Athens  in  the  Age  of  Pericles 

54.  Society,  the  Home,  Education  and  Training  of  Young 

Citizens . 350 

55.  Higher  Education,  Science,  and  the  Training  gained 

by  State  Service 357 

56.  Art  and  Literature '. . . 362 

XVI.  The  Struggle  between  Athens  and  Sparta  and 
the  Fall  of  the  Athenian  Empire 

57.  The  Tyranny  of  Athens  and  the  Second  Peloponne- 

sian War 378 

58.  Third  Peloponnesian  War  and  Destruction  of  the 

Athenian  Empire 385 

XVII.  The  Final  Conflicts  among  the  Greek  States 

59.  Spartan  Leadership  and  the  Decline  of  Democracy  . 394 

60.  The  Fall  of  Sparta  and  the  Leadership  of  Thebes  . 402 


XIV 


Ancient  Times 


CHAPTER  PAGE 

XVIII.  The  Higher  Life  of  the  Greeks  from  the  Death 
OF  Pericles  to  the  Fall  of  the  Greek  States 

61.  Architecture,  Sculpture,  and  Painting 406 

62.  Religion,  Literature,  and  Thought 413 

XIX.  Ale.xander  the  Great 

63.  The  Rise  of  Macedonia 425 

64.  Campaigns  of  Alexander  th  Great  .......  429 

65.  International  Policy  of  Alexander : its  Personal  Con- 

sequences   43S 

PART  IV.  THE  MEDITERRANEAN  WORLD  IN  THE 
HELLENISTIC  AGE  AND  THE  ROMAN  REPUBLIC 

XX.  The  Heirs  of  Alexander 

66.  The  Heirs  of  Alexander’s  Empire 445 

67.  The  Decline  of  Greece 450 

XXI.  The  Civilization  of  the  Hellenistic  Age 

68.  Cities,  Architecture,  and  Art 453 

69.  Inventions  and  Science  ; Libraries  and  Literature  . 466 

70.  Education,  Philosophy,  and  Religion 475 

71.  Formation  of  a Hellenistic  World  of  Plellenic-Oriental 

Civilization;  DeclineofCitizenshipandtheCity-State  481 

XXII.  The  Western  Mediterranean  World  and  the 
Roman  Conquest  of  Italy 

72.  The  Western  Mediterranean  World 484 

73.  Earliest  Rome  492 

74.  The  Early  Republic : its  Progress  and  Government  . 499 

75.  The  Expansion  of  the  Roman  Republic  and  the  Con- 

quest of  Italy  51 1 

XXIII.  The  Supremacy  of  the  Roman  Republic  in  Italy 
AND  THE  Rivalry  with  Carthage 

76.  Italy  under  the  Early  Roman  Republic 520 

77.  Rome  and  Carthage  as  Commercial  Rivals  ....  524 

XXIV.  The  Roman  Conquest  of  the  Western  Mediter- 
ranean World 

78.  The  Struggle  with  Carthage  : the  Sicilian  War,  or 

First  Punic  War 533 

79.  The  Hannibalic  War  (Second  Punic  War)  and  the 

Destruction  of  Carthage S3S 


Contents 


XV 


CHAPTER  ■ PAGE 

XXV.  World  Dominion  and  Degeneracy 

50.  The  Roman  Conquest  of  the  Eastern  Mediterranean 

World 549 

51.  Roman  Government  and  Civilization  in  the  Age  of 

Conquest 553 

82.  Degeneration  in  City  and  Country 563 

XXVI.  A Century  of  Revolution  and  the  End  of  the 
Republic 

83.  The  Land  Situation  and  the  Beginning  of  the 

Struggle  between  Senate  and  People 574 

84.  The  Rise  of  One-Man  Power;  Marius  and  Sulla  . 578 

85.  The  Overthrow  of  the  Republic : Pompey  and 

Caesar 584 

86.  The  Triumph  of  Augustus  and  the  End  of  the 

Civil  War 596 

PART  V.  the  ROMAN  EMPIRE 

XXVII.  The  First  of  Two  Centuries  of  Peace:  the  Age 
OF  Augustus  and  the  Successors  of  his  Line 
S7.  The  Rule  of  Augustus  and  the  Beginning  of  Two 

Centuries  of  Peace  (30  B.C.-14  a. D.) 601 

88.  The  Civilization  of  the  Augustan  Age 607 

89.  The  Line  of  Augustus  and  the  End  of  the  First 

Century  of  Peace  (14  .A.D.-68  a.d.) 617 

XXVIII  The  Second  Century  of  Peace  and  the  Civiliza- 
tion of  the  E.ariy  Ro.man  Empire 

90.  The  Emperors  of  the  Second  Century  of  Peace  (be- 

ginning 69  A.D.) ' 625 

91.  The  Civilization  of  the  Early  Roman  Empire:  the 

Provinces 636 

92.  The  Civilization  of  the  Early  Roman  Empire:  Rome  649 

93.  Popularity  of  Oriental  Religions  and  the  Spread  of 

Early  Christianity 659 

94.  The  End  of  the  Second  Century  of  Peace  ....  664 

XXIX.  A Century  of  Revolution  and  the  Division  of 
THE  Empire 

95.  Internal  Decline  of  the  Roman  Empire  ....  667 

96.  A Century  of  Revolution 673 


xvi  Ajicient  Times 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

97.  The  Roman  Empire  an  Oriental  Despotism  ....  677 

98.  The  Division  of  the  Empire  and  the  Triumph  of 

Christianity 682 

XXX.  The  Triumph  of  the  Barbarians  and  the  End  of 
THE  Ancient  World 

99.  The  Barbarian  Invasions  and  the  Fall  of  the  Western 

Empire 688 

100.  The  Triumph  of  the  Roman  Church  and  its  Power 

over  the  Western  Nations 698 

101.  The  Final  Revival  of  the  Orient  and  the  Forerunners 

of  the  Nations  of  Modern  Europe 705 

102.  Retrospect 713 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 717 

index 733 


LIST  OF  COLORED  PLATES 


PLATE  PAGE 

I.  Restoration  of  an  Egyptian  Vase  of  the 

Pyramid  Age.  (After  Borchardt)  . Frontispiece 


II. 

Glazed  Brick  Lion  from  the  Wall  of  Nebu- 
chadnezzar’s Palace.  (After  Koldewey)  . 

164 

III. 

The  Plain  of  Argos  and  the  Sea  viewed 

FROM  the  Castle  of  Tiryns 

278 

IV. 

A Corner  of  the  Parthenon 

378 

V. 

The  Temples  and  Palms  of  Phil^e  .... 

444 

VI. 

Greeks  and  Persians  hunting  Lions  with 
Alexander  the  Great 

468 

VII. 

The  Greek  Theater  at  Taormina,  with  its 
Roman  Additions 

558 

vni. 

One  of  the  Oldest  Surviving  Portrait 
Paintings 

654 

LIST  OF  MAPS 

PAGES 

Map  of  Europe  in  the  Ice  Age 8 

Egypt  and  the  Nile  Valley  to  the  Second  Cataract 36-37 

Egyptian  Thebes 81 

The  Ancient  Oriental  World  and  Neighboring  Europe  before  the 

Rise  of  the  Greeks  102-103 

Map  of  Sumer  and  Akkad,  later  called  Babylonia 106 

Map  of  Nineveh 154 

Map  of  Babylon  in  the  Chaldean  Age 165 

Sequence  Map  showing  Expansion  of  the  Oriental  Empires  for  a 
Thousand  Years  (from  about  1500  to  500  B.c.) 184-185 

I.  Egyptian  Empire  (Fifteenth  Century  B.c.) 

II.  Assyrian  Empire  (Seventh  Century  B.c.) 


III.  Median  and  Chaldean  Empires  (Sixth  Century  b.c.) 

IV.  Persian  Empire  (500  B.c.) 

Palestine  the  Land  of  the  Hebrews 196-197 

Sequence  Map  of  the  Eastern  Mediterranean  World  from  the 
Grand  Age  of  Cretan  Civilization  (about  150011.0.)  to  the  Con- 
quest of  the  3Egean  by  the  Greeks 252-253 

I.  Pre-Greek  Civilization  in  the  Eastern  Mediterranean  World  till 
1500  B.c. 

II.  The  Eastern  Mediterranean  and  the  Greek  Conquest  of  the  TEgean 
World  (1500-1000  B.c.)  and  the  Spread  of  Phoenician  Commerce 
■ after  1200  u.c. 

Greece  in  the  Fifth  Century  b.c 262-263 

Colonial  Expansion  of  the  Greeks  and  Phcenicians  down  to  the 

Sixth  Century  B.C 288-289 

Map  of  the  World  by  Hecatacus  (517  B.c.) 319 

Sequence  Map  showing  Western  Limits  of  the  Persian  Empire 
and  the  Greek  States  from  the  Persian  Wars  (beginning 
490  B.c.)  to  the  Beginning  of  the  Second  Peloponnesian  War 
(431  B.c.)  346-347 

I.  Western  Limits  of  the  Persian  Empire  and  the  Greek  States  in  the 
Persian  Wars  (490-479  B.c.) 

II.  The  Athenian  Empire  and  the  Greek  States  at  the  Opening  of  the 
Second  Peloponnesian  War  (431  B.c.) 


xvni 


List  of  Maps 


XIX 


PAGES 

Central  Greece  and  Athens 3S-“353 

I.  Attica  and  Neighboring  States 

II.  Athens 

Map  of  the  M'orld  according  to  Herodotus 360 

Plan  of  the  Siege  of  Syracuse 3S6 

Plan  of  the  Battle  of  Leuctra  (371  b.c.)  403 

Empire  of  Alexander  the  Great 434-435 

Sequence  Map  showing  the  Three  Empires  of  Alexander’s  Suc- 
cessors from  the  Third  Centur)'  B.c.  to  their  Decline  at  the 
Coming  of  the  Romans  after  200  B.C 450-451 


I.  The  Three  Empires  of  Alexander’s  Successors  in  the  Third  Cen- 
tury B.c. 

11.  The  Three  Empires  of  Alexander’s  Successors  Early  in  the  Second 
Century  B.c. 

Map  of  the  World  according  to  Eratosthenes  (200  B.c.)  ....  472 

Italy  and  Adjacent  Lands  before  the  Supremacy  of  Rome  . 484-485 

Sketch  Map  showing  Four  Rival  Peoples  of  the  M’'estern  Medi- 
terranean : Etruscans,  Italic  Tribes,  Greeks,  and  Carthaginians  489 

Early  Eatium 493 

Map  of  Early  Rome  showing  the  Successive  Stages  of  its  Growth  500 
Four  Sketch  Maps  showing  Expansion  of  Roman  Power  in  Italy  516 

I.  Italy  at  the  Beginning  of  the  Roman  Republic  (about  500  B.c.) 


II.  Roman  Power  during  the  Samnite  Wars  (down  to  300  B.c.) 

III.  Roman  Power  after  the  Samnite  Wars  (ago  B.c.) 

IV.  Roman  Power  after  the  War  with  Pyrrhus  (275  B.c.) 

The  Route  and  Marches  of  Hannibal,  from  218  to  203  B.c.  . . . 538 

Plan  of  the  Battle  of  Cannae ■ 540 

Sequence  Map  showing  the  Expansion  of  the  Roman  Power  from 
the  Beginning  of  the  Wars  with  Carthage  (264  B.c.)  to  the  Death 
of  Caesar  (44  B.c.) 5S2-S53 


I.  Roman  Power  at  the  Beginning  of  the  Wars  with  Carthage 
(264  B.c.) 

II.  Expansion  of  Roman  Power  between  the  Sicilian  and  Hannibalian 
Wars  with  Carthage  (24t-2i8  B.c.) 

III.  Expansion  of  Roman  Power  from  the  End  of  the  Hannibalian  Wars 

to  the  Beginning  of  the  Revolution  (201-133  b.c.) 

IV.  Expansion  of  Roman  Power  from  the  Beginning  of  the  Revolu- 

tion to  the  Death  of  Ctesar  (133-44  B-C-) 


Plan  of  the  Battle  of  Pharsalus 593 

Map  of  Rome  under  the  Emperors  ............  622 


XX 


Ancie^it  Times 


PAGES 

Sequence  Map  showing  Territorial  Gains  and  Losses  of  the 
Roman  Empire  from  the  Death  of  Caesar  (44  B.c.)  to  the  Death 
of  Diocletian  (305  a.d.) 636-637 

I.  Expansion  of  the  Roman  Empire  from  the  Death  of  Caesar  to  the 
End  of  the  Two  Centuries  of  Peace  (44  B.C.-167  A.D.) 

II.  The  Roman  Empire  under  Diocletian  (284-305  a.d.)  showing  the 
Four  Prefectures 

Map. of  the  World  by  the  Astronomer  and  Geographer  Ptolemy 


(Second  Century  A.D.) 657 

The  Roman  Empire  as  organized  by  Diocletian  and  Constan- 
tine   678-679 

Migrations  of  the  Germans 690-691 

Europe  in  the  Time  of  Charlemagne 700-701 

Mohammedan  Conquests  at  their  Greatest  Extent 709 


ANCIENT  TIMES 


PART  I.  THE  EARLIEST  EUROPEANS 


CHAPTER  I 


EARLY  MANKIND  IN  EUROPE 

Section  i.  Earliest  Man’s  Ignorance  and  Progress 


We  all  know  that  our  fathers  and  mothers  never  saw  an 
aeroplane  when  they  were  children,  and  very  few  of  them  had 
ever  seen  an  automobile.  Their  fathers  lived  during  most  of 
their  lives  without  electric  lights  or  telephones  in  their  houses. 
Their  grandfathers,  our  great-grandfathers,  were  obliged  to 
make  all  long  journeys  in  stagecoaches  drawn  by  horses,  and 
some  of  them  died  without  ever  having  seen  a locomotive. 
One  after  another,  as  they  have  been  invented,  such  things 
have  come  and  continue  to  come  into  the  lives  of  men. 

Each  device  grew  out  of  earlier  inventions,  and  each  would 
have  been  impossible  without  the  inventions  which  came  in 
before  it.  Thus,  if  we  went  back  far  enough,  we  would  reach  a 
point  where  no  one  could  build  a stagecoach  or  a wagon,  because 
no  one  had  invented  a wheel  or  tamed  a wild  horse.  Earlier 
still  there  were  no  ships  and  no  travel  or  commerce  by  sea. 
There  were  no  metal  tools,  for  no  one  had  ever  seen  any 
metal.  Without  metal  tools  for  cutting  the  stone  there  could 
be  no  fine  buildings  or  stone  structures.  It  was  impossible  to 
write,  for  no  one  had  invented  writing,  and  so  there  were  no 
books  nor  any  knowledge  of  science.  At  the  same  time  there 
were  no  schools  or  hospitals  or  churches,  and  no  laws  or 
government  This  book  is  intended  to  tell  the  story  of  how 


I.  Man’s 
gradual  in- 
vention and 
acquirement 
of  the  posses- 
sions of  life 


2.  Ancient 
history  a 
story  of 
similar 
achievements 
followed  by 
national 
rivalries 


I 


2 


Ancient  Times 


3.  Man  be- 
gan with 
nothing  and 
with  no  one 
to  teach  him 


4.  Savages 
of  to-day 
show  us  the 
life  of  earliest 
man ; the 
Tasmanians 
and  what 
they  had 
failed  to 
learn 


5.  The 
Tasmanians 
and  what 
they  had 
learned 


mankind  gained  all  these  things  and  built  up  great  nations  which 
struggled  among  themselves  for  leadership,  and  then  weakened 
and  fell.  This  story  forms  what  we  call  ancient  history. 

If  we  go  back  far  enough  in  the  story  of  man,  we  reach  a 
time  when  he  possessed  nothing  whatever  but  his  hands  with 
which  to  protect  himself,  satisfy  his  hunger,  and  meet  all  his 
other  needs.  He  must  have  been  without  speech  and  unable 
even  to  build  a fire.  There  was  no  one  to  teach  him  anything. 
The  earliest  men  who  began  in  this  situation  had  to  learn 
everything  for  themselves  by  slow  experience  and  long  effort, 
and  every  tool,  however  simple,  had  to  be  invented. 

People  so  completely  uncivilized  as  the  earliest  men  must 
have  been,  no  longer  exist  on  earth.  Nevertheless,  the  lowest 
savage  tribes  found  by  explorers  at  the  present  day  are  still 
leading  a life  very  much  like  that  of  our  early  ancestors. 
For  example,  the  Tasmanians,  the  people  whom  the  English 
found  on  the  island  of  Tasmania  a century  or  so  ago,  wore 
no  clothing;  they  had  not  learned  how  to  build  a roofed  hut; 
they  did  not  know  how  to  make  a bow  and  arrows,  nor  even 
to  fish.  They  had  no  goats,  sheep,  or  cows ; no  horses,  not 
even  a dog.  They  had  never  heard  of  sowing  seed  nor  rais- 
ing a crop  of  any  kind.  They  did  not  know  that  clay  would 
harden  in  the  fire,  and  so  they  had  no  pottery  jars,  jugs,  or 
dishes  for  food. 

Naked  and  houseless,  the  Tasmanians  had  learned  to  satisfy 
only  a very  few  of  man’s  needs.  Yet  that  which  they  had 
learned  had  carried  them  a long  way  beyond  the  earliest 
men.  They  could  kindle  a fire,  which  kept  them  warm  in 
cold  weather,  and  over  it  they  cooked  their  meat.  They  had 
learned  to  construct  very  good  wooden  spears,  though  without 
metal  tips,  for  they  had  never  heard  of  metal.  These  spears, 
tipped  with  stone,  they  could  throw  with  great  accuracy,  and 
thus  bring  down  the  game  they  needed  for  food,  or  drive  away 
their  human  bnemies.  They  would  take  a flat  stone  and,  by 
chipping  off  the  edges  to  thin  them,  they  could  make  a rude 


'Early  Mankind  in  Europe 


3 


rope  which  formed  the 
home  of  these  earliest 
men  was  very  differ- 
ent from  what  it  is  to- 


knife  with  which  to  skin  and  cut  up  the  game  they  killed. 
They  were  also  very  deft  in  weaving  cups,  vessels,  and  baskets 
of  bark  fiber.  Above  all,  they  had  a simple  language,  with 
words  for  all  the  ordinary  things  they  used  and  did  every  day. 

It  was  only  after  sev- 
eral hundred  thousand 
years  of  savage  life  and 
slow  progress  that  the 
earliest  prehistoric  men 
of  Europe  reached  and 
passed  beyond  a stage 
of  savagery  like  that 
of  the  Tasmanians  just 
described.  The  Eu- 


day.  In  the  shadow 
of  the  lofty  primeval 
forests  which  fringed 
the  streams  and  clothed 
the  wide  plains,  the 
ponderous  hippopota- 
mus wallowed  along 
the  shores  of  the  Euro- 
pean rivers.  The  fierce 
rhinoceros,  with  a horn 
three  feet  in  length, 
charged  through  the 
heavy  tropical  growth  on  their  banks,  and  vast  elepha  its,  with 
shaggy  hair  two  feet  long  (Eig.  lo,  y),  wandered  through  the 
jungles  behind.  Myriads  of  bison  and  wild  horses  grazed  on  the 
uplands,  and  the  broken  glades  sheltered  numerous  herds  of 
deer.  A moist  atmosphere,  warm  and  enervating,  vibrant  with 


Fig.  I.  Fire-making  without 
Matches,  by  Modern  Natives 
OF  Australia 

The  outfit  is  very  simple,  consisting  merely 
of  a round,  dry  stick  placed  upright  with 
the  lower  end  in  a hole  in  a dry  tree-trunk 
lying  on  the  ground.  By  turning  the  stick 
rapidly  between  both  hands  the  friction 
finally  generates  sufficient  heat  to  produce 
flame  (§  8) 


6.  Prehis- 
toric Europe; 
its  climate 
and  animals 


4 


Ancient  Times 


7.  Life  and 
haunts  of  the 
earliest  Euro- 
pean ; his 
■wooden 
■weapons  and 
tools 


the  notes  of  many  tropical  birds,  pervaded  this  prehistoric 
European  wilderness  stretching  far  across  Europe. 

With  nothing  to 
cover  his  naked- 
ness, the  early  sav- 
age of  Europe 
roamed  stealthily 
through  these  trop- 
ical forests,  seek- 
ing his  daily  food 
among  the  roots, 
seeds,  and  wild 
fruits  wherever  he 
could  find  them, 
and  listening  with 
keen  and  eager  ear 
for  the  sound  of 


Fig.  2.  A Group  of  North  American 
Indians  making  Flint  Weapons.  (After 
Holmes) 

The  farthest  Indian  is  prying  loose  a large 
flint  stone.  This  is  the  raw  material,  which  is 
then  taken  by  the  middle  Indian,  who  crashes 
it  down  upon  a rock  and  shatters  it  into  frag- 
ments. One  of  these  fragments  is  then  taken 
by  the  nearest  Indian,  who  holds  it  in  his  left 
hand  while  he  strikes  it  with  a stone  in  his 
right  hand.  These  blows  flake  off  pieces  of 
flint,  and  the  Indian  is  so  skillful  that  he  can 
thus  shape  a flint  hatchet.  This  process  of  shap- 
ing the  flint  by  blows  (that  is,  by  percussion) 
was  the  earliest  and  rudest  method  and  pro- 
duced the  roughest  stone  tools.  In  the  course 
of  thousands  of  years  two  improvements  fol- 
lowed— chipping  the  edge  hy  pressure  (Fig.  5) 
and  sharpening  the  edge  hy  grinding  (Fig.  16,  y) 


small  game  which 
he  rnight  be  able 
to  lay  low  with  his 
rough  wooden  club. 
Doubtless  he  often 
fled  in  terror  as  he 
felt  the  thunderous 
tread  of  the  giant 
animals  of  the  for- 
est or  caught  dim 
glimpses  of  colossal 
elephants  plunging 
through  the  deep 
vistas  of  the  jungle. 
At  night  the  hunter 


slept  wherever  the 
game  had  led  him,  after  cutting  up  the  flesh  of  his  prey  with 
a wooden  knife  and  devouring  it  raw.  Not  knowing  how  to 


Early  Mankind  in  Europe 


5 


make  a fire  to  ward  off  the  savage  beasts,  he  lay  trembling  in 
the  darkness  at  the  roar  of  the  mighty  saber-tooth  tiger. 

At  length,  however,  he  learned  to  know  fire,  perhaps  finding 
it  in  his  jungle  haunts  when  the  lightning  kindled  a forest  fire, 
or  fearing  it  from  afar  as  he  viewed  the  terrible  volcanoes 
along  the  Mediterranean.  It  was  a great  step  forward  when  he 
at  last  learned  to  produce  it  himself  with  his  whirl-stick  (Fig.  i). 
He  could  then  cook  his  food,  warm  his  body,  and  harden  the 
tip  of  his  wooden  spear  in  the  fire.  But  his  dull  wooden  knife 
he  could  not  harden,  and  he  sometimes  found  a broken  stone 
and  used  its  ragged  edge.  When  he  learned  to  shape  the  stone 
to  suit  his  needs  (Fig.  2),  and  thus  to  produce  a rude  tool  or 
weapon,  he  entered  what  we  now  call  the  Stone  Age,  more 
than  fifty  thousand  years  ago. 

From  this  point  on  we  can  hold  in  our  hands  the  very  stone 
tools  and  implements  with  which  early  men  maintained  them- 
selves in  their  long  struggle  to  survive.  /By  the  long  trail  of 
stone  implements  which  they  left  behind  them  we  can  follow 
them  and  tell  just  how  far  they  had  advanced  in  the  succes- 
sive stages  of  their  upward  career;  for  these  stages  are  re- 
vealed to  us  by  their  increasing  skill  in  working  stone  and  in 
othe'r  industries  which  they  gradually  learned  We  can  dis- 
tinguish, in  the  examples  of  their  handiwork  which  still  survive, 
three  successive  ages,  which  we  may  call  the  Early  Stone  Age, 
the  Middle  Stone  Age,  and  the  Late  Stone  Age.  Let  us  now 
observe  man’s  progress  through  these-  three  ages,  one  after 
the  other. 

Section  2.  The  Early  Stone  Age 

Until  a short  time  ago  it  was  supposed  that  human  history 
was  comparatively  brief.  Moreover,  everj^one  took  it  for 
granted  that  the  earlier  period  of  man’s  past  had  left  no  sur- 
viving traces.  An  old  letter  written  in  London  two  hundred 
years  ago  (1714)  tells  how  a certain  apothecary  discovered 
the  bones  of  an  elephant  in  a gravel-pit  near  London,  and,  near 


8.  Man 
learns  to 
kindle  fire 
and  use  stone 


9.  Career  of 
early  man 
traceable  in 
surviving 
stone  imple- 
ments and 
other  works 
of  his  hands 


10.  Modem 
ignorance  of 
man’s  vast 
age  until 
fifty  years 
ago 


6 


Ajicicnt  Times 


II.  The 
Early  Stone 
Age  hunter 
and  his  fist- 
hatchet 


Fig.  3.  A Flixt  Fist- 
hatchet  OF  THE  Early 


Stone  Age 

Rough  flint  flakes  older  than 
the  flst-hatchet  still  survive 
to  show  us  man’s  earliest 
efforts  at  shaping  stone. 
But  the  fist-hatchet  is  the 
earliest  well-finished  type 
of  tool  produced  by  man. 
The  original  is  about  9 
inches  long,  and  the  draw 
ing  reduces  it  to  less  than 
one  third.  Either  end  might 
be  used  as  the  cutting  edge, 
but  it  was  usually  grasped 
in  the  fist  by  the  narrower 
part,  and  never  had  any 
handle.  Handles  of  wood 
or  horn  do  not  appear  until 
much  later  (cf.  Fig.  16,  ^-5). 
Traces  of  use  and  wear  are 
sometimes  found  on  such 
fist-hatchets 


by,  the  flint  head  of  a spear.  Al- 
though this  letter  was  soon  after- 
ward published,  with  a drawing  of 
the  spearhead,  no  attention  was  paid 
to  it  and  it  was  quickly  forgotten. 
For  over  a century  similar  discov- 
eries. both  in  England  and  on  the 
Continent,  met  with  the  same  fate. 
It  was  not  until  some  fifty  years- 
ago,  after  the  evidence  had  been 
available  for  a century  and  a half, 
that  the  eyes  of  scientific  men  were 
at  last  opened  to  the  fact  of  the 
enormously  long  sojourn  of  man 
upon  the  earth. 

Long-continued  excavations,  es- 
pecially in  France,  have  furnished 
thousands  of  stone  tools  which  re- 
veal to  us  the  progress  of  the  Early 
Stone  Age  hunter  after  he  had  found 
that  he  could  chip  stones.  By  study- 
ing the  collections  of  such  stone  tools 
now  in  the  museums  of  Europe  we 
can  see  how  the  early  man  gradually 
outgrew  a variety  of  rudely  chipped 
stones  and  finally  produced  a suc- 
cessful stone  implement  (Eig.  3). 
This  he  used  for  almost  everything. 
It  was  from  eight  to  ten  inches  long, 
narrow  above  and  wider  below,  and 
sufficiently  sharp  to  enable  him  to 
cut  the  roots  and  branches  which  he 
used  for  food,  to  shape  his  wooden 
fire-kindling  outfit  (Fig.  1),  and  to 
hew  out  his  heavy  wooden  club. 


Early  Mankind  in  Europe 


7 


This  stone  implement  we  call  a " fist-hatchet,”  because  it  was 
grasped  in  the  fist,  usually  by  the  narrow  end,  for  the  hunter 
had  not  yet  discovered  how  to  attach  a handle.  These  fist- 
hatchets  have  been  found  in  many  places  in  Europe  as  well 
as  in  other  parts  of  the  world.  It  is  the  earliest  widely  made 
and  used  human  device  which  has  survived  to  our  day. 

Perishing  probably  in  great  numbers,  as  his  hazardous  life 
went  on,  this  savage  hunter  of  prehistoric  Europe  continued 
for  thousands  of  years  the  uncertain  struggle  for  survival.  He 
slowly  improved  his  rough  stone  fist-hatchet,  and  he  probably 
learned  to  make  additional  implements  of  wood,  but  these  have 
of  course  rotted  and  perished,  so  that  we  know  nothing  of 
them.  Of  all  the  later  possessions  of  man  he  had  not  yet  one. 
The  wide  grainfields  and  the  populous  and  prosperous  com- 
munities of  later  Europe  were  still  many  thousands  of  years 
distant,  in  a future  which  it  was  even  more  impossible  for 
him  to  foresee  than  our  own  now  is  for  us.  Single-handed  he 
waged  war  upon  all  animals.  There  was  not  a beast  which 
was  not  his  foe.  There  was  as  yet  no  dog,  no  sheep  or  fowl, 
to  which  he  might  stretch  out  a kindly  hand.  The  ancestor  of 
the  modem  dog  was  then  either  the  jackal  or  the  fierce  wolf  of 
the  forest,  leaping  upon  the  primitive  hunter  unawares,  and 
those  beasts  which  were  the  ancestors  of  our  modern  domestic 
animals  were  either  not  yet  in  existence  in  Europe  or,  like  the 
horse,  still  wandered  the  forests  in  a wild  state  (cf.  Fig.  12). 

At  length  the  Early  Stone  Age  hunter  began  to  notice  that 
the  air  of  his  forest  home  was  losing  its  tropical  warmth. 
Geologists  have  not  yet  found  out  why,  but  the  climate  grew 
colder,  and,  as  the  ages  passed,  the  ice,  which  all  the  year  round 
still  overlies  the  region  of  the  North  Pole  and  the  summits  of 
the  Alps,  began  to  descend.  The  northern  ice  crept  farther  and 
farther  southward  until  it  covered  England  as  far  south  as  the 
Thames.  The  glaciers  of  the  Alps  moved  down  the  Rhone 
valley  as  far  as  the  spot  where  now  the  city  of  Lyons  stands 
(see  map,  p.  8).  On  our  own  continent  of  North  America 


12.  Limita- 
tions of 
Early  Stone 
Age  man 


13.  Coming 
of  the  ice 


1st  X Descent  2d 
Warm  \ of  the  / Warm 
Interval  Interval 

Human  bones  fouttd  as  dee-p  as 
80 feet  below  the  surface 
of  the  earth 


Fourth  

Descent  /4th 
of  the  / Warm 


/ Interval 

Interval 

First 

Stone 

Tools 

Early 

Stone 

Age 

Middle 

Stone 

Age 

Late 

Stone 

o o 

o 

Not  less  than  50,000  years 


Sketch  Map  of  Europe  in  the  Ice  Age  and  Diagram 
SHOWING  Four  Successive  Descents  of  the  Ice 


• During  the  Ice  Age  the  ice  advanced  and  retreated  four  times;  that 
is,  there  were  four  periods  of  cold,  each  followed  by  a long  interval  of 
warmth.  These  periods  of  cold  and  warmth  are  indicated  by  the  fall- 
ing (cold)  and  the  rising  (warmth)  of  the  wavy  line  in  the  diagram.  We 
are  now  living  in  the  fourth  warm  interval.  It  is  clear  that  prehistoric 
men  began  to  make  fist-hatchets  in  one  of  the  warm  intervals ; but  it 
has  been  very  difficult  for  geologists  and  archaeologists  to  find  oxAwhich 
warm  interval.  Some  think  that  it  was  the  second,  and  if  so,  then  men 
began  making  stone  tools  at  least  two  hundred  thousand  years  ago. 
Most  investigators,  however,  now  believe  that  stone  toolmaking  be-» 
gan  early  in  the  third  warm  interval ; that  is,  the  warm  interval  pre- 
ceding the  last  advance  of  the  ice.  In  this  case  stone  toolmaking  may 
have  begun  as  late  as  fifty  thousand  years  before  Christ.  But  Professor 
Henry  Fairfield  Osborn,  in  his  valuable  volume  Meti  of  the  Old  Stone  Age^ 
accepts  a date  over  one  hundred  and  twenty-five  thousand  years  ago  for 
the  earliest  stone  tools,  which  he  also  places  in  the  third  warm  interval 

8 


Early  Mankind  in  Etirope 


9 


the  southern  edge  of  the  ice  is  marked  by  lines  of  bowlders  car- 
ried and  left  there  by  the  ice.  Such  lines  of  bowlders  are  found, 
for  example,  as  far  south  as  Long  Island,  and  westward  along 
the  valleys  of  the  Ohio  and  Missouri. 

The  hunter  saw  the  glittering  blue  masses  of  glacier  ice,  with 
their  crown  of  snow,  pushing  through  the  green  of  his  forest 
abode  and  crushing  down  vast  trees  in  many  a sheltered  glen  or 
favorite  hunting-ground.  Many  of  the  animals  familiar  to  him  re- 
treated to  the  warmer  South,  and  he  was  forced  gradually  to  ac- 
custom himself  to  a cold  climate.  This  change  ended  the  Early 
Stone  Age,  but  the  rude  fist-hatchet  of  its  hunters,  and  the  bones 
of  the  huge  animals  they  slew,  were  sometimes  left  lying  side 
by  side  in  the  sand  and  gravel  far  up  on  the  valley  slopes  where 
in  these  prehistoric  ages  the  rivers  of  France  once  flowed, 
before  their  deep  modem  beds  had  been  eroded.  And  as  these 
long-buried  relics  are  brought  forth  to-day,  they  tell  us  the  fas- 
cinating story  of  man’s  earliest  progress  in  gaining  control  of 
the  world  about  him.  The  coming  of  the  ice,  strange  as  it  may 
seem,  brought  with  it  a new  period  of  progress,  which  we  call 
the  Middle  Stone  Age. 

Section  3.  The  Middle  Stone  Age 

Unable  to  build  himself  a shelter  from  the  cold,  the  hunter 
took  refuge  in  the  limestone  caves  (Fig.  4),  where  he  and  his 
descendants  continued  to  live  for  thousands  of  years.  We  can 
imagine  him  at  the  door  of  his  cave,  carefully  chipping  off  the 
edge  of  his  flint  tools.  He  has  left  the  rude  old  fist-hatchet  far 
behind,  for  the  hunter  has  finally  discovered  that  by  pressure  with 
a hard  piece  of  bone  he  can  chip  off  a line  of  fine  flakes  along 
the  edge  of  his  flint  tool  and  thus  produce  a much  finer  cutting 
edge  (Fig.  5)  than  by  chipping  with  blows  (or  percussion),  as 
he  formerly  did.  This  discovery  enabled  him  to  produce  a con- 
siderable variety  of  flint  tools  — chisels,  drills  and  hammers, 
polishers  and  scrapers  (Fig.  5).  The  new  /rm?/r^-chipped  edges 


14.  The  end 
of  the  Early 
Stone  Age 


15.  The  in- 
dustries of 
Middle  Stone 
Age  man;  the 
new  pressure- 
chipped 
edge,  and  in- 
troduction of 
bone  and 
ivory  imple- 
ments 


l6.  The  Mid- 
dle Stone 
Age  hunter’s 
new  weapons 
and  skin 
clothing 


I o A ncien  t T lines 

were  sharp  enough  to  cut  and  shape  even  bone,  ivory,  and 
especially  reindeer  horn.  The  mammoth  (Fig.  lo,  y)  furnished 
the  hunter  with  ivory,  and  when  he  needed  horn  he  found 
great  herds  of  reindeer,^  driven  southward  by  the  ice,  grazing 
before  the  entrance  of  his  cavern  (Fig.  lo,  j-j). 


Fig.  4.  Cliffs  in  the  South  of  France  containing  Caverns 
INHABITED  BY  MIDDLE  StONE  AgE  MAN 

This  district  is  filled  with  remains  of  Middle  Stone  Age  man.  The 
dark  opening  at  A is  the  entrance  to  a famous  cavern  (called  Foni-ck- 
GaiC7ne)  containing  the  finest  wall  paintings  (§  18)  of  the  Middle  Stone 
Age  surviving  in  France.  They  are  surpassed  only  by  those  of  Altamira, 
Spain.  On  the  floor  are  layers  of  rubbish  containing  human  remains, 
as  in  Fig.  9.  (Drawn  from  a photograph  by  Professor  Osborn) 

Equipped  with  his  new  and  keener  tools,  the  hunter  worked 
out  barbed  ivory  spear-points,  which  he  mounted  with  long 
wooden  shafts.  He  also  discovered  the  bow  and  arrows,  and 
he  carried  at  his  girdle  a sharp  flint  dagger.  For  straightening 
his  wooden  spear-shafts  and  arrows  he  invented  an  ingenious 
shaft-straightener  of  reindeer  horn.  Another  clever  device  of 

1 The  reindeer  was  so  plentiful  in  this  age  that  French  archaeologists  often 
call  it  the  " Reindeer  Age.” 


Early  Mankind  in  Eiirope 


II 


hom  or  ivory  was  his  new  throwing-stick,  by  which  he  could 
hurl  his  long  spear  much  farther  and  with  greater  power 
(Figs.  6 and  7) 
than  he  could  be- 
fore. Fine  ivory 
needles  (Fig.  8) 
show  that  the 
hunter  now  pro- 
tected Irimself  from 
cold,  and  from  the 
brambles  of  the 
forest  wilderness 
with  clothing  made 
by  sewing  together 
the  skins  of  the 
animals  he  slew. 

Thus  equipped, 
the  hunter  of  the 
Middle  Stone  Age 
was  a much  more 
dangerous  foe  of 
the  wild  creatures 
than  were  his  an- 
cestors of  the  Early 
Stone  Age.  In  a 
single  cavern  in 
Sicily  modem  ar- 
chaeologists have 
dug  out  the  bones 
of  no  less  than  two 
thousand  hippo- 
potamuses which 
these  Middle  Stone  Age  hunters  killed.  In  France  one  group 
of  such  men  slew  so  many  wild  horses  (Fig.  1.0,6)  for  food  that 
the  bones  which  they  tossed  about  their  camp  fires  gathered 


Fig.  5. 


Flint  Tools  and  Weapons 
THE  Middle  Stone  Age 


OF 


From  right  to  left  they  include  knives,  spear- 
and  arrow-points,  scrapers,  drills,  and  various 
edged  tools.  They  show  great  skill  and  preci- 
sion in  flaking.  The  fine  edges  have  all  been 
produced  by  chipping  off  a line  of  flakes  along 
the  margin,  seen  especially  in  the  long  piece  at 
the  right.  This  chipping  is  done  by  pressure. 
The  brittleness  of  flint  is  such  that  if  a hard 
piece  of  bone  is  pressed  firmly  against  a flint 
edge,  a flake  of  flint,  often  reaching  far  back 
from  the  edge,  will  snap  off  in  response  to 
increasing  pressure.  This  was  a great  im- 
provement over  the  earliest  method  by  striking 
(perc7tssion.  Figs.  2 and  3) 


17.  Life  of 
the  Middle 
Stone  Age 
hunter 


12 


Ancient  Times 


in  masses  forming  a layer  in  some  places  six  feet  thick  and 
covering  a space  about  equal  to  four  modern  city  lots  of 
fifty  by  two  hundred  feet.  Among  such  deposits  excavators 
have  found  even  the  bone  whistle  with  which  the  returning 
hunter  announced  his  coming  to  the  hungry  family  waiting 
in  the  cave  (Fig.  4).  On  his  arrival  there  he  found  his  home 
surrounded  by  revolting  piles  of  garbage.  Amid  foul  odors 


Fig.  6.  Modern  Eskimo  Native  hurling  a Spear  with  a 
T hrowing-Stick 

The  spear  lies  in  a channel  in  the  throwing-stick  (a),  which  the  hunter 
grasps  at  one  end.  At  the  outer  end  {b)  of  the  throwing-stick  is  a hook 
(cf.  Fig.  7,  B)  against  which  the  butt  of  the  spear  lies,  and  as  the  hunter 
throws  forward  his  arm,  retaining  the  throwing-stick  in  his  hand  and 
allowing  the  spear  to  go,  the  throwing-stick  acts  like  an  elongation  of 
his  arm,  giving  great  sweep  and  propelling  power  as  the  spear  is  dis- 
charged. Modern  schoolboys  would  not  find  it  hard  to  make  and  use 
such  a throwing-stick  (see  § 16) 


18.  Discov- 
ery of  Middle 
Stone  Age 
art  — carv- 
ings, draw- 
ings, and 
paintings 


of  decaying  flesh  this  savage  European  crept  into  his  cave- 
dwelling at  night,  little  realizing  that,  many  feet  beneath  the 
cavern  floor  on  which  he  slept,  lay  the  remains  of  his  ancestors 
in  layer  upon  layer,  the  accumulations  of  thousands  of  years 
(Fig.  9)- 

It  is  not  a little  astonishing  to  find  that  these  Middle  Stone 
Age  hunters  could  already  carve  (Fig.  7),  draw  (Fig.  10),  and 
even  paint  with  considerable  skill.  A Spanish  nobleman,  in- 
vestigating a cavern  on  his  estate  in  Northern  Spain,  was  at 
one  time  digging  among  the  accumulations  on  the  floor  of  the 


Early  Mankind  in  Europe 


13 


cave,  where  he  found  flint  and  bone  im- 
plements, when  his  little  daughter,  who 
was  playing  about  in  the  gloom  of 
the  cavern,  suddenly  shouted,  “ Toros ! 
toros  ! ” (“  Bulls  I bulls  ! ”).  At  the  same 
time  she  pointed  to  the  ceiling.  The 
startled  father,  looking  up,  beheld  a 
never-to-be-forgotten  sight  which  at  once 
interrupted  his  flint-digging.  In  a long 
line  stretching  far  across  the  ceiling  of 
the  cavern  was  a vast  procession  of 
bison  bulls  painted  in  well-preserved  col- 
ors on  the  rock.  For  at  least  ten  thou- 
sand years  no  human  eye  had  beheld 
these  cave  pamtings  of  a vanished  race 
of  prehistoric  men,  tiU  the  eye  of  a child 
rediscovered  them. 

Other  evidences  of  higher  life  among 
these  early  men  are  few  indeed.  Never- 
theless, even  these  ancient  men  of  the 
Middle  Stone  Age  believed  in  divine 
beings ; they  already  had  a crude  idea 
of  the  life  of  the  soul,  or  of  the  de- 
parted person  after  death.  Dressed  in 
his  customary  ornaments,  equipped  at 
least  with  a few  flint  implements,  and 
protected  by  a rough  circle  of  stones, 
the  departed  hunter  was  buried  in  the 
cave  beneath  the  hearth  where  he  had 
so  often  shared  the  results  of  the  hunt 
with  his  family.  Here  the  bodies  of 
these  primitive  men  are  found  at  the 
present  day,  lying  in  successive  strata 
of  refuse  which  continued  to  collect  for 
ages,  the  lowest  bodies  sometimes  far 


Fig.  7.  A Throwing- 
Stick  ONCE  USED  BY 
A Hunter  of  the 
Middle  Stone  Age 

Two  views  of  the  same 
stick,  seen  from  front 
{A)  and  side  (B).  It  is 
carved  of  reindeer  horn 
to  represent  the  head 
and  forelegs  of  an  ibex. 
Observe  hook  at  the  top 
of  .5  for  holding  the  butt 
of  the  spear-shaft,  as  in 
Fig.  6.  The  throwing- 
stick  and  the  bow  were 
man’s  earliest  devices 
for  propelling  his  weap- 
ons with  speed 


19.  Religion 
and  life  here 
after,  in  the 
Middle  Stone 
Age 


Ancient  Times 


14 


20.  Retreat 
of  the  ice ; 
dawn  of  the 
Late  Stone 
Age 


down  at  the  bottom  of  the  deep  accumulations  which  gathered 
over  them  (Fig.  9). 

The  signs  left  by  the  ice,  and  still  observable  in  Europe,  would 
lead  us  to  think  that  it  slowly  withdrew  northward  to  its  present 
latitude  probably  not  less  than  some  ten  thousand  years  ago. 
The  retreat  of  the  ice  was  due  to  the  fact  that  the  climate 
again  grew  warmer  and  became  what  it  is  to-day.  At  this 
point,  therefore,  the  men  of  the  Middle  Stone  Age,  whose  story 

we  have  been  follow- 
ing in  France,  entered 
upon  natural  conditions 
in  Europe  like  those 
of  to-day.  They  had, 
meantime,  maintained 
steady  progress  in  the 
production  of  tools  and 
implements  with  which 
to  carry  on  their  strug- 
gle for  existence  and 
to  wring  subsistence 
from  the  world  around  them.  That  progress  now  carried  man 
into  the  third  great  period  of  the  Stone  Age,  which  we  may 
call  the  Late  Stone  Age.^ 


Fig.  8.  Ivory  Needle  of  the 
Middle  Stone  Age 

Such  needles  are  found  still  surviving  in 
the  rubbish  in  the  French  caverns,  where 
the  wives  of  the  prehistoric  hunters  lost 
them  and  failed  to  find  them  again  twenty 
thousand  years  ago.  They  show  that  these 
women  were  already  sewing  together  the 
skins  of  wild  animals  as  clothing 


Section  4.  The  Late  Stone  Age 

21.  Distribu-  The  Late  Stone  Age  remains  of  man’s  life  are  discovered 
in^r°e^mainT"  widely  distributed  throughout  a large  part  of  Europe.  In  our 

of  Late  Stone  study  of  such  remains  we  must  regard  Europe  as  a whole. 
Age  man  m . ! . . 

Europe  and  not  confine  ourselves  to  France  and  its  vicinity,  as  here- 
tofore. Especially  beside  watercourses,  lakes,  and  inlets  of  the 


1 The  Stone  Age  periods  are  as  follows : 

Early  Stone  Age  (stone  edge  made  by  striking,  or  peraissiim) 
Middle  Stone  Age  (chipped  stone  edge  made  by  pressure) 

l4ite  Stone  Age  (stone  edge  made  by  gritiding) 


Called  Paleolithic  Age 
by  archteologists. 
Called  Neolithic  Age  by 
archaeologists. 


Fig.  9.  A Cross  Section  showing  the  Layers  of  Rubbish 
AND  THE  Human  Remains  in  a Middle  Stone  Age  Cavern 
(After  DSichelette) 

This  cavern  is  at  Grimaldi  on  the  Italian  coast  of  the  Mediterranean, 
just  outside  of  France.  The  entrance  is  at  the  left  and  the  back  wall 
at  the  right.  We  see  the  original  rock  floor  at  the  bottom,  and  above 
it  the  layers  of  accumulations,  30  feet  deep  (§  17).  The  black  lines  A 
to  I represent  layers  of  ashes,  etc.,  the  remains  of  nine  successive 
hearth-fires,  each  of  which  must  have  been  kept  going  by  the  natives 
for  many  years.  The  thicker  (lightly  shaded)  layers  consisted  of  bones 
of  animals,  rubbish,  and  rocks  which  had  fallen  from  the  roof  of  the 
cavern  in  the  course  of  ages.  The  lowermost  layers  (below  /)  con- 
tained bones  of  the  rhinoceros  (representing  a warm  climate),  while  the 
uppermost  layers  contained  bones  of  the  reindeer  (indicating  a cold 
climate).  Two  periods,  the  Early  and  the  Middle  Stone  Age,  are  thus 
represented ; the  Early  Stone  Age  below,  the  Middle  Stone  Age  (or 
Reindeer  Age,  § 15)  above.  Five  burials  were  found  by  the  excavators 
in  the  layers  B,  C,  H,  and  /;  layer  C contained  the  bodies  of  two 
children.  The  lowermost  burial  (in  7)  was  25  feet  below  the  surface  of 
the  accumulations  in  the  cave.  Such  prehistoric  skulls  and  bones  show 
that  several  different  races  followed  each  other  in  Europe  during  the 
Stone  Age.  The  space  required  and  the  difficulties  involved  in  their 
discussion  have  compelled  their  omission  in  this  volume.  Hence  the 
successive  culture  stages  have  been  presented  without  reference  to  race 

IS 


Fig.  10.  Carvings  in  Ivory  (i  and  3-7)  and  in  Stone  of 
Cavern  Walls  (2),  made  by  the  Hunters  of  the  Middle 
Stone  Age 

The  oldest  works  of  art  by  man,  made  ten  or  fifteen  thousand  years  ago. 
I,  reindeer  and  salmon  — hunter’s  and  fisherman’s  talisman  ; 2,  bison 
bull  at  bay ; grazing  reindeer ; running  reindeer ; 5,  head  of  woman, 

front  view  and  profile  ; 6,  head  of  wild  horse  whinnying ; 7,  mammoth, 
showing  huge  tusks  and  long  hair — ■ an  animal  long  since  extinct 

16 


Early  Mankind  in  Eiirope 


17 


sea  these  early  communities  throughout  most  of  Europe  located 


their  settlements.  It  is,  however,  impossible  to  determine  the 
different  races  and  peoples  in  various  parts  of  Europe  in  the 
Late  Stone  Age. 

The  earliest  of  such  Late  Stone 
Age  settlements  are  found  on  the 
shores  of  Denmark,  where  the 
wattle  huts  (Eig.  1 1)  of  the  prehis- 
toric Norsemen  stretched  in  strag- 
gling lines  far  along  the  sea  beach. 

\\"e  do  not  know  the  race  of  these 


earliest  Norsemen,  but  we  can  see 
that  they  were  both  fishermen  and 
hunters.  They  already  possessed 
rude  boats  from  which  they  were 
able  to  secure  myriads  of  oysters 
near  the  shore,  or  even  to  push 
timidly  out  into  deep  water  for 
other  shellfish.  On  shore  the 
hunter  followed  the  wild  boar  and 
the  wild  bull  (Eig.  r2)  in  the  neigh- 
boring forests,  and  brought  down 
the  waterfowl  in  the  marshes.  The 
air  was  keen  — possibly  a little 
colder  than  now.  On  their  return 
at  twilight  the  hunters  and  fisher- 
men, crouching  about  the  fire,  de- 
voured their  prey,  tossing  aside 
the  oyster  shells  and  the  bones  of 
deer  and  wild  boar,  which  formed 
a circle  of  ver}^  ill-smelling  food 
refuse  about  the  fire. 


Fig.  II.  Plan  of  Remains 
OF  A Late  Stone  Age 
Hut 

The  circle  of  stones  sur- 
rounded the  base  of  the  walls. 
Beside  the  door  (at  the  left) 
is  a rough  stone  hearth,  placed 
there  in  order  to  allow  the 
smoke  to  escape  through  the 
door,  chimneys  having  not 
yet  been  devised.  The  walls 
were  of  wattle  (interwoven 
reeds),  made  tight  by  daub- 
ing with  clay.  The  rubbish 
found  in  the  circle  sometimes 
contains  patches  of  burned 
clay,  bearing  on  one  side  the 
inderfted  pattern  of  the  basket- 
like wattle  and  on  the  other 
the  impression  of  the  human 
fingers  which  pressed  the  clay 
on  the  walls  thousands  of 
years  ago.  The  fire  which 
destroyed  the  hut  baked  the 
clay  plaster  to  pottery 


22.  Earliest 
settlements 
of  the  Late 
Stone  Age 
found  in 
Denmark 


This  refuse  gathered  in  ridges  parallel  with  the  shore-line 
and  hundreds  of  feet  long  (Eig.  13),  marking  the  line  of 
fires  which  once  gleamed  along  the  shores  of  prehistoric 


Fig.  12.  Skeleton  of  a Wild  Bull  bearing  the  Marks  of 
THE  Late  Stone  Age  Hunters’  Arrows  which  killed  him  in 
THE  Danish  Forests  some  Ten  Thousand  Years  ago 


A Late  Stone  Age  hunter  (§  22)  shot  him  in  the  back  near  the  spine 
(see  itppcr  white  ring  on  skeleton).  The  wound  healed,  leaving  a scar 
on  the  rib  {A,  above).  Another  hunter  later  shot  him,  and  this  time  sev- 
eral arrows  pierced  his  vitals.  One  of  them,  however,  struck  a rib  (see 
lower  white  ring  on  skeleton)  and  broke  off.  Both  sides  of  this  wound, 
still  unhealed,  with  the  broken  flint  arrowhead  still  filling  it,  are  shown 
above  in  B and  C.  While  the  wounded  bull  was  trying  to  swim  across 
a neighboring  lake  he  died  and  his  body  sank  to  the  bottom,  and  the 
pursuing  hunter,  on  reaching  the  lake,  found  no  trace  of  him.  In  the 
course  of  thousands  of  years  the  lake  slowly  filled  up,  and  water  10  feet 
deep  was  followed  by  dry  peat  of  the  same  depth,  covering  the  skeleton 
of  the  bull.  Here  he  was  found  some  years  ago  (1905),  and  with  him 
were  the  flint  arrowheads  that  had  killed  him.  His  skeleton,  still  bear- 
ing the  marks  of  the  flint  arrowheads  (^f,  B,  C),  was  removed  and  set 
up  in  the  Museum  at  Copenhagen 
18 


i 


Early  Mankind  in  Europe 


19 


Denmark.  Each  of  these  shell-heaps  is  to-day  a storehouse  of 
remains  from  the  life  of  these  earliest  Norsemen.  The  shells 
and  bones  reveal  how  extensive  was  their  control  over  the  wild 
life  about  them.  The  marks  of  animal  teeth  on  many  a bone 
show  us  how  the  jackals  of  the  neighboring  forest  crept  up  to 
gnaw  the  bones  along  the  margin  of  the  heap ; and,  slowly 
growing  more  and  more  familiar  with  their  human  neighbors, 


Fig.  13.  Ridge  cojifosed  of  the  Food  Refuse  of  Late 
Stone  Age  Man  on  the  Coast  of  Denmark 

The  ridge  on  the  top  of  the  hill  at  the  right  stretches  along  the  margin 
of  a depression  (at  the  left),  which  was  once  a shallow  inlet  of  the  sea 
but  is  now  filled  up  and  has  become  a hayfield  (notice  the  hay  wagon). 
Such  a ridge  made  up  chiefly  of  oyster  shells  is  sometimes  over  half  a 
mile  long  and  over  thirty  paces  wide  and  may  contain  a hundred  thousand 
stone  tools,  weapons,  and  fragments  of  pottery 

these  wild  beasts  at  last  remained  by  the  fireside,  to  become 
the  loyal  companions  of  man,  the  earliest  domestic  animal,  which 
to-day  we  call  the  dog. 

Bits  of  burned  clay  and  broken  pots,  still  lying  in  these 
shell-heaps,  show  us  that  these  early  Norsemen  had  already 
gained  knowledge,  probably  from  the  South,  of  the  hardening 
quality  of  clay  when  exposed  to  fire,  and  they  were  now  able 
to  make  rude  kettles  of  burned  clay,  which  we  call  pottery, 
the  earliest  in  Europe.^  This  is  one  of  the  most  important 

1 Pottery  was  probably  invented  independently  in  many  different  regions  of 
the  world.  The  endeavor  to  make  a water-tight,  fireproof  kettle  by  smearing  a 
basket  with  clay  would  result  in  pottery  when  the  attempt  was  made  to  heat 
water  in  it  over  a fire. 


33.  The  shell- 
heaps  of 
Denmark  and 
their  revela- 
tions 


24.  Indus- 
tries revealed 
by  the  shell- 
heaps  of 
Denmark : 
earliest  pot- 
teiy  in 
Europe ; 
ground  stone 
tools 


20 


Ancient  Times 


25.  Tools  of 
the  Late 
Stone  Age 
man 


26.  Effective- 
ness of  stone 
tools 


27.  Swiss 
lake-villages 
of  the  Late 
Stone  Age 


innovations  of  the  Late  Stone  Age.  Another  important  achieve- 
ment marked  the  beginning  of  this  age.  This  was  the  discovery 
that  the  edge  of  a stone  tool  might  be  ground  upon  a whetstone, 
precisely  as  we  grind  a steel  tool  at  the  present  day.  In  the 
shell-heaps  we  find  the  earliest  heavy  stone  axes  with  a ground 
edge  (Fig.  16,5).  They  made  the  man  of  the  Late  Stone  Age 
vastly  more  successful  in  his  control  of  the  world  about  him. 

His  list  of  tools  as  he  went  about  his  work  was  now  almost 
as  complete  as  that  of  the  modern  carpenter.  It  included, 
besides  the  ax,  likewise  chisels,  knives,  drills,  saws,  and  whet- 
stones, made  mostly  of  flint  but  sometimes  of  other  hard 
stones.  Our  ancient  craftsman  had  now  learned  also  to  at- 
tach a wooden  handle  by  lashings  around  the  ax-head,  or 
even  to  bore  a hole  in  the  ax-head  and  insert  the  handle 
(Fig.  16,5).  These  tools  as  found  to-day  often  display  a polish 
due  to  the  wear  which  they  have  undergone  in  the  hands  of 
the  user. 

It  is  a mistake  to  suppose  that  such  stone  tools  were  wholly 
crude  and  ineffective.  A recent  experiment  in  Denmark  has 
shown  that  a modern  mechanic  with  a stone  ax,  although  un- 
accustomed to  the  use  of  stone  tools,  was  able,  in  ten  work- 
ing hours,  to  cut  down  and  convert  into  logs  twenty-six  pine 
trees  eight  inches  in  thickness.  Indeed,  the  entire  work  of 
getting  out  the  timber  and  building  a house  was  done  by  one 
mechanic  with  stone  tools  in  eighty-one  days.  It  was  therefore 
quite  possible  for  the  men  of  the  Late  Stone  Age  to  build 
comfortable  dwellings  and  to  attain  a degree  of  civilization  far 
above  that  of  savages. 

This  step,  however,  we  are  not  able  to  follow  among  the 
shell-heaps  of  Denmark.  The  most  plentiful  traces  of  the 
earliest  wooden  houses  are  to  be  found  in  Switzerland,  whither 
we  must  now  go.  Here  the  house-building  communities  of  the 
Late  Stone  Age,  desiring  to  make  themselves  safer  from  attack 
by  man  and  beast,  built  their  villages  out  over  the  Swiss  lakes. 
They  erected  their  dwellings  upon  platforms  supported  over 


Early  Ma^ikind  in  Europe 


21 


the  water  by  piles  which  they  drove  into  the  lake  bottom.  In 
long  lines  such  lake-villages,  or  groups  of  pile-dwellings,  as  they 
are  called,  fringed  the  shores  of  the  Swiss  lakes  (Fig.  14).  In 
a few  cases  they  grew  to  a considerable  size.  At  Wangen  not 


Fig.  14.  Restoration  of  a Swiss  Lake-Dwellers’ 
Settlement 


The  lake-dwellers  felled  trees  with  their  stone  axes  (Fig.  16,5)  and  cut 
them  into  piles  some  20  feet  long,  sharpened  at  the  lower  end.  These 
they  drove  several  feet  into  the  bottom  of  the  lake,  in  water  8 or  10  feet 
deep.  On  a platform  supported  by  these  piles  they  then  built  their 
houses.  The  platform  was  connected  with  the  shore  by  a bridge,  which 
may  be  seen  here  on  the  right.  A section  of-  it  could  be  removed  at 
night  for  protection.  The  fish  nets  seen  drying  at  the  rail,  the  " dug- 
out  ” boat  of  the  hunters  who  bring  in  the  deer,  and  many  other  things 
have  been  found  on  the  lake  bottom  in  recent  times 

less  than  fifty  thousand  piles  were  driven  into  the  bottom  of 
the  lake  for  the  support  of  the  village  (see  remains  of  such 
piles  in  Fig.  15). 

In  so  far  as  we  can  judge,  these  lake-dwellers  lived  a life 
of  enviable  peace  and  prosperity.  Their  houses  were  comfort- 
able shelters,  and  they  were  furnished  with  plentifpl  wooden 


28.  Life  of 
the  Swiss 
lake-dwellers 


22 


Ancient  Times 


29.  Domesti- 
cation of  wild 
grains  and 
beginning  of 
agriculture ; 
flax  and 
weaving 


furniture  and  implements,  wooden  pitchers  and  spoons,  besides 
pottery  dishes,  bowls,  and  jars  (Fig.  16,  z,  2,  j).  Although 
roughly  made  without  the  use  of  the  potter’s  wheel  (§  83),  and 
unevenly  burned  without  an  oven  (Fig.  48),  pottery  vessels 
added  much  to  the  convenience  of  the  house.  The  waters 
under  the  settlement  teemed  with  fish,  which  were  caught 


Fig.  15.  Surviving  Remains  of  a Swiss  Lake-Village 

After  an  unusually  dry  season  the  Swiss  lakes  fell  to  a very  low  level 
in  1854,  exposing  the  lake  bottom  with  the  remains  of  the  piles  which 
once  supported  the  lake  villages  along  the  shores.  They  were  thus  dis- 
covered for  the  first  time.  On  the  old  lake  bottom,  among  the  projecting 
piles,  were  found  great  quantities  of  implements,  tools,  and  furniture, 
like  those  in  Fig.  16,  including  the  dugouts  and  nets  of  Fig.  14,  wheat, 
barley,  bones  of  domestic  animals,  woven  flax,  etc.  (§  29).  There  they 
had  been  lying  some  five  thousand  years.  Sometimes  the  objects  were 
found  in  two  distinct  layers,  the  lower  (earlier)  containing  only  stone 
tools,  and  the  upper  (later)  containing  bronze  tools,  which  came  into  the 
lake-village  at  a later  age  and  fell  into  the  water  on  top  of  the  layer 
of  old  stone  tools  already  lying  on  the  bottom  of  the  lake  (see  § 329) 


with  a bone  hook  through  a trapdoor  in  the  floor  of  the 
house,  or  snared  in  nets  which  the  possession  of  flax,  as  we 
shall  see,  enabled  the  lake-villagers  to  make. 

While  he  had  thus  not  ceased  to  be  a flsherman  and  hunter, 
the  lake-dweller  now  discovered  other  sources  of  food.  For 
thousands  of  years  the  women  of  these  early  ages  had  gath- 
ered the  seeds  of  wild  grasses  to  be  crushed  between  two 
stones  and  made  into  rude  cakes.  They  now  gradually  learned 


Early  Mankind  in  Europe 


23 


that  the  growth  of  such  wild  grasses  on  the  margins  of  the 
forest  and  the  shores  of  the  lake  might  be  artificially  aided. 


From  such  beginnings  it  was  but  a step  to  drop  the  seed  30.  Cultiva- 

into  the  soil  at  the  proper  season,  to  cultivate  it,  and  to  harvest  barley,  and 

wheat  in  the 


Fig.  16.  Part  of  the  Equipment  of  a Late  Stone  Age 
Lake-Dweller 


This  group  contains  the  evidence  for  three  important  inventions  made 
or  received  by  the  men  of  the  Late  Stone  Age : first,  pottery  jars,  like 
2 and  j>,  with  rude  decorations,  the  oldest  baked  clay  in  Europe,  and  i, 
a large  kettle  in  which  the  lake-dwellers’  food  was  cooked;  second, 
ground-edged  tools  like  4,  a stone  chisel  with  ground  edge  (§  24), 
mounted  in  a deerhorn  handle  like  a hatchet,  or  stone  ax  with  a 
ground  edge,  and  pierced  with  a hole  for  the  ax  handle  (the  houses  of 
Fig.  14  were  built  with  such  tools) ; and  third,  weaving,  as  shown  by  b,  a 
spinning  "whorl”  of  baked  clay,  the  earliest  spinning  wheel.  When 
suspended  by  a rough  thread  of  flax  18  to  20  inches  long,  it  was  given 
a whirl  which  made  it  spin  in  the  air  like  a top,  thus  rapidly  twisting  the 
thread  by  which  it  was  hanging.  The  thread  when  sufficiently  twisted 
was  wound  up,  and  another  length  of  18  to  20  inches  was  drawn  out 
from  the  unspun  flax  to  be  similarly  twisted.  One  of  these  earliest  spin- 
ning wheels  has  been  found  in  the  Swiss  lakes  with  a spool  of  flaxen 
thread  still  attached.  (From  photograph  loaned  by  Professor  Hoernes) 


the  yield.  When  they  had  learned  to  do  this,  the  women  of 
these  lake-dwellers  were  already  agriculturists.  The  grains 
which  they  planted  were  barley,  wheat,  and  some  millet.^  This 

1 Oats  and  rye.  however,  were  still  unknown,  and  came  in  much  later. 


24 


Aficient  Times 


31.  Social 
effects  of 
agriculture 


32.  Domesti- 
cation of 
sheep,  goats, 
and  cattle 


new  source  of  food  was  a plentiful  one ; more  than  a hundred 
bushels  of  grain  were  found  by  the  excavators  on  the  lalce  bot- 
tom under  the  vanished  lake-village  of  Wangen.  Up  the  hillside 
now  stretched  also  the  lake-dweller’s  little  field  of  flax  beside 
the  growing  grain.  His  women  sat  spinning  flax  (Fig.  16,  6) 
before  the  door,  and  the  rough  skin  clothing  of  their  ancestors 
(Fig.  8)  had  given  way  to  garments  of  woven  stuff. 

These  fields  were  an  additional  reason  for  the  permanency 
of  the  lake-dweller’s  home.  It  was  necessary  for  him  to  remain 
near  the  little  plantation  for  which  his  women  had  hoed  the 
ground,  that  they  might  care  for  it  and  gather  the  grain  when 
it  ripened.  As  each  household  gradually  gained  an  habitual 
right  to  cultivate  a particular  field,  they  came  to  set  up  a per- 
petual claim  to  it,  and  thus  arose  the  ownership  of  land.  It 
was  to  be  a frequent  source  of  trouble  in  the  future  career  of 
man,  and  the  chief  cause  of  the  long  struggle  between  the  rich 
and  the  poor— -a  struggle  which  was  earlier  unknown,  when 
land  was  free  to  all. 

On  the  green  Swiss  uplands  above  the  lake-villages  were 
now  feeding  the  descendants  of  the  wild  creatures  which  the 
Middle  Stone  Age  hunters  had  pursued  through  the  forests 
and  mountains ; for  the  mountain  sheep  and  goats  and  the  wild 
cattle  (Fig.  12),  like  the  dog  on  the  shores  of  Denmark  (§  23), 
had  slowly  learned  to  dwell  near  man  and  submit  to  his  con- 
trol.^ For  a long  time,  however,  the  Late  Stone  Age  man  in 
Europe  was  still  without  any  beast  of  burden.  For  thousands 
of  years  his  ancestors  of  the  Middle  Stone  Age  had  pursued 
the  wild  horse  for  food  (§  17),  but  had  made  no  effort  to 
tame  and  subdue  the  animal.*^ 


1 Domestication  of  these  animals,  like  the  cultivation  of  grain  and  flax,  was 
much  older  in  the  Orient  than  in  the  Late  Stone  Age  in  Europe ; but  it  is  still 
a question  just  how  the  early  Europeans  received  these  things  from  the  Orient. 
(See  § 49.) 

2 The  draft  horse,  one  of  the  most  important  influences  in  the  history  of 
civilization,  came  in  comparatively  late,  from  the  Northern  Orient,  as  we  shall 
see  (§247). 


Early  Mankind  in  Europe 


25 


The  strong  limbs  of  the  once  wild  ox  (Fig.  12),  however, 
made  him  w'ell  adapted  to  draw  the  hoe  of  Late  Stone  Age 
man  across  the  field  — a hoe,  to  be  sure,  equipped  with  two 
handles  (Fig.  44),  which  thus  became  the  earliest  plow,  while 
the  ox  which  was  tamed  to  draw  it  became  the  earliest  draft 
animal  of  Europe.  Thus  “ plow  culture  ” slowly  replaced  the 
cruder  and  more  limited  " hoe  culture  ” ^ carried  on  by  the 
women.  It  was  at  this  point,  therefore,  that  the  early  European 
passed  far  beyond  our  own  North  American  Indians,  who 
remained  until  the  discovery  of  America  entirely  without  draft 
animals,  and  hence  practiced  only  " hoe  culture.” 

Agriculture,  reqiriring  as  it  now  did  the  driving  and  control 
of  large  draft  animals,  exceeded  the  strength  of  the  primitive 
woman,  and  the  primitive  man  was  obliged  to  give  up  more 
and  more  of  his  hunting  freedom  and  devote  himself  to  the 
field.  Thus  the  hunter  of  thousands  of  years  became  an 
agriculturist,  a farmer.  By  this  time  a large  part  of  the  Late 
Stone  Age  Europeans  had  adopted  fixed  abodes,  following  the 
settled  agricultural  life  in  and  around  villages  (§  38). 

On  the  other  hand,  the  domestication  of  grass-eating  animals, 
feeding  on  the  grasslands,  created  not  only  a new  industry 
but  also  a second  class  of  men  who  might  still  follow  a roving 
life,  leading  their  flocks  about  and  pasturing  them  where  the 
grasslands  were  too  poor  for  agriculture.  Such  shepherd  people 
we  call  nomads,  and  they  still  exist  to-day.  Without  any  fixed 
dwelling  places,  accompanied  by  their  wives  and  children,  they 
lead  a wandering  life,  driving  their  flocks  from  pasture  to  pas- 
ture. These  nomad  peoples  took  possession  of  the  eastern 
grasslands  stretching  from  the  Danube  eastward  along  the 
north  side  of  the  Black  Sea  and  thence  far  over  into  Asia. 
Their  life  always  remained  ruder  and  less  civilized  than  that 
of  the  agriculturalists  and  townsmen  (see  § 136). 

1 " Hoe  culture  ” is  the  term  applied  to  agriculture  carried  on  hy  hand, 
■without  any  draft  animals ; that  is,  entirely  with  the  hoe,  as  contrasted  with 
cultivation  by  the  plow  drawn  by  an  animaL 


33.  Earliest 
draft  animals 
" plow 
culture  ” 


34.  Social 
effects  of 
" plow 

culture  ” ; tl  e 
settled  agri- 
cultural life 


35.  Flocks 
and  herds ; 
the  wander- 
ing, nomad 
life  of  the 
shepherd 


26 


Ancient  Times 


36.  Age-long 
conflict  be- 
tween 

nomads  and 
townsmen 


37.  Buildings 
and  architec- 
ture in  Late 
Stone  Age 
Europe 


38.  The 
earliest  towns 
in  Europe  ; 
rise  of  gov- 
ernment 


Thus  developed  side  by  side  two  methods  of  life — the  settled, 
agricultural  life  and  the  wandering,  nomad  life.  The  impor- 
tance of  understanding  these  will  be  evident  when  we  realize 
that  the  grasslands  became  the  home  of  a numerous  imsettled 
population.  Thus  such  grasslands  have  become  like  overfilled 
reservoirs  of  nomad  peoples,  who  have  periodically  overflowed 
and  overwhelmed  the  towns  and  the  agricultural  settlements. 
Many  epochs  of  human  history  can  be  understood  only  as  we 
bear  these  facts  in  mind,  especially  as  we  shall  see  later  Europe 
invaded  over  and  over  again  by  the  hordes  of  intruding  nomads 
from  the  eastern  grasslands  (§§  370-373  and  Section  99). 

The  settled  communities  of  the  Late  Stone  Age  at  last  began 
to  leave  behind  them  more  impressive  monuments  than  pottery 
and  stone  tools.  In  all  Europe  before  this  there  had  existed 
only  fragile  houses  and  huts.  But  toward  the  close  of  the  Late 
Stone  Age  the  more  powerful  chiefs  in  the  large  settlements 
learned  to  erect  great  tombs,  built  of  enormous  blocks  of  stone. 
They  fringe  the  western  coast  of  Europe  from  Spain  to  the 
southern  Scandinavian  shores.  There  are  at  the  present  day  no 
less  than  thirty-four  hundred  stone  tombs  of  this  age,  some 
of  considerable  size,  on  the  Danish  island  of  Seeland  alone. 
In  France  (Fig.  17)  they  exist  in  vast  numbers  and  imposing 
size,  and  likewise  in  England.  The  often  enormous  blocks  in 
these  structures  (Figs.  18,  20,  and  21)  were  mostly  left  in  the 
rough,  but  if  cut  at  all,  it  was  done  with  stone  chisels.  Such 
structures  are  not  of  masonry,  that  is,  of  smoothly  cut  stone 
laid  with  mortar.  They  can  hardly  be  called  works  of  great 
architecture,  — a thing  which  did  not  as  yet  exist  in  Europe. 
We  shall  first  meet  it  in  the  Orient  (§  95). 

When  we  look  at  such  buildings  of  the  Late  Stone  Age  still 
surviving,  they  prove  to  us  the  existence  of  the  earliest  towns  in 
Europe.  For  near  every  great  group  of  stone  tombs  there  must 
have  been  a town  where  the  people  lived  who  built  the  tombs. 
The  remains  of  some  of  these  towns  have  been  discovered,  and 
they  have  been  dug  out  from  the  earth  covering  them.  Almost 


Early  Mankind  m Europe  2/ 

all  traces  of  them  had  disappeared,  but  enough  remained  to  show 
that  they  had  been  surrounded  by  walls  of  earth,  with  a ditch 
on  the  outside  and  probably  with  a wooden  stockade  along  the 
top  of  the  earth  wall.  They  show  us  that  men  were  learning  to 
live  together  in  considerable  numbers  and  to  work  together  on 


Fig.  17.  Late  Stone  Age  Tomb  in  France 

It  was  in  such  tombs  that  dead  chiefs  of  the  Late  Stone  Age  were  buried. 
The  stones,  weighing  even  as  much  as  40  tons  -apiece,  were  sometimes 
dragged  many  miles  from  the  nearest  quarry ; but  much  heavier  ones 
were  also  used  (see  Fig.  18).  These  blocks  were  not  smoothed  but  left 
rough  as  they  came  from  the  mountain  side 

a large  scale.  It  required  organization  and  successful  manage- 
ment of  men  to  raise  the  earth  walls  of  such  a town,  to 
drive  the  fifty  thousand  piles  supporting  the  lake  settlement  at 
Wangen  (Switzerland),  or  to  move  the  enormous  blocks  of  stone 
for  building  the  chieftain’s  tomb  (Figs.  17,  18,  20,  and  21). 
In  such  achievements  we  see  the  beginnings  of  government, 


28 


Ancient  Times 


39.  Festivals 
and  athletic 
contests 
shown  by  the 
stone  build- 
ings of  Late 
Stone  Age 
Europe 


organized  under  a leader.  Many  little  states,  each  consisting 
of  a fortified  town  with  its  surrounding  fields,  and  each  under 
a chieftain,  must  have  grown  up  in  Late  Stone  Age  Europe. 
Out  of  such  beginnings  nations  were  yet  to  grow. 

Furthermore,  these  stone  buildings  furnish  us  very  interesting 
glimpses  into  the  life  of  the  Late  Stone  Age  towns.  Some  of 
them  suggest  to  us  pictures  of  whole  communities  issuing  from 
the  towns  on  feast  days  and  marching  to  such  places  as  the 


Fig.  18.  Fallen  Memorial  Stone  of  the  Late  Stone  Age 
IN  Northern  France 

This  vast  block  once  stood  upright,  having  been  erected  by  the  men 
of  the  Late  Stone  Age  as  a tombstone.  It  is  almost  65  feet  long  and 
weighs  some  300  tons.  The  fall  has  broken  it  into  three  pieces 

huge  stone  circles  at  Stonehenge  (Fig.  20).  Here  they  held 
memorial  contests,  chariot  races,  and  athletic  games  in  honor  of 
the  dead  chief  buried  within  the  stone  circles.  The  domestic 
horse  had  now  reached  western  Europe,  and  the  straight  chariot 
course,  nearly  two  miles  long,  still  to  be  seen  at  Stonehenge, 
must  have  resounded  with  the  shouts  of  the  multitudes  as  the 
competing  chariots  thundered  down  the  course.^  The  long 
processional  avenues,  marked  out  by  mighty  stones,  in  north- 
west France  (Fig.  21)  must  have  been  alive  with  festival  proces- 
sions and  happy  multitudes  every  season  for  centuries.  To-day, 
silent  and  solitary,  they  stretch  for  miles  across  the  fields  of 
I One  of  the  chariots  later  used  on  such  a course  may  be  seen  in  Fig.  133. 


Early  Mankind  in  Europe 


29 


the  French  peasants,  a kind  of  voiceless  echo  of  forgotten 
human  joys,  of  ancient  customs  and  beliefs  long  revered  by 
the  vanished  races  of  prehistoric  Europe. 

W'hile  such  monuments  show  us  the  Late  Stone  Age  com- 
munities at  play,  other  remains  reveal  them  at  their  wodc.  Each 
town  was  largely  a home  manufacturer  and  produced  what  it 
needed  for  itself.  Men  were  beginning  to  adopt  trades ; for 
example,  some  men 
were  probably  wood- 
workers, others  were 
potters,  and  still  others 
were  already  miners. 

These  early  miners 
burrowed  far  into  the 
earth  in  order  to  reach 
the  finest  deposits  of 
flint  for  their  stone 
tools.  In  the  under- 
ground tunnels  of  the 
ancient  flint  mines 
at  Brandon,  England, 
eighty  worn  picks  of 
deerhom  were  found 
in  recent  times.  At 
one  place  the  roof 
had  caved  in,  cutting 
off  an  ancient  gallery  of  the  mine.  In  this  gallery,  behind  the 
fallen  rocks,  modem  archaeologists  found  two  more  deerhorn 
picks.  These  picks  bore  a coat  of  chalk  dust  in  which  were 
still  visible  the  marks  of  the  workmen’s  fingers,  left  there  as 
they  last  laid  down  the  implements,  many  thousands  of  years 
ago.  In  Belgium  even  the  skeleton  of  one  of  these  ancient 
miners,  who  had  been  crushed  by  falling  rocks,  was  found  in 
the  mine  with  his  deerhorn  pick  still  lying  between  his  hands 
(Fig.  22). 


Fig.  19.  Vertebra  of  a Late  Stone 
Age  Man  with  a Flint  Arrowhead 


sticking  in  it 

The  arrowhead  (A)  struck  the  victim  full  in 
the  pit  of  the  stomach.  It  must  have  been 
driven  by  a heavy  bow,  for  it  passed  clear 
through  to  the  vertebra,  producing  perito- 
nitis and  death.  (Photograph  furnished  by 
the  great  French  archaeologist  Dechelette, 
who  himself  fell  in  battle  not  long  after 
sending  this  photograph  to  the  author) 


40.  Rise  of 
trades  in  the 
outgoing 
Late  Stone 
Age ; mining 
as  a trade 


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Early  Mankind  hi  Europe 


31 


Exchange  and  traffic  between  the  communities  already  existed. 
This  primitive  commerce  carried  far  and  wide  an  especially  fine 
variety  of  French  flint,  recognizable  to-day  by  its  color.  The 
amber  gathered  on  the  shores  of  the  Baltic  was  already  passing 
from  hand  to  hand  and  thus  found  its  way  southward.  Stone 
implements  found  on  the  islands  around  Europe  show  that 
men  of  this  age  lived  on  such  islands,  and  they  must  have  had 
boats  sufficiently  strong  to  carry  them  thither.  Several  of  the 


Fig.  21.  Avenues  of  the  Late  Stone  Age  in  Northern 
France  (Carnac,  Brittany) 

The  tall  stones  mark  out  avenues  nearly  2^  miles  long,  containing  nearly 
three  thousand  stones.  These  avenues  were  used  for  festival  proces- 
sions or  for  races,  as  on  the  course  at  Stonehenge  (Fig.  20  and  § 39), 
at  the  religious  celebrations  of  the  Late  Stone  Age  communities 

dugouts  (Fig.  14)  of  the  lake-dwellers  have  been  found  lying 
on  the  lake  bottom  among  the  piles,  but' vessels  with  sails  had 
not  yet  been  devised  in  Europe. 

The  business  of  such  an  age  was  of  course  very  primitive. 
There  were  no  metals  and  no  money.  Buying  and  selling  were 
only  exchange  of  one  kind  of  wares  for  another  kind.  In  all 
Europe  there  was  no  writing,  nor  did  the  continent  of  Europe 
ever  devise  a system  of  writing.  If  credit  was  given,  the  trans- 
action might  be  recorded  in  a few  strokes  scratched  in  the  mud 
plaster  of  the  wattle  house  ..wall  (Fig.  ii)  to  aid  the  memory 
as  to  the  number  of  fish  or  jars  of  grain  to  be  paid  for  later. 


41.  Com- 
merce and 
intercourse 
in  the  Late 
Stone  Age 


42.  Primi- 
tive business 
methods  of 
Late  Stone 
Age  Europe 


32 


Ancient  Times 


43.  Wars  of 
the  Late 
Stone  Age 


44.  Late 
Stone  Age 
Europe  and 
the  Orient 


But  the  intercourse  between  these  prehistoric  communities 
was  not  always  peaceful.  The  earthen  walls  and  wooden  stock- 
ades with  which  such  towns  were  protected  (§  38)  show  us 
that  the  chieftain’s  war-horn  must  often  have  summoned  these 
people  from  feasts  and  athletic  games,  or  from  the  fields  and 
mines,  to  expel  the  invader.  Grim  evidence  of  these  earliest 
wars  of  Europe  still  survives.  A skull  taken  out  of  a tomb  of 
this  age  in  Sweden  contains  a flint  arrowhead  still  sticking  in 


Rei 

Fig.  22.  Skeleton  of  a Miner  of  the  Late  Stone  Age 

The  skeleton  of  this  ancient  miner  was  found  lying  on  the  floor  of  a 
flint  mine  in  Belgium,  under  the  rocks  which  had  caved  in  and  crushed 
him.  Before  him,  just  as  it  dropped  from  his  hands  at  the  instant 
of  the  cave-in,  lies  the  double-pointed  pick  of  deerhorn  (§  40)  with 
which  he  was  loosening  the  lumps  of  flint  from  their  chalk  bed,  when 
the  rock  ceiling  fell  upon  him  and  he  was  killed 

one  eyehole,  while  in  France  more  than  one  human  vertebra 
has  been  found  with  a flint  arrowhead  driven  deep  into  it 
(Fig.  19).  A stone  coffin  found  in  a Scottish  cairn  contained 
the  body  of  a man  of  huge  size,  with  one  arm  almost  severed 
from  the  shoulder  by  the  stroke  of  a stone  ax.  A fragment  of 
stone  broken  out  of  the  ax  blade  still  remained  in  the  gashed 
arm  bone. 

After  fifty  thousand  years  of  progress  carried  on  by  their 
own  efforts,  the  men  of  Stone  Age  Europe  seemed  now  (about 
3000  B.c.)  to  have  reached  a point  where  they  could  advance 


Early  Mankind  in  Europe 


33 


no  farther.  They  were  still  without  writing,  for  making  the 
records  of  business,  government,  and  tradition ; they  were  still 
without  metals  ^ with  which  to  make  tools  and  to  develop  indus- 
tnes  and  manufactures  ; and  they  had  no  sailing  ships  in  which 
to  cariy  on  commerce.  Without  these  thing's  they  could  go  no 
farther.  All  these  and  many  other  possessions  of  civilization 
came  to  early  Europe  from  the  nearer  Orient,^  the  lands  around 
the  eastern  end  of  the  Mediterranean  (see  map,  p.  102).  In 
order  to  understand  the  further  course  of  European  history, 
we  must  therefore  turn  to  the  Orient,  whence  came  these 
indispensable  things  which  made  it  possible  for  our  European 
ancestors  to  gain  the  civilization  we  have  inherited. 

As  we  go  to  the  Orient  let  us  remember  that  we  have  been  45.  Histori- 
following  man’s  prehistoric  progress  as  it  went  on  for  some  fifty  summar} 
thousand  years  after  he  began  making  stone  implements.  In 
the  Orient,  during  the  thousand  years  from  4000  to  3000  b.c. 

(see  diagram.  Fig.  38),  men  slowly  built  up  a high  civilization, 
forming  the  beginning  of  the  Historic  Epoch}  Civilization  thus 
began  in  the  Orient,  and  it  is  between  five  and  six  thousand 
years  old.  There  it  long  flourished  and  produced  great  and 

1 Metal  was  introduced  in  sotitheastem  Europe  about  3000  B.c.  and  passed 
like  a slow  wave,  moving  gradually  westward  and  northward  across  Europe.  It 
probably  did  not  reach  Britain  until  about  2000  B.  c.  Hence  we  have  included 
the  great  stone  monuments  of  western  Europe  (like  Stonehenge)  in  our  survey 
of  Stone  Age  Europe.  They  were  erected  long  after  southeastern  Europe  had 
received  metal,  but  before  metal  came  into  common  use  in  western  Europe. 

2 The  word  " Orient”  is  used  to-day  to  include  Japa'h,  China,  and  India.  These 
lands  make  up  a farther  Orient.  There  is  also  a nearer  Orient,  consisting  of  the 
lands  around  the  eastern  end  of  the  Mediterranean,  that  is,  Egypt  and  Western 
Asia,  including  Asia  Minor.  We  shall  use  the  word  "Orient”  in  this  book  to 
designate  the  nearer  Orient. 

8 We  may  best  describe  the  Historic  Epoch  by  saying  that  it  is  the  epoch 
beginning  when  written  documents  were  first  produced  by  man  — documents 
which  tell  us  in  written  words  something  of  man’s  life  and  career.  All  that  we 
know  of  man  in  the  age  previous  to  the  appearance  of  writing  has  to  be  learned 
from  weapons,  tools,  implements,  buildings,  and  other  things  (bearing  no  writing) 
which  he  has  left  behind.  These  are  the  things  from  which  we  have  been  learn- 
ing something  of  the  story  of  prehistoric  Europe  in  Chapter  I.  The  transition 
from  the  Prehistoric  to  the  Historic  Epoch  was  everywhere  a slow  and  gradual 
one.  In  the  Orient  this  transition  took  place  in  the  thousand  years  between 
4000  and  3000  B.c. 


34 


Ancient  Times 


powerful  nations,  while  the  men  of  Late  Stone  Age  Europe 
continued  to  live  without  metals  or  writing.  As  they  gradually 
acquired  these  things,  civilized  leadership  both  in  peace  and 
war  shifted  slowly  from  the  Orient  to  Europe.  As  we  turn  to 
watch  civilization  emerging  in  the  East,  with  metals,  govern- 
ment, writing,  great  ships,  and  many  other  creations  of  civiliza- 
tion, let  us  realize  that  its  later  movement  will  steadily  carry  us 
from  east  to  west  as  we  follow  it  from  the  Orient  to  Europe. 

QUESTIONS 

Section  i . What  progress  in  invention  have  you  noticed  in  your 
own  lifetime?  Has  every  device  or  convenience  man  now  possesses 
had  to  be  invented  in  the  same  way?  Was  there  a time  when  man 
possessed  none  of  these  things  ? Did  he  have  anyone  to  teach  him  ? 
Describe  the  life  of  the  Tasmanians  in  recent  times.  Describe  pre- 
historic Europe  and  the  life  of  the  earliest  men  there.  What  three 
ages  ensued? 

Section  2.  Give  examples  of  the  discovery  of  man’s  great  age 
on  the  earth.  Describe  the  earliest  stone  weapon.  About  when  did 
the  Early  Stone  Age  begin?  (See  map,  p.  8,  and  read  description.) 
What  age  did  it  introduce?  Describe  the  life  of  the  Early  Stone 
Age  hunter.  What  great  change  ended  this  age?  Describe  it. 

Section  3.  Where  did  the  Middle  Stone  Age  hunters  take 
refuge  ? What  improvement  did  they  make  in  their  stone  tools 
(Fig.  5)?  What  new  materials  came  in?  What  new  inventions? 
Describe  the  results.  Discuss  Middle  Stone  Age  art.  Draw  cross 
section  of  a cave  with  contents  and  describe  (Fig.  9).  What  great 
change  ended  the  Middle  Stone  Age,  and  when  ? 

Section  4.  Where  were  the  earliest  settlements  of  the  Late 
Stone  Age  known  to  us?  Describe  them  and  their  remains.  What 
new  inventions  came  in  ? Discuss  carpentry  with  ground  stone  tools. 
Describe  the  lake-villages  and  life  in  them.  Describe  the  domestication 
of  grain  and  its  social  results.  Describe  the  domestication  of  animals 
and  the  two  resulting  methods  of  life.  Discuss  stone  structures  and 
the  life  they  reveal — industries,  traffic,  and  war.  What  important 
things  did  the  Late  Stone  Age  in  Europe  still  lack?  Is  civilization 
possible  without  these  things  ? Where  did  these  things  first  appear  ? 


PART  II.  THE  ORIENT 

CHAPTER  II 

THE  STORY  OF  EGYPT;  THE  EARLIEST  NILE-DWELLERS 
AND  THE  PYRAMID  AGE 

Section  5.  Egypt  and  its  Earliest  Inhabitants 

We  are  to  begin  our  study  of  the  early  Orient  in  Egypt.  46.  Egypt  of 
The  traveler  who  visits  Egypt  at  the  present  day  lands  in  a 
very  modem-looking  harbor  at  Alexandria  (see  map,  p.  36). 

He  is  presently  seated  in  a comfortable  railway  car  in  which 
we  may  accompany  him  as  he  is  carried  rapidly  across  a low, 
fiat  country  stretching  far  away  to  the  sunlit  horizon.  The 
wide  expanse  is  dotted  with  little  villages  of  dark  mud-brick 
huts,  and  here  and  there  rise  groves  of  graceful  date  palms. 

The  landscape  is  carpeted  with  stretches  of  bright  and  vivid 
green  as  far  as  the  eye  can  see,  and  wandering  through  this 
verdure  is  a network  of  irrigation  canals  (Eig.  23).  Brown- 
skinned  men  of  slender  build,  with  dark  hair,  are  seen  at  inter- 
vals along  the  banks  of  these  canals,  swaying  up  and  down  as 
they  rhythmically  lift  an  irrigation  bucket  attached  to  a simple 

Note.  The  tiara,  or  diadem,  at  the  top  of  this  page  was  found  resting  on  the 
head  of  an  Egyptian  princess  of  the  Feudal  Age  as  she  lay  in  her  coffin.  The 
diadem  had  been  placed  there  nearly  four  thousand  years  ago.  It  is  in  the  form 
of  a chaplet,  or  wreath,  of  star  flowers  wrought  of  gold  and  set  with  bright-colored 
precious  stones,  and  is  one  of  the  best  examples  of  the  work  of  the  Egyptian  gold- 
smiths and  jewelers  (Fig.  47  and  § 82).  It  is  shown  here  lying  on  a cushion. 

35 


36 


Ancient  Times 


47.  Its  soil, 
shape,  and 
area 


Fig.  23.  An  Egyptian  Shadoof,  the 
Oldest  of  Well  Sweeps,  irrigat- 
ing THE  Fields 

The  man  below  stands  in  the  water,  hold- 
ing his  leather  bucket  (A).  The  pole  (B) 
of  the  sweep  is  above  him,  with  large  ball 
of  dried  Nile  mud  on  its  lower  end  (C) 
as  a lifting  weight,  or  counterpoise,  seen 
just  behind  the  supporting  post  (B).  This 
man  lifts  the  water  into  a mud  basin  (£). 
A second  man  (in  the  middle)  lifts  it 
from  this  first  basin  (E)  to  a second 
basin  (E)  into  which  he  is  just  empty- 
ing his  bucket ; while  a third  man  ( G) 
lifts  the  water  from  the  middle  basin  (E) 
to  the  uppermost  basin  (//)  on  the  top  of 
the  bank,  where  it  runs  off  to  the  left  into 
trenches  spreading  over  the  fields.  The 
low  water  makes  necessary  three  succes- 
sive lifts  (to  E,  to  E,  to  W)  without  ceas- 
ing night  and  day  for  one  hundred  days 


device  (Fig.  23)  exactly 
like  the  well  sweep  of 
our  grandfathers  in  New 
England.  The  irrigation 
trenches  are  thus  kept 
full  of  water  until  the 
grain  ripens.  This  shows 
us  that  Egypt  enjoys 
no  rain. 

The  black  soil  we  see 
from  the  train  is  unex- 
celled in  fertility,  and  it 
is  enriched  each  year  by 
the  overflow  of  the  river, 
whose  turbid  waters  rise 
above  its  banks  every 
summer,  spread  far  over 
the  flats  (Fig.  24),  and 
stand  there  long  enough 
to  deposit  a very  thin 
layer  of  rich  earthy 
sediment.  This  sedi- 
ment has  built  up  the 
Nile  Delta  which  we 
are  now  crossing.  The 
Delta  and  the  valley 
above,  as  far  as  the 
First  Cataract,  contain 
together  over  ten  thou- 
sand square  miles  of 
cultivable  soil,  or  some- 
what more  than  the 
state  of  Vermont. 

As  our  train  ap- 
proaches the  southern 


(T 


The  Story  of  Egypt 


37 


point  of  the  Delta  we  begin  to  see  the  heights  on  either  side  48.  The  low 
of  the  valley  into  which  the  narrow  end  of  the  Delta  merges.  h?gh^de"ert^* 
These  heights  (Figs.  2 4 and  69)  are  the  plateau  of  the  Sahara  Des- 
ert,  through  which  the  Nile  has  cut  a vast,  deep  trench  as  it  winds 
its  way  northward  from  inner  Africa.  This  trench,  or  valley,  is'^ 
seldom  more  than  thirty  miles  wide,  while  the  strip  of  soil  on  each 


Fig.  24.  The  Inundation  seen  from  the  Road  to  the 
Pyramids  of  Gizeh 

On  the  right  is  the  road  leading  to  the  pyramids ; at  the  left  the  waters 
of  the  inundation  cover  the  level  floor  of  the  Nile  valley.  In  the  distance 
is  the  desert  plateau  on  which  the  pyramids  stand.  The  trees  and  the 
small  modern  village  just  in  front  of  the  pyramids  occupy  part  of  the 
ground  where  once  the  royal  city  of  the  pyramid-builders  stood  (§  75) 


side  of  the  river  rarely  exceeds  ten  miles  in  width.  On  either 
edge  of  the  soil  strip  one  steps  out  of  the  green  fields  into  the 
sand  of  the  desert,  which  has  drifted  down  into  the  trench  ,- 
or  if  one  climbs  the  cliffs,  forming  the  walls  of  the  trench,  he 
stands  looking  out  over  a vast  waste  of  rocky  hills  and  stretches 
of  sand  trembling  in  the  heat  of  the  blazing  sunshine. 


38 


Ancient  Times 


49.  The 
Stone  Age 
Egyptians 


As  we  journey  on  let  us  realize  that  this  valley  can  tell  us 
an  unbroken  story  of  human  progress  such  as  we  can  find  no- 
where else.  We  look  out  upon  the  sandy  margin  of  the  desert, 
where  there  are  thousands  of  low,  undulating  mounds  covering 


the  graves  of  the  earliest  ancestors 
of  the  brown  men  we  see  in  the 
Delta  fields.  When  we  have  dug  out 
such  a grave  to  the  bottom,  we  find 
lying  there  the  ancient  Nile  peas- 
ant, surrounded  by  pottery  jars  and 
stone  implements  (Fig.  25).  There 
he  has  been  lying  for  over  six  thou- 
sand years,  and  these  stone  tools, 
which  he  used  so  long  ago,  tell  us 
of  generations  of  Nile-dweUers  who, 
like  the  Late  Stone  Age  men  of 
Europe,  lived  without  the  use  of  metal. 
Barley  and  split  wheat  ^ are  some- 
times found  in  the  jars  around  the 
body  (Fig.  25),  for  the  dead  were 
supplied  with  food  by  those  who 
buried  them.  These  and  fragments 
of  linen  found  in  such  graves  show 
us  from  what  country  the  first  grain 
and  flax  came  into  Europe.  These 
ancient  Nile  peasants  were  therefore 
watering  their  fields  of  flax  and  grain 
over  six  thousand  years  ago,  just  as  the  brown  men  whom  the 
traveler  sees  from  the  car  windows  to-day  are  stiU  doing. 


Fig.  25.  Looking  down 
INTO  THE  Grave  of 
A Late  Stone  Age 
Egyptian 

An  oval  pit  4 or  5 feet  deep 
(cf.  Fig.  38,  /).  The  body  is 
surrounded  by  pottery  jars 
once  containing  food  and 
drink.  A few  small  objects 
of  copper  have  been  found 
even  in  the  earliest  of  such 
Egyptian  graves,  which 
therefore  belong  to  the  end 
of  the  Late  Stone  Age 


1 This  split  wheat  is  a variety  which  differs  from  our  common  wheat.  The 
kernel  is  split  into  halves.  When  threshed,  the  two  halves  are  still  held  together 
by  the  hull,  and  a second  threshing  or  hard  rubbing  is  necessary  to  break  off 
this  hull  and  get  out  the  two  half  kernels.  Split  wheat  is  still  raised  in  parts  of 
Europe,  especially  for  use  in  making  starch,  and  is  often  called  starch  wheat. 
This  was  the  earliest  variety  of  wheat  cultivated  by  man.  It  has  recently  been 
rediscovered  growing  in  a wild  state  in  Palestine.  Barley  and  split  wheat  were 
the  two  leading  grains  used  by  early  man  in  the  oriental  world. 


The  Story  of  Egypt 


39 


The  villages  of  low,  mud-brick  huts  which  flash  by_t^ 
windows  furnish  us  also  with  an  exact  picture  of  those  vanished 
prehistoric  villages,  the  homes  of  the  early  Nile-dwellers  who 
are  still  lying  in  yonder  cemeteries  on  the  desert  margin.  In 
each  such  village,  six  to  seven  thousand  years  ago,  lived  a local 
chieftain  who  controlled  the  irrigation  trenches  of  the  district. 
To  him  the  peasants  were  obliged  to  carry  every  season  a share 
of  the  grain  and  flax  which  they  gathered  from  their  fields; 
otherwise  the  supply  of  water  for 
their  crops  would  be  stopped, 
and  they  would  receive  an  un- 
pleasant visit  from  the  chief- 
tain, demanding  instant  payment. 

These  were  the  earliest  taxes,__ 

Such  transactions  led  to 
scratching  a rude  picture  of 
the  basket  grain-measure  and  a 
number  of  strokes  on  the  mud 
wall  of  the  peasant’s  hut,  in- 
dicating the  number  of  measures 
of  grain  he  had  paid  (cf.  § 42). 

The  use  of  these  purely  pictorial 
signs  formed  the  earliest  stage 
in  the  process  of  learning  to 
write.  Such  pictorial  writing  is  still  in  use  among  the  un- 
civilized peoples  in  our  own  land.  Thus,'  the  Alaskan  natives 
send  messages  in  pictorial  form,  scratched  on  a piece  of 
wood  (Fig.  26).  The  exact  words  of  the  message  are  not 
represented.  Fig.  26  might  be  read  by  one  man,  "No  food 
in  the  tent,”  while  another  might  read,  " Lack  of  meat  in  the 
wigwam.”  Such  pictorial  signs  thus  conveyed  ideas  without 
expressing  the  exact  words.  Among  our  own  Indians  the 
desire  of  a brave  to  record  his  personal  exploits  also  led  to 
pictorial  records  of  them  (Fig.  27).  It  should  be  noticed 
again  that  the  exact  words  are  not  indicated  by  this  record 


Fig.  26.  Pictorial  Message 

SCRATCHED  ON  WoOD  BY 

Alaskan  Indians 


A figure  with  empty  hands  hang- 
ing down  helplessly,  palms  down, 
as  an  Indian  gesture  for  uncer- 
tainty, ignorance,  emptiness,  or 
nothing,  means  " no.”  A figure 
with  one  hand  on  its  mouth 
means  " eating  ” or  " food.”  It 
points  toward  the  tent,  and  this 
means  " in  the  tent.”  The  whole 
is  a message  stating,  " (There  is) 
no  food  in  the  tent”  (§  51) 


50.  Earliest 
government 
and  taxes 


51.  Pictorial 
records 


40 


Anciejit  Times 


52.  First  step 
leading  from 
the  pictorial 
to  the  pho- 
netic stage 


53.  Second 
step  leading 
from  the  pic- 
torial to  the 
phonetic 
stage 


(Fig.  27),  but  the  exploit  is  merely  so  suggested  that  it  might 
be  put  into  words  in  a number  of  different  ways.  The  early 
Egyptian  kings  of  six  thousand  years  ago  prepared  strikingly 

similar  picture  records 
(Fig.  28). 

But  this  pictorial  stage, 
beyond  which  native 
American  records  never 
passed,  was  not  real 
writing.  Two  steps  had 
to  be  taken  before  the 
picture  records  could 
become  phonetic  writ- 
ing. First,  each  object 
drawn  had  to  gain  a 
fixed  form,  always  the 
same  and  always  recog- 
nized as  the  sign  for  a 
particular  word  denot- 
ing that  object.  Thus, 
it  would  become  a habit 
that  the  drawing  of  a 
loaf  should  always  be 
read  " loaf,”  not " bread” 
or  " food  ” ; the  sign  for 
a leaf  would  always  be 
read  " leaf,”  not  " foli- 
age.” ^ 

The  second  step  then 


Fig.  27.  Pictorial  Record  of  the 
Victory  of  a Dakota  Chief  named 
Running  Antelope 

This  Dakota  Indian  prepared  his  autobi- 
ography in  a series  of  eleven  drawings,  of 
which  Fig.  27  is  but  one.  It  records  how 
he  slew  five  hostile  braves  in  a single  day. 
The  hero.  Running  Antelope,  with  rifle  in 
hand,  is  mounted  upon  a horse.  His  shield 
bears  a falcon,  the  animal  emblem  of  his 
family,  while  beneath  the  horse  is  a running 
antelope,  which  is  of  course  intended  to  in- 
form you  of  the  hero’s  name.  We  see  the 
trail  of  his  horse  as  he  swept  round  the 
copse  at  the  left,  in  which  were  concealed 
the  five  hostile  braves  whom  he  slew.  Of 
these,  one  figure  bearing  a rifle  represents 
all  five,  while  four  other  rifles  in  the  act 
of  being  discharged  indicate  the  number 
of  braves  in  the  copse 


naturally  followed ; that 
is,  the  leaf  for  example,  became  the  sign  for  the  syllable 
” leaf  ” wherever  it  might  occur.  By  the  same  process 


1 The  author  is  of  course  obliged  to  use  English  words  and  syllables  here, 
and  consequendy  also  signs  not  existing  in  Egyptian  but  devised  for  this 
demonstration. 


The  Story  of  Egypt 


41 


might  become  the  sign  for  the  syllable 
bee  ” wherever  found.  Having  thus  a 
means  of  writing  the  syllables  " bee  ” and 
" leaf,”  the  next  step  was  to  put  them 
together,  thus,  ^ and  they  would 
then  represent  the  word  " belief.”  No- 
tice, however,  that  in  the  word  "belief” 
the  sign  ^ has  ceased  to  suggest  the 
idea  of  an  insect.  It  now  represents  only 


the  syllable  "be.”  That  is  to  say,  ^ has 
become  a phojietic  sign. 

If  the  writing  of  the  Egyptian  had 
remained  merely  a series  of  pictures, 
such  words  as  " belief,”  " hate,”  " love,” 
" beauty,”  and  the  like  could  never  have 
been  written.^  But  when  a large  number 
of  his  pictures  had  become  phonetic  signs, 
each  representing  a syllable,  it  was  possi- 
ble for  the  Egyptian  to  write  any  word 
he  knew,  whether  the  word  meant  a thing 


Fig.  28.  Example 
OF  Egyptian  Writ- 
ing IN  THE  Picto- 
rial Stage 

Interpretation : Above 
is  the  falcon,  symbol 
of  a king  (cf.  the  fal- 
con on  the  shield  of 
Running  Antelope  in 
Fig.  27),  leading  a hu- 
man head  by  a cord ; 
behind  thehead  aresix 


of  which  he  could  draw  a picture  or  not. 
This  possession  of  phonetic  signs  was 
what  made  real  writing  for  the  first  time. 
JT_a_rose  among  these  Nile-dwellers  earlier 
than  anywhere  else  in  the  ancient  world. 

Egyptian  writing  contained  at  last  over 
six  hundred  signs,  many  of  them  repre- 
senting whole  syllables,  like  %>.  The 
Egyptian  scribe  gradually  learned  many 
groups  of  such  syllable  signs.  Each  group, 
like  ^ , represented  a word.  Writing 
thus  became  to  him  a large  number  of  sign 
being  a word ; and  a series  of  such  groups 


lotus  leaves  (each  the 
sign  for  1000)  grow- 
ing out  of  the  ground 
to  which  the  head  is 
attached ; below  is  a 
single-barbed  harpoon 
head  and  a little  rec- 
tangle (the  sign  of  a 
lake).  The  whole  tells 
the  picture  story  that 
the  falcon  king  led 
captive  six  thousand 
men  of  the  land  of  the 
Harpoon  Lake  (§51) 

■groups,  each  group 
formed  a sentence. 


54.  Advan- 
tage of  pho- 
netic signs 


55.  Syllable 
signs  and 
sign-groups 


1 See  the  word  " beauty,”  the  last  three  signs  in  the  inscription  over  the  ship 
(Fig.  41). 


42 


Ancient  Times 


56.  Alpha- 
betic signs, 
or  letters 


Nevertheless,  the  Egyptian  went  still  farther,  for  he  finally 
possessed  a series  of  signs,  each  representing  only  a letter-^ 
that  is,  alphabetic  signs,  or,  as  we  say,  real  letters.  There  were 
twenty-four  letters  in  this  alphabet,  which  was  known  in  Egypt 


= smooth  breathing,  like 
h in  honor.”  As 

5 ==  ch  (like  ch  in  German 
^ "ich”) 

vowel,  see  below 

n =y(in  Greek  times  it 
1 was  used  as  vowel) 

(5^  — kh  (like  ch  in  Scotch 

"loch”  or  German 

K = guttural,  pronounced 

" Bach  ”) 

in  back  of  throat ; 

not  used  in  English 

n = S (originally  of  slightly 

^ = w (later  O was  also 
-2f  used ; 0 ( both  signs 

1 different  sound  from 

the  preceding) 

as  vowels,  see  below) 

osz)=  sh 

1)  =1} 

Jj 

= q (in  Greek  times  also 

□ =p 

used  for  k) 

k 

= m (later  — was  also 
used  for  m) 

ZS  =g 

Ci  = t 

AvwA  = n ^ 

s=s  = tll 

<=>  = r 

«r"=^=  d 

= 1 in  late  times  (origi- 
nally  r or  rw) 

ra  =h 

= dh  or  dsh  (like  j in 

Fig.  29.  The  Egyptian  Alphabet 

Each  of  these  letters  represents  a consonant.  The  Egyptians  of  course 
pronounced  their  words  with  vowels  as  we  do,  but  they  did  not  write  the 
vowels.  This  will  be  clear  by  a study  of  Fig.  30.  Just  as  the  consonants 
w and  y are  sometimes  used  as  vowels  in  English,  so  three  of  the  Egyp- 
tian consonants  came  to  be  employed  as  vowels  in  Greek  times.  The 
first  letter  (smooth  breathing)  was  thus  used  as  a or  ^ ; the  second  letter 
{y)  as  i ; and  the  fourth  {w)  ns  u or  o (cf.  Fig.  76) 


long  before  3000  b.c.  It  was  thus  the  earliest  alphabet  known. 
The  Egyptian  might  then  have  written  his  language  with  twenty- 
four  alphabetic  letters  (Fig.  29)  if  the  sign-group  habit  had  not 
been  too  strong  for  the  scribe,  just  as  the  letter-group  habit  is 


The  Story  of  Egypt 


43 


strong  enough  with  us  to-day  to  prevent  the  introduction  of  a 
simplified  phonetic  system  of  spelling  English.  If  we  smile  at 
the  Egyptian’s  cumbrous  sign-groups,  future  generations  may 
as  justly  smile  at  our  often  absurd  letter-groups. 

The  Egyptian  soon  devised  a convenient  equipment  for  writ- 
ing. He  found  out  that  he  could  make  an  excellent  paint  or 
ink  by  thickening  water  with  a little  vegetable  gum  and  then 


1 


A 


n 


Fig.  30.  An  Egyptian  Word  (A)  and  Two  English 
Words  (B)  and  (C)  written  in  Hieroglyphic 

The  first  three  signs  in  word  A are  ch-q-r  (see  Fig.  29) ; we  do  not  know 
the  vowels.  The  word  means  "pauper”  (literally,  "hungry”) ; as  it  de- 
notes a person,  the  Egyptian  adds  a little  kneeling  man  at  the  end.  Before 
him  is  another  man  with  hand  on  mouth,  an  indication  of  hunger,  thirst, 
or  speech.  These  two  are  old  pictorial  signs  surviving  from  the  pictorial 
stage.  Such  pictorial  signs  at  the  end  of  a word  have  no  phonetic  value 
and  are  called  deienninatives.  B is  an  English  word  spelled  for  illus- 
tration in  hieroglyphic.  The  first  three  signs  indicate  the  letters  p-n-d 
(see  Fig.  29),  while  the  three  wavy  lines  form  the  determinative  for 
" water  ” ; hence  p-n-d  spells  " pond.”  C is  another  English  word  in 
hieroglyphic.  The  first  three  signs  indicate  the  letters  f-m-ji  (seeFig.29), 
and  the  last  sign  is  the  determinative  for  " hunger  ” (see  Fig.  30,  A) ; 
hence  f-m-71  spells  " famine.”  With  the  alphabet  (Fig.  29)  and  the 
above  determinatives  the  student  can  put  a number  of  English  words 
into  hieroglyphic ; for  example,  " man  ” {m-7i  and  determinative  of 
kneeling  man,  Fig.  30,  A),  "drink”  (d~r-?t-k  and  determinative  of 
kneeling  man  with  hand  on  mouth,  Fig.  30,  C],  "speak”  (s-p-k  and 
same  determinative),  or  " brook”  (b-r-k  and  determinative  for  " water,” 
as  in  " pond,”  Fig.  30,  B) 


mixing  in  soot  from  the  blackened  pots  over  his  fire.  Dipping 
a pointed  reed  into  this  mixture,  he  found  he  could  write 
very  well. 

He  also  learned  that  he  could  split  a kind  of  river  reed, 
called  papyrus,  into  thin  strips,  and  that  he  could  write  on 
them  much  better  than  on  bits  of  pottery,  bone,  and  wood. 
Desiring  a larger  sheet,  he  hit  upon  the  idea  of  pasting  his 


57.  Inven- 
tion of  writ- 
ing materials; 
ink  and  pen 


58.  Inven- 
tion of  writ- 
ing materials: 
paper 


44 


Ancieiit  Times 


papyrus  strips  together  with  overlapping  edges.  This  gave  him 
a very  thin  sheet,  but  by  pasting  two  such  sheets  together,  back 
to  back  with  the  grain  crossing  at  right  angles,  he  produced  a 
smooth,  tough,  pale-yellow  paper  (Fig.  58).  The  Egyptian  had 
thus  made  the  discovery  that  a thin  vegetable  membrane  offers 
the  most  practical  surface  on  which  to  write,  and  the  world  has 

J*  A IT TT 

Fig.  31.  An  Example  of  Egyptian  Hieroglyphic  (Upper 
Line)  and  its  Equivalent  in  the  Rapid  Running  Hand 
(Lower  Line)  written  with  Pen  and  Ink  on  Papyrus  and 
called  Hieratic,  the  Writing  of  All  Ordinary  Business 

The  daily  business  of  an  Egyptian  community  of  course  required  much 
writing  and  thousands  of  records.  Such  writing,  after  it  began  to  be 
done  with  pen  and  ink  on  papyrus  (Fig.  40),  soon  became  very  rapid. 
In  course  of  time  therefore  there  arose  a rapid  or  running  hand  in  which 
each  hieroglyphic  sign  was  much  abbreviated.  This  running  hand  is 
called  hieratic.  It  corresponds  to  our  handwriting,  while  hieroglyphic 
corresponds  to  our  print.  In  the  above  example  the  signs  in  the  lower 
row  show  clearly  that  they  are  the  result  of  an  effort  to  make  quickly 
the  signs  in  the  hieroglyphic  row  above  (compare  sign  for  sign).  We 
must  notice  also  that  the  Egyptian  wrote  from  right  to  left,  for  this  line 
begins  at  the  right  and  reads  to  the  left.  Vertical  lines,  that  is,  down- 
ward reading,  was  also  employed  (Fig.  58).  A third  still  more  rapid  and 
abbreviated  hand,  corresponding  in  some  ways  to  our  shorthand,  arose 
still  later  (eighth  century  b.  C.).  It  was  called  demotic,  and  one  of  the 
versions  on  the  Rosetta  Stone  (Fig.  207)  is  written  in  demotic 

since  discovered  nothing  better.  In  this  way  arose  pen,  ink, 
and  paper  (see  Fig.  40).  All  three  of  these  devices  have 
descended  to  us  from  the  Egyptians,  and  paper  still  bears  its 
ancient  name,  ” papyros,”  ^ but  slightly  changed. 

1 The  change  from  papyros”  to  "paper”  is  really  a very  slight  one.  For 
os  is  merely  the  Greek  grammatical  ending,  which  must  be  omitted  in  English. 
This  leaves  us  papyr  as  the  ancestor  of  our  word  " paper,”  from  which  it  differs 
by  only  one  letter.  On  the  other  Greek  word  for  " papyrus,”  from  which  came 
our  word  " Bible,”  see  § 405.  On  the  rapid  or  running  handwriting  which  resulted 
from  using  a pen  on  paper,  see  Fig.  31. 


The  Story  of  Egypt 


45 


The  invention  of  writing  and  of  a convenient  system  of 
records  on  paper  has  had  a greater  influence  in  uplifting  the 
human  race  than  any  other  intellectual  achievement  in  the 
career  of  man.  It  was  more  important  than  all  the  battles 
ever  fought  and  all  the  constitutions  ever  devised. 

The  Eg}’ptians  early  found  it  necessary  to  measure  time. 
Like  all  other  early  peoples,  they  used  the  time  from  new 
moon  to  new  moon  as  a very  convenient  rough  measure.  If  a 
man  had  agreed  to  pay  back  some  borrowed  grain  at  the  end 
of  nine  moons,  and  eight  of  them  had  passed,  he  knew  that  he 
had  one  more  moon  in  which  to  make  the  payment.  But  the 
moon-month  varies  in  length  from  twenty-nine  to  thirty  days, 
and  it  does  not  evenly  divide  the  year.  The  Egyptian  soon 
showed  himself  much  more  practical  in  removing  this  incon- 
venience than  his  neighbors  in  other  lands. 

He  decided  to  use  the  moon  no  longer  for  dividing  his  year. 
He  would  have  twelve  months,  and  he  would  make  his  months 
all  of  the  same  length,  that  is,  thirty  days  eadh ; then  he  would 
celebrate  five  feast  days,  a kind  of  holiday  week  five  days  long, 
at  the  end  of  the  year.  This  gave  him  a year  of  three  hundred 
and  sixty-five  days.  He  was  not  yet  enough  of  an  astronomer 
to  know  that  every  four  years  he  ought  to  have  a leap  year  of 
three  hundred  and  sixty-six  days,  although  he  discovered  this 
fact  later  (§  741).  This  convenient  Egyptian  calendar  was 
devised  in  4241  B.c.,  and  its  introduction  is  the  earliest  dated 
event  in  history.  Eurthermore,  this  calendar  is  the  very  one 
which  has  descended  to  us,  after  more  than  six  thousand  years 
— unfortunately  with  awkward  alterations  in  the  lengths  of  the 
months,  but  for  these  alterations  the  Egyptians  were  not 
responsible  (see  § 968). 

At  the  same  time,  as  documents  dated  by  this  convenient 
calendar  accumulated  through  many  years,  it  was  found  that 
a document  like  a lease  or  a note,  signed  in  a certain  month., 
was  not  sufficiently  dated,  unless  the  year  was  also  included. 
The  system  of  numbering  years  from  some  great  event,  like 


59-  Un- 
equaled im- 
portance of 
introduction 
of  writing 


60.  Begin- 
nings of  a 
calendar 


61.  Egyptian 
invention  of 
our  calendar, 
4241  B.C., 
earliest 
fixed  date 
in  history 


62.  Lack  of 
a means  of 
identifying 
any  past  year ; 
invention  of 
year-names 


46 


Ancient  Times 


63-  Lists  of 
year-names, 
the  earliest 
chronicles ; 
and  lists  of 
kings  with 
numbered 
years 


our  method  of  numbering  them  from  the  birth  of  Christ,  was 
still  unknown.  In  order  to  have  some  means  of  identifying  a 
year  when  it  was  long  past,  each  year  was  given  a name  after 
some  prominent  event  which  had  happened  in  it.  This  method 
is  still  in  use  among  our  own  North  American  Indians  (Fig.  32), 

and  even  among  our- 
selves, as  people  in 
Chicago  say  " the  year 
of  the  great  fire.”  We 
find  the  earliest  written 
monuments  of  Egypt 
dated  by  means  of 
named  years  (Fig.  33). 

Lists  of  year-names 
then  began  to  be  kept. 
As  each  year-name  usu- 
ally mentioned  some 
great  event  (cf.  Fig. 
33),  such  lists  of  year- 
names  were  thus  lists 
of  great  events,  like 
historic  chronicles.  The 
earliest  such  year-list 
in  human  history  now 
surviving,  called  the  Pa- 
lerrnp  Stone  (because 
it  is  preserved  in  the 
museum  at  Palermo, 
Sicily),  begins  about 
3400  B.C.,  and  contained  when  complete  the  names  of  some 
seven  hundred  years,  ending  about  2700  b.c.  Later  the  Egyp- 
tians found  it  more  convenient  to  number  the  years  of  each 
king’s  reign,  and  then  to  date  events  in  the  first  year  of  King 
So-and-so  or  the  tenth  year  of  King  So-and-so.  They  finally 
had  lists  of  past  kings,  covering  many  centuries. 


7) 


Fig.  32.  Part  of  a D.vkota  Chief’s 
List  of  Seventy-one  Named  Years 

Lone  Dog,  a Dakota  chief,  had  a buffalo 
robe  with  seventy-one  named  years  re- 
corded on  it,  beginning  in  1800,  when  he 
was  a child  of  four.  A year  when  whoop- 
ing cough  was  very  bad  was  called  the 
"Whooping-cough  Year”;  its  sign  shows 
a human  head  violently  coughing ! (/) 
Another  year,  very  plentiful  in  meteors, 
was  called  the  Meteor  Year,  and  its 
sign  was  a rude  drawing  of  a falling 
meteor  {2).  A third  year  saw  the  arrange- 
ment of  peace  between  the  Dakotas  and 
the  Crows ; its  sign  was  therefore  two 
Indians,  with  differing  style  of  hair,  indi- 
cating the  two  different  tribes,  exchanging 
pipes  of  peace  (j).  Thus,  instead  of  say- 
ing, as  we  do,  that  a thing  happened  in 
the  year  1813,  the  Indian  said  it  happened 
in  the  Whooping-cough  Year,  and  by 
examining  his  table  of  years  he  could  tell 
how  far  back  that  year  was 


The  Story  of  Egypt 


47 


Meantime  the  Eg^'ptians  were  making  great  progress  in  other 
matters.  It  was  probably  in  the  peninsula  of  Sinai  (see  map, 
p.  36)  that  some  Egyptian,  wan- 
dering thither,  once  happened  to 
bank  his  camp  fire  with  pieces  of 
copper  ore  lying  on  the  ground 
about  the  camp.  The  charcoal 
of  his  wood  fire  mingled  with  the 
hot  fragments  of  ore  piled  around 
to  shield  the  fire,  and  thus  the 
ore  was  " reduced,”  as  the  miner 
says ; that  is,  the  copper  in  me- 
tallic form  was  released  from 
the  lumps  of  ore.  Next  morn- 
ing, as  the  Egyptian  stirred  the 
embers,  he  discovered  a few 
glittering  globules,  now  hardened 
into  beads  of  metal.  He  drew  33-  Early  Egyptian 

, p , , , , Date  by  the  Name  of  the 

them  forth  and  turned  them 

Year 


admiringly  as  they  glittered  in 
the  morning  sunshine.  Before 
long,  as  the  experience  was  re- 
peated, he  discovered  whence 
these  strange  shining  beads  had 
come.  He  produced  more  of 
them,  at  first  only  to  be  worn  as 
ornaments  by  the  women.  Then 
he  learned  to  cast  the  metal  into 
a blade,  to  replace  the  flint  knife 
which  he  carried  in  his  girdle. 

Without  knowing  it  this  man 


This  large  alabaster  jar,  now  in 
the  Philadelphia  Museum,  was 
presented  by  a primitive  king  of 
Egypt  to  a Sun-temple  and  bears 
the  date  of  the  presentation  in 
the  words,  "Year  of  Fighting 
and  Smiting  the  Northland,’’ 
which  is  the  name  of  the  year, 
given  to  it  because  of  the  victory 
over  the  Northland  (the  Delta) 
gained  in  that  year.  A long 
series  of  such  year-names  fur- 
nishes us  a valuable  record  of 
great  events,  by  which  the  years 
were  named  (§  63) 


Stood  at  the  dawning  of  a new 

era,  the  Age  of  Metal ; and  the  little  bead  of  shining  copper 
which  he  drew  from  the  ashes,  if  this  Egyptian  wanderer  could 
have  seen  it,  might  have  reflected  to  him  a vision  of  steel 


64.  Discov- 
ery of  metal 
(at  least 
4000  B.C.) 


65.  The 
dawning  of 
the  Age  of 
Metal 


48 


Ancient  Times 


66.  The  Nile 
a vast  histori- 
cal volume 


67.  The  fjrst 
glimpse  of 
the  pyramids 


buildings,  Brooklyn  bridges,  huge  factories  roaring  with  the  noise 
of  thousands  of  machines  of  metal,  and  vast  stretches  of  steel 
roads  along  which  thunder  hosts  of  rushing  locomotives.  For 
these  things  of  our  modern  world,  and  all  they  signify,  would 
never  have  come  to  pass  but  for  the  little  bead  of  metal  which 
the  wondering  Egyptian  held  in  his  hand  for  the  first  time  on 
that  eventful  day  so  long  ago.  Since  the  discovery  of  fire  over 
fifty  thousand  years  earlier  (§  8),  man  had  made  no  conquest 
of  the  things  of  the  earth  which  could  compare  in  importance 
with  this  discovery  of  metal. 

At  this  point  we  realize  that  we  have  followed  early  man  out 
of  the  Stone  Age  (where  we  left  him  in  Europe)  into  a civili- 
zation possessed  of  metal,  writing,  and  government.  We  also 
begin  to  see  that  dry  and  rainless  Egypt  furnishes  the  conditions 
for  the  preservation  of  such  plentiful  remains  of  early  man  as 
to  make  this  valley  an  enormous  storehouse  of  his  ancient  works 
and  records.  These  remains  are  the  only  link  connecting  pre- 
historic man  with  the  historic  age  of  written  documents,  which 
we  are  now  to  study  as  we  make  the  voyage  up  the  Nile.  We 
shall  read  the  monuments  along  the  great  river  like  a vast  his- 
torical volume,  whose  pages  will  tell  us,  age  after  age,  the  fasci- 
nating story  of  ancient  man  and  all  that  he  achieved  here  so 
many  thousands  of  years  ago,  after  his  discovery  of  metals 
and  his  invention  of  writing. 

Such  are  the  thoughts  which  occupy  the  mind  of  the  well- 
informed  traveler  as  his  train  carries  him  southward  across  the 
Delta.  Perhaps  he  is  pondering  on  the  possible  results  which 
the  Egyptians  were  to  achieve  as  he  sees  them  in  imagination  • 
throwing  away  their  flint  chisels  and  replacing  them  with  those 
of  copper.  The  train  rounds  a bend,  and  through  an  opening  in 
the  palms  he  is  fairly  blinded  by  a burst  of  blazing  sunshine 
from  the  western  desert,  in  the  midst  of  which  he  discovers  a 
group  of  noble  pyramids  rising  above  the  glare  of  the  sands. 
It  is  his  first  glimpse  of  the  great  pyramids  of  Gizeh  (Fig.  24), 
and  it  tells  him  better  than  any  printed  page  what  the  Egyptian 


The  Story  of  Egypt 


49 


builders  with  the  copper  chisel  in  their  hands  could  do.  A few  y 
minutes  later  his  train  is  moving  among  the  modern  buildings  / 
of  Cairo,  and  the  very  next  day  will  surely  find  him  taking  th^  f 
seven-mile  drive  from  Cairo  out  to  Gizeh. 

Ax' 

Section  6.  The  Pyramid  Age  (about  3000 'to 
2500  B.  c.) 

No  traveler  ever  forgets  the  first  drive  from  Cairo  to  the 
pyramids  of  Gizeh,  as  he  sees  their  giant  forms  rising  higher 
and  higher  above  the  crest  of  the  western  desert  (Fig.  24). 

A thousand  questions  arise  in  the  visitor’s  mind.  He  has  read 
that  these  vast  buildings  he  is  approaching  are  tombs,  in  which 


68.  The  pyra- 
mids as  royal 
tombs 


Fig.  34.  Winged  Sun-Disk,  a Symbol  of  the  Sun-god 

In  this  form  the  Sun-god  was  believed  to  be  a falcon  flying  across  the 
sky.  We  shall  later  see  how  the  other  nations  of  the  Orient  in  Asia 
also  adopted  this  Egyptian  symbol  (see  Figs.  102,  117,  and  129) 


the  kings  of  Egj'pt  were  buried.  Such  mighty  buildings  reveal 
many  things  about  the  men  who  built  them.  In  the  first  place, 
these  tombs  show  that  the  Egyptians  believed  in  a life  after 
death,  and  that  to  obtain  such  life  it  was  necessary  to  preserve 
the  body  from  destruction.  They  built  these  tombs  to  shelter 
and  protect  the  body  after  death.  Erom  this  belief  came  also  the 
practice  of  embalmment,  by  which  the  body  was  preserved  as 
a mummy  (Fig.  72).  It  was  then  placed  in  the  great  tomb,  in 
a small  room  deep  under  the  pyramid  masonry.  Other  tombs 
of  masonry,  much  smaller  in  size,  cluster  about  the  pyramids  in 
great  numbers  (Figs.  39  and  42).  Here  were  buried  the  relatives 
of  the  king,  and  the  great  men  of  his  court,  who  assisted  him 
in  the  government  of  the  land. 


50 


Ancient  Times 


69.  The  gods 
of  Egypt : Re 
and  Osiris 


70.  The  prog- 
ress of  the 
Egyptians  be- 
fore they 
built  stone 
masonry 


The  Egyptians  had  many  gods,  but  there  were  two  whom 
they  worshiped  above  all  others.  The  sun,  which  shines  so 
gloriously  in  the  cloudless  Egyptian  sky,  was  their  greatest  god, 
and  their  most  splendid  temples  were  erected  for  his  worship. 
Indeed,  the  pyramid  is  a symbol  sacred  to  the  Sun-god.  (See 
another  symbol  in  Fig.  34.)  They  called  him  Re  (pronounced 
ray).  The  other  great  power  which  they  revered  was  the  shining 
Nile.  The  great  river  and  the  fertile  soil  he  refreshes,  and  the 
green  life  which  he  brings  forth  — all  these  the  Egyptian  thought 
of  together  as  a single  god,  Osiris,  the  imperishable  life  of  the 

earth,  which  revives  and  fades 
every  year  with  the  changes 
of  the  seasons  (see  Fig.  35). 
It  was  a beautiful  thought  to 
the  Egyptian  that  this  same 
life-giving  power  which  fur- 
nished him  his  food  in  this 
world  would  care  for  him  also 
in  the  next,  when  his  body 
lay  out  yonder  in  the  great 
cemetery  of  Gizeh,  which  we 
are  approaching.^ 

But  this  vast  cemetery  of  Gizeh  tells  us  of  many  other  things 
besides  the  religion  of  .the  Egyptians.  As  we  look  up  at  the 
colossal  pyramids  behind  the  Sphinx  (Fig.  54)  we  can  hardly 
grasp  the  fact  of  the  enormous  forward  stride  taken  by  the 
Egyptians  since  the  days  when  they  used  to  be  buried  with 
their  flint  knives  in  a pit  scooped  out  on  the  margin  of  the 
desert  (Fig.  25).  It  was  the  use  of  metal  which  since  then  had 
carried  them  so  far.  That  Egyptian  in  Sinai  who  noticed  the 
first  bit  of  metal  (§  65)  lived  over  a thousand  years  before 

1 There  were  many  other  Egyptian  gods  whose  earthly  symbols  were  animals, 
but  the  animal  worship  usually  attributed  to  Egypt  was  a degeneration  belonging 
to  the  latest  age.  The  animals  were  not  gods  in  this  early  time,  but  only  symbols 
of  the  divine  beings,  just  as  the  winged  sun-disk  was  a symbol  of  the  Sun-god 
(Fig.  34). 


Fig.  35.  The  Dead  Osiris 

EMBALMED 


From  the  body  of  the  god  stalks 
of  grain  have  sprouted,  a symbol 
suggesting  the  imperishable  life  of 
the  god,  by  means  of  which  he 
survived  death  {§  69) 


The  Story  of  Egypt 


SI 


these  pyramids  were  built.  He  was  buried  in  a pit  like  that 
of  the  earliest  Egyptian  peasant  (Figs.  25  and  38,  1'). 

It  was  a long  time  before  the  possession  of  metal  resulted  in 
copper  tools  which  made  possible  great  architecture  in  stone-. 
Not  more  than  a hundred  and  fifty  years  before  the  Great 


Fig.  36.  The  Oldest  Surviving  Building  of  Stone 
Masonry  (not  long  after  3000  b.c.) 

This  terraced  building,  often  called  the  step-pyramid,  was  the  tomb  of 
King  Zoser  (early  thirtieth  century  B.C.).  It  is  about  200  feet  high, 
and  is  composed  of  a series  of  buildings  like  those  in  Fig.  42,  placed 
one  on  top  of  the  other.  It  thus  formed  a tapering  building  (Fig.  38,5), 
out  of  which  developed  the  pyramid  form  at  the  close  of  the  thirtieth 
century  (on  the  architect  see  Fig.  37  and  § 71) 

Pyramid  of  Gizeh,  the  Egyptians  were  still  building  the  tombs 
of  their  kings  out  of  sun-baked  brick.  Such  a royal  tomb  was 
at  first  merely  a chamber  in  the  ground,  roofed  with  wood 
and  covered  with  a mound  of  sand  and  gravel  (Fig.  38,  2). 

Then  some  skillful  workman  among  them  found  out  that  he 
could  use  his  copper  tools  to  cut  square  blocks  of  limestone 
and  line  the  chamber  with  these  blocks  in  place  of  the  soft 


52 


Ancient  Times 


71.  The  bncks.  So  far  as  we  know,  this  was  the  first  piece  of  stone 

earliest  stone  , , ,,  , „ , 

building,  and  masonry  ever  put  together  (Fig.  38,  j).  It  can  hardly  be  called 
firet°^chitect  ^ building,  for,  like  a cellar  wall,  it  was  all  below  ground, 
in  stone  V The  next  step,  a real  building  above- 

ground, was  still  of  brick  (Fig.  38, 4). 
It  was  soon  followed  by  a terraced 
structure  of  stone  for  the  king’s 
tomb,  the  earliest  surviving  building 
of  sto)ie  masonry  ever  erected.  We 
know  the  name  of  the  royal  archi- 
tect, Imhotep,  the  earliest  architect  to 
put  up  a building  of  stone  masonry. 
He  flourished  just  after  3000  b.c., 
and  his  name  deserves  far  greater 
fame  and  respect  than  those  of  the 
early  kings  or  conquerors  them- 
selves (Fig.  37). 

The  erection  of  Imhotep’s  ter- 
raced building  was  but  a step  toward 
the  construction  of  a pyramid.  A 
generation  later,  so  rapid  was  the 
progress,  the  king’s  architects  were 
building  the  Great  Pyramid  of  Gizeh 
(2900  B.C.).  From  the  earliest  piece 
of  stone  masonry  (Fig.  38,  j)  to  the 
construction  of  the  Great  Pyramid 
(Fig.  38,  7),  less  than  a century  and 
a half  elapsed.  Most  of  this  advance 
was  made  during  the  thirtieth  cen- 
tury B.C.,  that  is,  between  3000  and 
2900  B.c.  (Fig.  38).  Such  rapid  prog- 
ress in  control  of  mechanical  power 
can  be  found  in  no  other  period  of 
the  world’s  history  until  the  nine- 
teenth century. 


73.  From  the 
earliest  stone 
masonry  to 
the  Great 
Pyramid  — a 
century  and  a 
half 


Fig.  37.  Imhotep  the 
Wise,  the  Earliest  Ar- 
chitect of  Stone  Build- 
ings (nearly  3000  B.c.) 

This  architect  of  the  earli- 
est surviving  building  of 
stone  (Fig.  36)  was  grand 
vizier  at  the  court  of  King 
Zoser.  He  was  also  a great 
physician  and  wise  man,  and 
later  on  he  was  thought  to  be 
a god,  until  he  was  finally  re- 
garded as  Asclepius  (Hiscu- 
lapius),  the  god  of  medicine 
among  the  Greeks  and 
Romans.  This  little  portrait 
of  him  is  a bronze  statuette, 
now  in  the  Berlin  Museum, 
and  shows  him  reading  from 
a papyrus  roll 


The  Story  of  Egypt 


53 


It  helps  us  to  realize  this  progress  when  we  know  that  the 
Great  Pyramid  covers  thirteen  acres.  It  is  a solid  mass  of 
masonry  containing  2,300,000  blocks  of  limestone,  each  weigh- 
ing on  an  average  two  and  a half  tons ; that  is,  each  block  is  as 
heavy  as  a large  wagonload  of  coal.  The  sides  of  the  pyramid 
at  the  base  are  755  feet  long,^  that  is,  about  a block  and  three 
quarters  (counting  twelve  city  blocks  to  a mile),  and  the  build- 
ing was  nearly  500  feet  high.  An  ancient  story  tells  us  that  a 
hundred  thousand  men  were  working  on  this  royal  tomb  for 
twenty  years,  and  we  can  well  believe  it  (Fig.  39). 

We  perceive  at  once  that  it  must  have  required  a very 
skillful  ruler  and  a great  body  of  officials  to  manage  and  to 
feed  a hundred  thousand  workmen  around  this  great  building. 
The  king  who  controlled  such  vast  undertakings  was  no  longer 
a local  chieftain  (§  50),  but  he  now  ruled  a united  Egypt,  the 
earliest  great  unified  nation,  comprising  several  millions  of 
people.  The  king  was  so . reverenced  that  the  people  did  not 
mention  him  by  name,  but  instead  they  spoke  of  the  palace 
in  which  he  lived,  that  is,  the  ” Great  House,”  or,  in  Egyptian, 
- " Pharaoh.”  He  had  his  local  officials  collecting  taxes  all  over 
Egypt  (Eig.  40).  It  was  also  their  business  to  try  the  law  cases 
which  arose,  and  every  judge  had  before  him  the  written  law,^ 
which  bade  him  judge  justly.  'X" 

The  king’s  huge  central  offices,  occupying  low,  sun-baked- 
brick  buildings,  sheltered  an  army  of  clerks  with  their  reed 
pens  and  their  rolls  of  papyrus  (Fig.  40)^  keeping  the  king’s 
records  and  accounts.  The  taxes  received  from  the  people 
here  were  not  in  money,  for  coined  money  did  not  yet  exist. 
Payments  were  made  in  produce — grain,  live  stock,  wine,  honey, 
linen,  and  the  like.  With  the  exception  of  the  cattle,  these  had 
to  be  stored  in  granaries  and  storehouses,  a vast  group  of 
which  formed  the  treasury  of  the  king. 

1 It  should  be  remembered  that  the  pyramid  is  solid.  Compare  the  length  of 
the  Colosseum  (about  600  feet),  which  is  built  around  a //o/Zira' mclosure. 

2 This  Egyptian  code  of  laws  has  unfortunately  been  lost. 


73.  The  vast 
size  of  the 
Great  Pyra- 
mid 


74.  Govern- 
ment in  the 
Pyramid  Age 


Transition  from 


Fig.  38.  The  Evolution  from  the  Sand  Heap  to  the  Pyramid  in  Two  Thou.sand  Years,  and 
THE  Rise  of  Stone  Architecture  in  One  Hundred  and  Fifty  Years 

The  body  of  the  Egyptian  peasant  in  Fig.  25  lay  at  the  bottom  of  a grave  above  which  was  a low  heap  of  sand  sur- 
rounded by  a circle  of  rough  desert  stones  to  keep  the  sand  in  place.  No.  /,  above,  shows  this  grave,  cut  down 
through  the  middle  to  expose  the  inside  with  the  sand  heap  above  it.  In  Nos.  and  4 we  see  the  later  tombs,  also 


o'  D. 


55 


Fig.  39.  Restoration  of  the  Great  Pyramids  and  Other 
Tomb-Monuments  in  the  Ancient  Cemetery  of  Gizeh, 
Egypt.  (After  Hoelscher) 


These  royal  tombs  (pyramids)  belonged  to  the  leading  kings  of  the 
Fourth  Dynasty,  the  early  part  (2900-2750  B.C.)  of  the  Pyramid  Age 
(about  3000  to  2500  B.C.).  The  Great  Pyramid,  the  tomb  of  King  Khufu 
(Greek,  Cheops),  is  on  the  right  (see  § 73).  Next  in  size  is  that  of  "King 
Khafre  (Greek,  Chephren)  (Fig.  54),  on  the  left.  On  the  east  side  (front) 
of  each  pyramid  is  a temple  (see  also  Fig.  56),  where  the  food,  drink, 
and  clothing  were  placed  for  the  use  of  the  dead  king.  These  temples, 
like  the  pyramids,  were  built  on  the  desert  plateau  above,  while  the 
royal  town  was  in  the  valley  below  (on  the  right)  (see  § 75  and  Fig.  24). 
For  convenience,  therefore,  the  temple  was  connected  with  the  town 
below  by  a covered  gallery,  or  corridor,  of  stone,  seen  here  descending 
in  a straight  line  from  the  temple  of  King  Khafre  and  terminating  below, 
just  beside  the  Sphinx,  in  a large  oblong  building  of  stone,  called  a 
valley-temple.  It  was  a splendid  structure  of  granite  (Fig.  55),  serving 
not  only  as  a temple  but  also  as  the  entrance  to  the  great  corridor  from 
the  royal  city.  The  pyramids  are  surrounded  by  the  tombs  of  the  queens 
and  the  great  lords  of  the  age  (see  Fig.  42).  At  the  lower  left-hand 
corner  is  an  unfinished  pyramid,  showing  the  inclined  ascents  up  which 
the  stone  blocks  were  dragged.  These  ascents  (called  ramps)  were 
built  of  sun-baked  brick  and  were  removed  after  the  pyramid  was 
finished.  (This  scene  will  be  found  in  color  in  Otitlines  of  European 
History,  Part  I,  Plate  I) 


56 


The  Story  of  Egypt  57 

The  villas  and  gardens  of  the  officials  who  assisted  the  king 
in  all  this  business  of  government  formed  a large  part  of  the 
royal  city  (Fig.  51).  The  chief  quarter  of  the  city,  however,  was 
occupied  by  the  palace  of  the  king  and  the  luxurious  parks  and 
gardens  which  surrounded  it.  Thus  the  palace  and  its  grounds, 
the  official  villas,  and  offices  of  the  government  made  up  the 
capital  of  Egj-pt,  the  royal  city  which  extended  along  the  foot  of 
the  pyramid  ceme- 
tery and  stretched 
far  away  over  the 
low  plain,  of  which 
there  is  a fine  view 
from  the  summit 
of  the  pyramid. 

But  the  city  was 
all  built  of  sun- 
baked brick  and 
wood,  and  it  has 
therefore  vanished. 

It  extended  far 
southward  from 
Gizeh  and  was  later 
called  Memphis. 

The  city  of  the 
dead,  — the  pyra- 
mids and  the  tombs 
clustering  around 
them  (Figs.  39  and  42)',  — being  built  of  stone,  has  fortunately 
proved  more  durable.  Hence  it  is  that  from  the  summit  of 
the  Great  Pyramid  there  is  a grand  view  southward,  down 
a straggling  but  imposing  line  of  pyramids  rising  dimly  as  far 
as  one  can  see  on  the  southern  horizon.  Each  pyramid  was 
a royal  tomb,  and  for  us  each  such  tomb  means  that  a king 
lived,  ruled,  and  died.  The  line  is  over  sixty  miles  long,  and-i 
its  oldest  pyramids  represent  the  first  great  age  of  Egyptian 


Fig.  40.  CoLLECTiox  of  Taxes  by  Local 
Treasury  Officials  in  the  Pyramid  Age 

The  clerks  and  scribes  are  in  two  rows  at  the 
right.  All  squat,  and  write  on  the  raised  right 
knee,  except  the  two  who  have  desks.  The  left 
hand  holds  a sheet  of  papyrus ; the  right,  the 
pen.  The  taxpayers  are  delinquent  village  offi- 
cers brought  in  (at  the  left)  by  deputies  with 
staves  under  their  arms.  The  inscription  above 
reads,  " Seizing  the  town  rulers  for  a reckon- 
ing.” The  clerks  had  records  of  the  taxpayers’ 
names  and  how  much  they  owed ; and  they 
issued  receipts  when  the  taxes  were  paid,  just 
as  at  the  present  day.  Such  arrangements  did 
not  arise  in  Europe  until  far  down  in  the  Roman 
Empire  {§§  1026-1027) 


75.  The 
royal  city 


76.  Length 
and  date  of 
the  Pyramid 
Age 


58 


Ancient  Times 


77.  Northern 
commerce 
and  earliest 
seagoing 
ships 


civilization  after  the  land  was  united  under  one  kingd  We  may 
call  it  the  Pyramid  Age,  and  it  lasted  about  five  hundred  years, 
from  3000  to  2500  B.c. 

In  the  Pyramid  Age  the  Pharaoh  was  already  powerful 
enough  to  begin  seeking  wealth  beyond  the  boundaries  of 
Egypt.  We  even  possess  painted  reliefs  (Fig.  41)  showing 


Fig.  41.  Earliest  Representation  of  a Seagoing  Ship 
(Twenty-eighth  Century  b.c.) 

The  scene  is  carved  on  the  wall  of  a temple  (Fig.  56).  The  people  are 
all  bowing  to  the  king  whose  figure  (now  lost)  stood  on  shore  (at  the 
left),  and  they  salute  him  with  the  words  written  in  a line  of  hieroglyphs 
above,  meaning : " Hail  to  thee ! O Sahure  [the  king’s  name],  thou  god 
of  the  living!  We  behold  thy  beauty.”  Some  of  these  men  are  bearded 
Phoenician  prisoners  brought  by  this  Egyptian  ship  which  with  seven 
others,  making  a fleet  of  eight  vessels,  had  therefore  crossed  the  east 
end  of  the  Mediterranean  and  returned.  The  big  double  mast  is  un- 
shipped and  lies  on  supports  rising  by  the  three  steering  oars  in  the 
stern.  The  model  and  ornaments  of  these  earliest-known  ships  spread 
in  later  times  to  ships  found  in  all  waters  from  Italy  to  India 


US  the  ships  which  he  dared  to  send  beyond  the  shelter  of 
the  Nile  mouths  far  across  the  end  of  the  Mediterranean  to 
the  coast  of  Phoenicia  (see  map,  p.  102).  This  was  in  the 

1 For  a long  time  before  this  there  had  been  little  kingdoms  scattered  up  and 
down  the  valley.  These  finally  merged  into  two  leading  kingdoms  — one  includ- 
ing the  Delta,  and  the  other  the  valley  south  of  it.  They  long  fought  together 
(see  Fig.  33),  until  they  were  finally  united  into  one  kingdom,  under  a single 
king.  The  first  king  to  establish  this  union  permanently  was  Menes,  who  united 
Egypt  under  his  rule  about  3400  B.  c.  But  it  was  not  until  four  centuries  or  more 
after  Menes  that  the  united  kingdom  became  powerful  and  wealthy  enough  to 
build  these  royal  pyramid-tombs,  marking  for  us  the  first  great  age  of  Egyptian 
civilization. 


The  Story  of  Egypt 


59 


middle  of  the  twenty-eighth  century  b.c.,  and  this  relief 
(Fig.  41)  contains  the  oldest  known  representation  of  a sea- 
going ship.  Yet  at  that  time  the  Pharaoh  had  already  been 
carrying  on  such  over-sea  commerce  for  centuries. 

Besides  maintaining  his  copper  mines  in  Sinai,  the  king  was 
also  already  sending  caravans  of  donkeys  far  up  the  Nile  into 
the  Sudan  to  traffic  with  the  blacks  of  the  south,  and  to  bring 
back  ebony,  ivory,  ostrich  feathers,  and  fragrant  gums.  The 


Fig.  42.  Restoration  of  a Group  of  Tombs  of  the  Nobles 
IN  THE  Pyramid  Age 

These  tombs  are  grouped  about  the  royal  pyramids,  as  seen  in  Fig.  39. 
They  are  sometimes  of  vast  size.  The  square  openings  in  the  top  are 
shafts  leading  down  to  the  burial  chambers  in  the  native  rock  far  below 
the  tomb  structures.  These  structures  are  of  stone,  surrounding  a heap 
of  sand  and  gravel  inside  (Fig.  38,  4].  The  chapel  room  is  in  the  east 
side,  of  which  the  door  can  be  seen  in  the  front  of  each  tomb.  The 
reliefs  shown  in  Figs.  43-48  adorn  the  inside  walls  of  these  chapels 

officials  who  conducted  these  caravans  were  the  earliest  ex- 
plorers of  inner  Africa,  and  in  their  tombs  at  the  First  Cataract 
they  have  left  interesting  records  of  their  exciting  adventures 
among  the  wild  tribes  of  the  south  — adventures  in  which  some 
of  them  lost  their  lives.^  The  Pharaoh  was  also  sending  his 
ships  on  expeditions  to  a land  called  Punt,  at  the  south  end  of 
the  Red  Sea  (see  map,  p.  36),  to  procure  the  same  products  and 
to  bring  them  back  by  water. 

1 The  teacher  will  find  it  of  interest  to  read  these  records  to  the  class.  See 
the  author’s  Ancient  Records  of  Egypt,  Vol.  I,  pp.  325-336,  350-374. 


78.  Southern 
commerce 
and  earliest 
navigation  on 
the  Red  Sea 


6o 


Ancient  Times 


179.  The 
tomb-chapels 
of  the  Pyra- 
mid Age ; the 
life  they 
reveal 


A Stroll  among  the  tombs  clustering  so  thickly  around  the 
pyramids  of  Gizeh  (Fig.  42)  is  almost  like  a walk  among  the 
busy  communities  which  flourished  in  this  populous  valley  in 
the  days  of  the  pyramid-builders.  We  find  the  door  of  every 
tomb  standing  open  (Fig.  42),  and  there  is  nothing  to  prevent 


Fig.  43.  Relief  Scene  from  the  Chapel  of  a Noble’s 
Tomb  (Fig.  42)  in  the  Pyramid  Age 

The  tall  figure  of  the  noble  stands  at  the  right.  He  is  inspecting  three 
lines  of  cattle  and  a line  of  fowl  brought  before  him.  Note  the  two 
scribes  who  head  the  two  middle  rows.  Each  is  writing  with  pen  on  a 
sheet  of  papyrus,  and  one  carries  two  pens  behind  his  ear.  Such 
reliefs  after  being  carved  were  colored  in  bright  hues  by  the  painter 

(see  § 93) 

our  entrance.  We  stand  in  an  oblong  room  with  walls  of  stone 
masonry.  This  is  a chapel  chamber,  to  which  the  Egyptian 
believed  the  dead  man  buried  beneath  the  tomb  might  return 
every  day.  Here  he  would  find  food  and  drink  left  for  him 
daily  by  his  relatives.  He  would  also  find  the  stone  walls  of 


The  Story  of  Egypt  6i 

this  room  covered  from  floor  to  ceiling  with  carved  scenes,  beau- 
tifully painted,  picturing  the  daily  life  on  a great  estate  (Figs.  40, 
43-48,  and  50).  The  place  is  now  silent  and  deserted,  or  if  we 
hear  the  voices  of  the  donkey  boys  talking  outside,  they  are 
speaking  Arabic,  for  the  ancient  Egyptian  language  of  the  men 
who  built  these  tombs  so  many  thousand  years  ago  is  no  longer 
spoken.  But  everywhere,  in  bright  and  charming  colors,  we 
see  pictures  of  the  life  — the  days  of  toil  and  pleasure  — which 
these  men  of  nearly  flve  thousand  years  ago  actually  lived. 


Fig.  44.  Plowing  and  Sowing  in  the  Pyramid  Age 

There  are  two  plowmen,  one  driving  the  oxen  and  one  holding  the 
plow.  This  wooden  plow  was  derived  from  such  a wooden  hoe  as  we 
see  in  use  in  front  of  the  oxen.  The  handle  of  the  hoe,  here  grasped 
b)'  the  user,  was  lengthened  so  that  oxen  might  be  yoked  to  it.  The 
hoe  handle  thus  became  the  beam  of  a plow.  Two  short  handles  were 
then  attached  by  which  the  plowman  behind  could  guide  it  (§  33). 
The  man  with  the  hoe  breaks  up  the  clods  left  by  the  plow,  and  in 
front  of  him  is  the  sower,  scattering  the  seed  from  the  curious  sack  he 
carries  before  him.  At  the  left  is  a scribe  of  the  estate.  The  hiero- 
glyphs at  the  top  in  all  such  scenes  explain  what  is  going  on.  Scene 
from  the  chapel  of  a noble’s  tomb  (Fig.  42) 

Dominating  all  these  scenes  on  the  walls  is  the  tall  form  of 
the  noble  (Fig.  43),  the  lord  of  the  estate,  who  was  buried  in 
this  tomb.  He  stands  looking  out  over  his  fields  and  inspecting 
the  work  going  on  there.  These  fields  (Fig.  44)  are  the  oldest 
scene  of  agriculture  known  to  us.  Here,  too,  are  the  herds,  long 
lines  of  sleek,  fat  cattle  grazing  in  the  pasture,  while  the  milch 
cows  are  led  up  and  tied  to  be  milked  (Figs.  43  and  45).  Thes” 
cattle  are  also  beasts  of  burden ; we  notice  the  oxen  draw- 
ing the  plow.  But  we  find  no  horses  in  these  tombs  of  the 


80.  Agricul- 
ture and 
cattle  raising 
beasts  of 
burden 


62 


Ancient  Times 


8i.  The  cop- 
persmith 


Pyramid  Age,  for  the  horse  was  still  unknown  to  the  Egyptian. 
The  donkey,  however,  is  everywhere,  and  it  would  be  impossible 

to  harvest  the  grain 
without  him  (Fig.  46). 

On  the  next  wall  we 
find  again  the  tall  figure 
of  the  noble  overseeing 
the  booths  and  yards 
where  the  craftsmen  of 
his  estate  are  working. 
Yonder  is  the  smith. 
He  has  never  heard  of 
his  ancestor  who  picked 
up  the  first  bead  of 
copper,  over  a thousand  years  earlier  (§  65).  Much  progress 
has  been  made  since  that  day.  This  man  could  make  excellent 
copper  tools  of  all  sorts ; but  the  tool  which  demanded  the 
greatest  skill  was  the  long, 
flat  ripsaw,  which  the  smith 
knew  how  to  hammer  into 
shape  out  of  a broad  strip  of 
copper  five  or  six  feet  long. 

Such  a saw  may  be  seen  in 
use  in  Fig.  50.  Besides  this 
he  knew  how  to  make  one 
that  would  saw  great  blocks 
of  stone  for  the  pyramids. 

Moreover,  this  coppersmith 
was  already  able  to  deliver 
orders  of  considerable  size. 

We  know  that  he  could  fur- 
nish thirteen  hundred  feet 
(about  a quarter  of  a mile)  of  copper  drain  piping  for  a pyra- 
mid temple  (Fig.  56),  where  recent  excavation  has  found  it  — 
the  earliest  plumbing  known  to  us. 


Fig.  46.  Donkey  carrying' a 
Load  of  Grain  Sheaves  in 
THE  Pyramid  Age 

The  foal  accompanies  its  mother 
while  at  work.  Scene  from  the 
chapel  of  a noble’s  tomb  (Fig.  42) 


Fig.  45.  Peasant  milking  in  the 
Pyramid  Age 


The  cow  is  restive  and  the  ancient  cow- 
herd has  tied  her  hind  legs.  Behind  her 
another  man  is  holding  her  calf,  which 
rears  and  plunges  in  the  effort  to  reach 
the  milk.  Scene  from  the  chapel  of  a 
noble’s  tomb  (Fig.  42) 


The  Story  of  Egypt 


63 


On  the  same  wall  we  see  the  lapidary  holding  up  for  the 
noble’s  admiration  splendid  stone  bowls  cut  from  diorite. 
Although  this  kind  of  stone  is  as  hard  as  steel,  the  bowl  is 
ground  to  such  thinness  that  the  sunlight  glows  through  its 
dark  gray  sides  (Fig.  134).  Other  workmen  are  cutting  and 
grinding  tiny  pieces  of  beautiful  blue  turquoise.  These  pieces 
they  inlay  with  remarkable  accuracy  into  recesses  in  the  sur- 
face of  a magnificent  golden  vase  just  made  ready  by  the 
goldsmith  (Plate  I). 


The  booth  of  the 
goldsmith  is  filled 
with  workmen  and 
apprentices  (Fig. 
47).  They  hammer 
and  cast,  solder  and 
fit  together  richly 
wrought  jewelry 
which  is  hardly  sur- 
passed by  the  work 
of  the  best  gold- 
smiths and  jewelers 
of  to-day. 

In  the  next  space 
on  this  wall  we  find 
the  potter  no  longer 
building  up  his  jars 


Fig.  47.  Goldsmith’s  Workshop  in  the 
Pyramid  Age 

Upper  row.  At  left  the  chief  goldsmith  weighs 
precious  stones  and  a scribe  records  them ; 
next,  six  men  with  blowpipes  blow  the  fire  in  a 
smail  clay  furnace ; next,  a workman  pours  out 
molten  metal  or  paste ; at  the  right  end  four 
men  are  beating  gold  leaf.  Middle  row.  Pieces 
of  finished  jewelry  and  a jewel-bo.x  in  the  middle. 
Lower  row.  Workmen  seated  at  low  benches 
are  putting  together  and  engraving  pieces  of 
jewelry.  Several  of  these  men  are  dwarfs.  (See 
the  finished  work  on  Plate  I,  and  headpiece,  p.  3 5) 


and  bowls  with  his  fingers  alone,  as  in  the  Stone  Age.  He  now 
sits  before  a small  horizontal  wheel  (Fig.  48),  upon  which  he 
deftly  shapes  the  whirling  vessel.  When  the  soft  clay  vessels 
are  ready,  they  are  no  longer  unevenly  burned  in  an  open  fire, 
as  among  the  Late  Stone  Age  potters  in  the  Swiss  lake-villages 
(Fig.  16);  but  here  in  the  Egyptian  potter’s  yard  are  long  rows 
of  closed  furnaces  of  clay  as  tall  as  a man.  When  the  pottery 
is  packed  in  these  furnaces  it  is  burned  evenly,  because  it  is 
protected  from  the  wind  (Fig.  48).  On  the  tomb  wall  we  also 


82.  The  lapi- 
dary, gold- 
smith, and 
jeweler 


83.  The  pot- 
ter’s wheel 
and  furnace  ; 
the  earliest 
glass 


64 


Ancient  Times 


84.  The 
weavers  and 
tapestry- 
makers 


see  the  craftsman  making  glass.  This  art  the  Egyptians  had 
discovered  centuries  earlier.  The  glass  was  spread  on  tiles  in 
gorgeous  glazes  for  adorning  house  and  palace  walls  (Plate  II), 
and  later  it  was  wrought  into  exquisite  many-colored  glass 
bottles  and  vases,  which  were  widely  exported  (Fig.  49). 

Yonder  the  weaving  women  draw  forth  from  the  loom  a 
gossamer  fabric  of  linen.  The  picture  would  naturally  give  us 
no  idea  of  its  fineness,  but  fortunately  pieces  of  it  have  sur- 
vived, wrapped  around  the  mummy  of  a king  of  this  age. 


O 


Fig.  48.  Potter’s  Wheel  and  Furnaces 

The  potter  crouches  before  his  horizontal  wheel,  which  is  like  a flat 
round  plate,  on  which  rests  the  jar  being  shaped.  The  potter  keeps 
the  wheel  whirling  with  one  hand,  and  with  the  other  he  shapes  the  soft 
clay  jar  as  it  whirls  on  the  wheel.  This  wheel  is  the  ancestor  of  our 
lathe.  Two  men  (at  the  right  end)  are  just  filling  a tall  furnace  with 
bowls  and  jars,  and  another  furnace  (at  the  left)  is  already  very  hot, 
for  the  man  stirring  the  fire  is  holding  up  his  hand  to  shield  his  face 
from  the  heat 


These  specimens  of  royal  linen  are  so  fine  that  It  requires  a 
magnifying  glass  to  distinguish  them  from  silk,  and  the  best 
work  of  the  modem  machine  loom  is  coarse  in  comparison 
with  this  fabric  of  the  ancient  Egyptian  hand  loom.  At  one 
loom  a lovely  tapestry  is  being  made,  for  these  weavers  of 
Egypt  furnished  the  earliest-known  specimens  of  such  work, 
to  be  hung  on  the  walls  of  the  Pharaoh’s  palace  or  stretched 
out  to  shade  the  roof  garden  of  the  noble’s  villa  (Fig.  51). 

85.  Paper-  In  the  next  space  on  the  wall  we  find  huge  bundles  of 

papyrus  reeds,  which  barelegged  men  are  gathering  along  the 


The  Story  of  Egypt 


65 


edge  of  the  Nile  marsh.  These  reeds  furnish  piles  of  pale 
yellow  paper  in  long  narrow  sheets  (§  58).  The  ships  which  we 
have  followed  on  the  Mediterranean  (Fig.  41)  will  in  course 
of  time  add  bales  of  this  Nile  paper  to  their  cargoes,  and 
carry  it  to  the 
European  world. 

We  seem  almost 
to  hear  the  hubbub 
of  hammers  and 
mauls  as  we  ap- 
proach the  next  sec- 
tion of  wall,  where 
we  find  the  ship- 
builders and  cabi- 
netmakers. Here 
is  a long  line  of 
curving  hulls,  with 
workmen  swarming 
over  them  like  ants, 
fitting  together  the 
earliest  seagoing 
ships  (Fig.  41). 

Beside  them  are 
the  busy  cabinet- 
makers (Fig.  50), 
fashioning  luxuri- 
ous furniture  for  the  noble’s  villa.  The  finished  chairs  and 
couches  for  the  king  or  the  rich  are  overlaid  with  gold  and 
silver,  inlaid  with  ebony  and  ivory,  and  upholstered  with  soft 
leathern  cushions  (Fig.  73). 

As  we  look  back  over  these  painted  chapel  walls  we  see 
that  the  tombs  of  Gizeh  have  told  us  a very  vivid  story  of  how 
these  early  men  learned  to  make  for  themselves  the  things  they 
needed.  We  should  notice  how  many  more  such  things  these 
men  of  the  Nile  could  now  m.ake  than  the  Stone  Age  men,  who 


ABC 
Fig.  49.  Egyptian  Glass  Bottles  and 
THEIR  Distribution  from  Babylonia  to 
Ancient  Italy 

A,  as  found  in  ancient  Egypt ; B,  as  found  in 
ancient  Babylonia ; C,  as  found  in  ancient  Italy. 
The  shape  is  in  imitation  of  Egyptian  perfume 
bottles  cut  out  of  alabaster.  This  shape  became 
the  common  form  for  perfume  and  toilet  bottles 
among  the  Mediterranean  peoples  in  later  times 
(see  Fig.  170) 


86.  Ship- 
builders. car- 
penters, and 
cabinet- 
makers 


87.  Indus- 
trial progress 
of  Egypt  re- 
vealed by  the 
tomb-chapels 


66 


Ancient  Times 


88.  River 
commerce  ; 
the  market 
place ; traffic 
in  goods ; cir- 
culation of 
precious 
metal 


were  still  living  in  the  lake-villages  and  other  towns  of  Europe 
(Fig.  1 4)  at  the  very  time  these  tomb-chapels  were  built. 

It  is  easy  to  picture  the  bright,  sunny  river  in  those  ancient 
days,  alive  with  boats  and  barges  (often  depicted  on  these 
walls)  moving  hither  and  thither,  bearing  the  products  of  all 
these  industries,  to  be  carried  to  the  treasury  of  the  Pharaoh 
as  taxes  or  to  the  market  of  the  town  to  be  bartered  for  other 
goods.  Here  on  the  wall  is  the  market  place  itself.  We  can 
watch  the  cobbler  offering  the  baker  a pair  of  sandals  as 


Fig.  50.  Cabinetmakers  in  the  Pyramid  Age 

At  the  left  a man  is  cutting  with  a chisel  which  he  taps  with  a mallet ; 
next,  a man  " rips  ” a board  with  a copper  saw ; next,  two  men  are 
finishing  off  a couch,  and  at  the  right  a man  is  drilling  a hole  with  a 
bow-drill.  Scene  from  the  chapel  of  a noble’s  tomb  (Fig  42).  Com- 
pare a finished  chair  belonging  to  a wealthy  noble  of  the  Empire 
which  was  placed  in  his  tomb  and  thus  preserved  (Fig.  73) 

payment  for  a cake,  or  the  carpenter’s  wife  giving  the  fisherman 
a little  wooden  box  to  pay  for  a fish ; while  the  potter’s  wife 
proffers  the  apothecary  two  bowls  fresh  from  the  potter’s  fur- 
nace in  exchange  for  a jar  of  fragrant  ointment.  We  see,  there- 
fore, that  the  people  have  no  coined  money  to  use,  and  that  in 
the  market  place  trade  is  actual  exchange  of  goods.  Such  is  the 
business  of  the  common  people.  If  we  could  see  the  large 
transactions  in  the  palace,  we  would  find  there  heavy  rings 
of  gold  of  a standard  weight,  which  circulated  like  money. 
Rings  of  copper  also  served  the  same  purpose.  Such  rings 
were  the  forerunners  of  coin  (§  458). 


The  Story  of  Egypt 


67 


These  people  in  the  gayly  painted  picture  of  the  market 
place  on  the  chapel  wall  were  the  common  folk  of  Egypt  in 
the  Pyramid  Age.  Some  of  them  were  Tree  men,  following 
their  own  business  or  industry.  Others  were  slaves,  working 
the  fields  on  the  great  estates.  Neither  of  these  humble 
classes  owned  any  land.  Over  them  were  the  landowners, 
the  Pharaoh  and  his  great  lords  and  officials,  like  the  owner 
of  this  tomb  (Fig.  42).  We  know  many  more  of  them  by 
name,  and  a walk  through  this  cemetery  would  enable  us  to 
make  a directory  of  the  wealthy  quarter  of  the  royal  city  under 
the  kings  who  were  buried  in  these  pyramids  of  Gizeh.  We 
know  the  grand  viziers  and  the  chief  treasurers,  the  chief  judges 
and  the  architects,  the  chamberlains  and  marshals  of  the  palace, 
and  so  on.  We  can  even  visit  the  tomb  of  the  architect  who 
built  the  Great  Pyramid  of  Gizeh  for  Khufu. 

We  can  observe  with  what  pleasure  these  nobles  and  officials 
presided  over  this  busy  industrial  and  social  life  of  the  Nile 
valley  in  the  Pyramid  Age.  Here  on  this  chapel  wall  again 
we  see  its  owner  seated  at  ease  in  his  palanquin,  a luxurious 
wheel-less  carriage  borne  upon  the  shoulders  of  slaves,  as  he 
returns  from  the  inspection  of  his  estate  where  we  have  been 
following  him.  His  bearers  carry  him  into  the  shady  garden 
before  his  house  (Fig.  51),  where  they  set  down  the  palanquin 
and  cease  their  song.^  His  wife  advances  at  once  to  greet  him. 
Her  place  is  always  at  his  side ; she  is  his  sole  wife,  held  in 
all  honor,  and  enjoys  every  right  which  belongs  to  her  husband. 
This  garden  is  the  noble’s  paradise.  Here  he  may  recline  for  an 
hour  of  leisure  with  his  family  and  friends,  playing  at  draughts, 
listening  to  the  music  of  harp,  pipe,  and  lute,  watching  his 
women  in  the  slow  and  stately  dances  of  the  time,  while  his 
children  are  sporting  about  among  the  arbors,  splashing  in  the 
pool  as  they  chase  the  fish,  playing  with  ball,  doll,  and  jumping 
jack,  or  teasing  the  tame  monkey  which  takes  refuge  under 
their  father’s  ivory-legged  stool. 

1 Recorded,  with  other  songs,  on  the  tomb-chapel  walls. 


89.  Three 
classes  of 
society  in  the 
Pyramid  Age 


90.  The 
noble  of  the 
Pyramid  Age 
in  his  home 


68 


Ancient  History 


Section  7.  Art  and  Architecture  in  the 
Pyramid  Age 


Qi.  The 
noble’s  house 


92.  The  art 
of  its  furni- 
ture and 
decoration 


The  noble  drops  one  hand  idly  upon  the  head  of  his  favorite 
hound,  and  with  the  other  beckons  to  the  chief  gardener  and 
gives  directions  regarding  the  new  pomegranates  which  he 
wishes  to  try  for  dinner.  The  house  (Fig.  51)  where  this 
dinner  awaits  him  is  large  and  commodious,  built  of  sun-dried 
brick  and  wood.  Light  and  airy,  as  suits  the  climate,  we  find 
that  it  has  many  latticed  windows  on  all  sides.  The  walls  of 
the  living  rooms  are  scarcely  more  than  a frame  to  support 
gayly  colored  hangings  (§84)  which  can  be  let  down  as  a pro- 
tection against  winds  and  sand  storms  when  necessary.  These 
give  the  house  a very  bright  and  cheerful  aspect.  The  house  is 
a work  of  art,  and  we  discern  in  it  how  naturally  the  Egyptian 
demanded  beauty  in  his  surroundings.  This  he  secured  by 
making  all  his  useful  things  beautiful. 

Beauty  surrounds  us  on  every  hand  as  we  follow  him  in  to 
his  dinner.  The  lotus  blossoms  on  the  handle  of  his  carved 
spoon,  and  his  wine  sparkles  in  the  deep  blue  calyx  of  the 
same  flower,  which  forms  the  bowl  of  his  wineglass.  The 
muscular  limbs  of  the  lion  or  the  ox,  beautifully  carved  in 
ivory,  support  the  chair  in  which  he  sits  or  the  couch  where 
he  reclines.  The  painted  ceiling  over  his  head  is  a blue  and 
starry  heaven  resting  upon  palm-trunk  columns  (Fig.  56),  each 
crowned  with  its  graceful  tuft  of  drooping  foliage  carved  in 
wood  and  colored  in  the  dark  green  of  the  living  tree ; or 
columns  in  the  form  of  lotus  stalks  rise  from  the  floor  as  if 
to  support  the  azure  ceiling  upon  their  swaying  blossoms. 
Doves  and  butterflies,  exquisitely  painted,  flit  across  this  in- 
door sky.  Beneath  our  feet  we  find  the  pavement  of  the 
dining  hall  carpeted  in  paintings  picturing  everywhere  the 
deep  green  of  disheveled  marsh  grasses,  with  gleaming  water 
between  and  fish  gliding  among  the  swaying  reeds.  Around 
the  margin,  leaping  among  the  rushes,  we  see  the  wild  ox 


The  Story  of  Egypt 


69 


Fig.  51.  Villa  of  an  Egyptian  Noble 

The  garden  is  inclosed  with  a high  wall.  There  are  pools  on  either 
side  as  one  enters,  and  a long  arbor  extends  down  the  middle.  The 
house  at  the  rear,  embowered  in  trees,  is  crowned  by  a roof  garden 
shaded  with  awnings  of  tapestry  (see  § 84) 

tossing  his  head  at  the  birds  twittering  on  the  nodding  rush 
tops,  as  they  vainly  strive  to  frighten  away  the  stealthy  weasel 
creeping  up  to  plunder  their  nests. 

The  Egyptians  could  not  have  left  us  the  beautifully  painted 
reliefs  in  the  tomb-chapels  we  visited  unless  they  had  possessed 


70 


Ancient  Times 


93.  Painting 
and  relief 
in  tombs  and 
temples 


94.  Portrait 
sculpture 


95.  Architec- 
ture : the 
earliest 
clerestory 


trained  artists.  Indeed,  we  can  find,  in  one  comer  of  the  wall, 
the  picture  of  the  artist  who  painted  the  walls  in  one  of  the 
chapels,  where  he  has  represented  himself  enjoying  a plentiful 
feast  among  other  people  of  the  estate.  His  drawings  all  around 
us  show  that  he  has  not  been  able  to  overcome  all  the  difficul- 
ties of  depicting,  on  a flat  surface,  objects  having  thickness  and 
roundness.  Animal  figures  are  drawn,  however,  with  great 
lifelikeness  (Figs.  43-46),  but  perspective  is  almost  entirely 
unknown  to  him,  and  objects  in  the  background  or  distance 
are  drawn  of  almost  the  same  size  as  those  in  front. 

The  portrait  sculptor  was  the  greatest  artist  of  this  age. 
His  statues  were  carved  in  stone  or  wood,  and  colored  in  the 
hues  of  life ; the  eyes  were  inlaid  with  rock  crystal,  and  they 
still  shine  with  the  gleam  of  life  (Fig.  53).  More  lifelike  por- 
traits have  never  been  produced  by  any  age,  although  they  are 
the  earliest  portraits  in  the  history  of  art.  Such  statues  of  the 
kings  are  often  superb  (Fig.  52).  They  were  set  up  in  the 
Pharaoh’s  pyramid  temple  (Figs.  55  and  56).  In  size  the  most 
remarkable  statue  of  the  Pyramid  Age  is  the  Great  Sphinx, 
which  stands  here  in  this  cemetery  of  Gizeh  (Fig.  54).  The 
head  is  a portrait  of  Klhafre,  the  king  who  built  the  second 
pyramid  of  Gizeh  (Fig.  54),  and  was  carved  from  a promon- 
tory of  rock  which  overlooked  the  royal  city.  It  is  the  largest 
portrait  ever  wrought. 

The  massive  granite  piers  and  walls  (Fig.  55)  of  Khafre’s 
valley  temple  (Fig.  39)  beside  the  Sphinx  reveal  to  us  the 
impressive  architecture  in  stone  which  the  men  of  the  early 
part  of  the  Pyramid  Age  were  designing.  This  splendid  hall 
(Fig.  55)  was  lighted  by  a series  of  oblique  slits,  which  are 
really  low  roof  windows.  They  occupied  the  difference  in  level 
between  a higher  roof  over  the  middle  aisle  of  the  hall  and 
a lower  roof  on  each  side  of  the  middle  (Fig.  271,  i).  Such 
an  arrangement  of  roof  windows,  called  a clerestory  (clear- 
story), later  passed  over  to  Greece  and  Rome,  and  finally  sug- 
gested the  nave  of  the  Christian  basilica  church  or  cathedral 


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The  Story  of  Egypt 


71 


developed  in  Eu- 
rope three  thousand 
five  hundred  years 
later. 

But  before  a 
century  had  passed, 
such  massive  gran- 
deur as  we  find  in 
this  great  hall  of 
Khafre  (Fig.  55) 
was  being  trans- 
formed by  the 
Egyptian’s  grow- 
ing sense  of  grace 
and  beauty.  In- 
stead of  ponder- 
ous square  piers  or 
pillars  the  archi- 
tects now  began 
to  erect  light  and 


(Fig.  271).  And  so  this  granite  hall  of  Khafre  in  the  Pyra- 
mid Age  was  the  ancestor  of  the  leading  form  of  Christian 
architecture  as  it 


graceful  round  col- 
umns with  beauti- 
ful capitals ; these 
were  ranged  in 
long  rows,  the 
earliest  colonnades 
(Fig-  56),  dating 
from  the  twenty- 
eighth  century  b.  c. 
They  were  pecul- 
iar to  Egypt,  for 
when  our  study 


Fig.  55.  Restoration  of  the  Clere- 
story Hall  in  the  Valley-Temple  of 
Khafre  (cf.  Fig.  39).  (After  Hoelscher) 

The  roof  of  this  hall  was  supported  on  two  rows 
of  huge  stone  piers  (see  Fig.  271,  /),  each  a 
single  block  of  polished  granite  weighing  22 
tons.  This  view  shows  only  one  row  of  the 
piers,  the  other  being  out  of  range  at  the  right. 
At  the  left  above,  the  light  streams  in  obliquely 
from  the  very  low  clerestory  windows  (§  95). 
Compare  the  cross  settion  (Fig.  271,  /).  The 
statues  shown  here  had  been  thrown  by  un- 
known enemies  into  a well  in  a connected  hall, 
where  they  were  found  sixty  years  ago  (see 
head  of  the  finest  in  Fig.  52) 


96.  Earliest 
colonnades 


72 


Ancient  Times 


Fig.  56.  Colonnades  in  the  Court  of  a Pyramid-Temple 
(Twenty-eighth  Century  b.c.).  (After  Borchardt) 

Notice  the  pyramid  rising  behind  the  temple  (just  as  in  Fig.  39  also). 
The  door  in  the  middle  leads  to  the  holy  place  built  against  the 
side  of  the  pyramid,  where  a false  door  in  the  pyramid  masonry 
served  as  the  portal  through  which  the  king  came  forth  from  the  world 
of  the  dead  into  this  beautiful  temple  to  enjoy  the  food  and  drink 
placed  here  for  him  in  magnificent  vessels  (Plate  I)  and  to  share  in  the 
splendid  feasts  celebrated  here.  The  center  of  the  court  is  open  to  the 
sky ; the  roof  of  the  porch  all  around  is  supported  on  round  columns, 
the  earliest  known  in  the  history  of  architecture.  Contrast  the  square 
piers  without  any  capital  which  the  architects  of  Khafre  put  into  his 
temple-hall  (Fig.  55)  over  a century  earlier  than  these  columns.  Each 
column  reproduces  a palm  tree,  the  capital  being  the  crown  of  foliage. 
The  whole  place  was  colored  in  the  bright  hues  of  nature,  including 
the  painting  on  the  walls  behind  the  columns.  Among  these  paintings 
was  the  ship  in  Fig.  41.  Thirteen  hundred  feet  of  copper  piping,  the 
earliest-known  plumbing,  was  installed  in  this  building  (§  81) 

carries  us  to  earliest  Asia,  we  shall  find  that  the  colonnade 
was  long  unknown  there  (§  195). 

The  Pyramid  cemeteries  have  shown  us  the  grandeur  of  the 
civilization  gained  by  the  Egyptians  of  the  Pyramid  Age.  If 
time  permitted,  we  might  find  other  records  here,  showing  how 


97.  Decline 
of  the  Pyra- 
mid Age 


The  Story  of  Egypt 


73 


the  nobles  of  the  age  (just  such  nobles  as  the  one  whose 
estate  and  home  we  have  in  imagination  visited)  gained  more 
and  more  power  until  the  Pharaohs  could  no  longer  control 
them.  Then  in  struggles  among  themselves  they  destroyed  the 
Pharaoh’s  government,  and  the  last  king  of  the  Pyramid  Age 
feU  soon  after  2500  b.  c.  It  had  lasted  some  five  hundred 
years.  Thus  ended  the  first  great  civilized  age  of  human  his- 
tory— the  age  which  carried  men  for  the  first  time  out  of 
barbarism  into  civilization  (see  Fig.  38).  But  the  Pyramid  Age 
vas  not  the  end  of  civilization  on  the  Nile  ; other  great  periods 
were  to  follow.  The  monuments  which  these  later  ages  left 
lie  farther  up  the  river,  and  we  must  make  the  voyage  up  the 
Nile  in  order  to  visit  them  and  to  recover  the  wonderful  story 
which  they  stiU  tell  us. 


QUESTIONS 

Section  5.  Tell  something  of  the  life  of  the  earliest  Nile  men  and 
how  we  know  about  them.  Trace  the  steps  by  which  phonetic  writing 
arose.  Where  did  the  first  alphabet  arise  ? Write  three  words  in 
hieroglyphic  (Fig.  30).  Discuss  the  importance  of  the  invention  of 
writing.  Describe  early  methods  of  measuring  time.  Describe  the 
probable  manner  of  the  discovery  of  metal.  Which  metal  was  it? 

Section  6.  What  do  the  tombs  of  Egypt  tell  us  of  religion  ? 
Describe  the  effect  of  the  use  of  metal  on  architecture.  Discuss  the 
first  architect  in  stone.  Describe  the  government  of  the  Pyramid 
Age.  Study  Fig.  38  and  tell  how  the  Egyptian  tombs  reveal  the 
transition  from  barbarism  to  civilization.  Describe  the  earliest  sea- 
going ships.  Make  a list  of  the  industries  revealed  in  the  tomb-chapel 
pictures.  Discuss  trade  and  commerce. 

Section  7.  Describe  the  house  and  garden  of  a noble  in  the 
Pyramid  Age.  Discuss  painting  and  portrait  sculpture.  Make  a 
sketch  of  the  earliest  piers  or  supports  (Fig.  55).  Were  they 
beautiful?  Draw  a later  pier  (column)  a hundred  years  after  the 
Great  Pyramid  (Fig.  56).  Was  it  beautiful?  Describe  the  roof 
windows  called  clerestory  windows  (Figs.  55  and  271,  i)  and  what 
they  finally  came  to  be.  Give  the  date  of  the  Pyramid  Age,  and 
tell  why  it  was  important. 


CHAPTER  III 

THE  STORY  OF  EGYPT:  THE  FEUDAL  AGE  AND 
THE  EMPIRE 


Section  8.  The  Nile  Voyage  and  the  Feudal  Age 

98.  The  As  we  begin  our  voyage  up  the  Nile  and  our  steamer  moves 

away  from  the  Cairo  dock,  we  see,  stretching  far  along  the 
western  horizon,  the  long  line  of  pyramids,  reminding  us  again 
of  the  splendor  and  progress  of  the  Pyramid  Age  which  we 
are  now  leaving  behind.  At  length  they  drop  down  and  dis- 
appear behind  the  fringe  of  palm  groves.  Other  great  monu- 
ments are  before  us.  Along  the  palm-fringed  shores  far  away 
to  the  south  we  shall  find  the  buildings,  tombs,  and  monuments 

Note.  At  the  left  we  see  entering,  in  white  robes,  the  deceased,  a man 
named  Ani,  and  his  wife.  Before  them  are  the  balances  of  judgment  for  weighing 
the  human  heart,  to  determine  whether  it  is  just  or  not.  A Jackal-headed  god 
adjusts  the  scales,  while  an  Ibis-headed  god  stands  behind  him,  pen  in  hand, 
ready  to  record  the  verdict  of  the  balances.  Behind  him  is  a monster  ready  to 
devour  the  unjust  soul,  as  his  heart  (symbolized  by  a tiny  jar),  in  the  left-hand 
scalepan,  is  weighed  over  against  right  and  truth  (symbolized  by  a feather)  in  the 
right-hand  scalepan.  The  scene  is  painted  in  water  colors  on  papyrus.  Such  a 
roll  is  sometimes  as  much  as  90  feet  long  and  filled  from  beginning  to  end  with 
magical  charms  for  the  use  of  the  dead  in  the  next  world.  Hence  the  modem 
name  for  the  whole  roll,  the  " Book  of  the  Dead.” 

74 


The  Story  of  Egypt 


75 


Fig.  57.  Cliff-Tomb  of  an  Egyptian  Noble  of  the 
Feudal  Age 

This  tomb  is  not  a masonry  structure  like  the  tomb  of  the  Pyramid 
Age  (Fig.  42),  but  it  is  cut  into  the  face  of  the  cliff.  The  chapel 
entered  through  this  door  contains  painted  reliefs  like  those  of  the 
Pyramid  Age  (Figs.  43-47)  and  also  many  written  records.  In  this 
chapel  the  noble  tells  of  his  kind  treatment  of  his  people ; he  says : 
" There  was  no  citizen’s  daughter  whom  I misused ; there  was  no 
widow  whom  I oppressed  ; there  was  no  peasant  whom  I evicted  ; there 
was  no  shepherd  whom  I expelled ; . . . there  was  none  wretched 
in  my  community,  there  was  none  hungry  in  my  time.  When  years 
of  famine  came  I plowed  all  the  fields  of  the  Ory'x  barony  [his  estate] 
. . . preserving  its  people  alive  and  furnishing  its  food  so  that  there 
was  none  hungry  therein.  I gave  to  the  widow  as  to  her  who  had  a 
husband  ; I did  not  exalt  the  great  above  the  humble  in  anything  that 
I gave”  (§  too).  All  this  we  can  read  inscribed  in  this  tomb 

which  will  tell  us  of  two  more  great  ages  on  the  Nile  — the 
Feudal  Age  and  the  Empire.  We  steam  steadily  southward, 
and  soon  the  river  begins  to  wind  from  side  to  side  of  the 
deep  valley,  carrying  the  steamer  at  times  close  under  the 
scarred  and  weatherworn  cliffs  (Fig.  69).  As  we  scan  the  rocks 


76 


Ancient  Times 


99.  The 
tombs  of  the 
Feudal  Age 


100.  Books 
on  kindness 
and  justice/ 


we  look  up  to  many  a tomb-door  cut  in  the  face  of  the  cliff, 
and  leading  to  a tomb-chapel  excavated  in  the  rock  (Fig.  57). 

These  cliff-tombs  looking  down  uppn  the  river  belonged  to 
the  Feudal  Age  of  Egyptian  history,  phe  men  buried  in  these 
cliff-tombs  looked  back  across  five  centuries  to  their  ancestors 
of  the  Pyramid  Age,  as  we  look  back  upon  our  European 
ancestors  before  the  discovery  of  America.  But  the  nobles 
who  made  these  cliff-tombs  succeeded  in  gaining  greater  power 
than  their  ancestors.  They  were  granted  lands  by  the  king, 
under  arrangements  which  in  later  Europe  we  call  feudal. 
They  were  thus  powerful  barons,  living  like  little  kings  on  their 
broad  estates,  made  up  of  the  fertile  fields  upon  which  these 
tomb-doors  now  look  down.  This  Feudal  Age  lasted  for 
several  centuries  and  was  flourishing  by  2000  b.c.  Fragments 
from  the  libraries  of  these  feudal  barons  — the  oldest  libraries 
in  the  world  — have  fortunately  been  discovered  in  their  tombsS. 
These  oldest  of  all  surviving  books  are  in  the  form  of  rolls  of 
papyrus,  which  once  were  packed  in  jars,  neatly  labeled,  and 
ranged  in  rows  on  the  noble’s  library  shelves.  Here  are  the 
most  ancient  storybooks  in  the  world : tales  of  wanderings  and 
adventures  in  Asia ; tales  of  shipwreck  at  the  gate  of  the  un- 
known ocean  beyond  the  Red  Sea  — the  earliest  " Sindbad  the 
Sailor  ” (Fig.  58) ; and  tales  of  wonders  wrought  by  ancient 
wise  men  and  magicians. 

Some  of  these  stories  set  forth  the  sufferings  of  the  poor 
and  the  humble,  and  seek  to  stir  the  rulers  to  be  just  and  kind 
in  their  treatment  of  the  weaker  classes.  Some  describe  the 
wickedness  of  men  and  the  hopelessness  of  the  future.  Others 
tell  of  a righteous  ruler  who  is  yet  to  come,  a “good  shep- 
herd ” they  call  him,  meaning  a good  king,  who  shall  bring  in 
justice  and  happiness  for  all.  We  notice  here  a contrast  with 
the  Pyramid  Age.  With  the  in-coming  of  the  Pyramid  builders 
we  saw  a tremendous  growth  in  power,  in  building,  and  in  art  •, 
but  the  Feudal  Age  reveals  progress  also  in  a higher  realm, 
that  of  conduct  and  character  (see  description  under  Fig.  57). 


The  Story  of  Egypt 


77 


Probably  a number  of  rolls  were  required  to  contain  the 
drama  of  Osiris  — a great  play  in  which  the  life,  death,  burial, 
and  resurrection  of  Osiris  (§  69)  were  pictured  at  an  annual 
feast  in  which  all  the  people  loved  to  join.  It  is  our  earliest 


Fig.  58.  A Page  from  the  Story  of  the  Shipwrecked 
Sailor,  the  Earliest  Sindbad,  as  read  by  the  Boys  and 
Girls  of  Egypt  Four  Thousand  Years  Ago  (One  Third  of 
Size  of  Original) 

This  pag(e  reads : " Those  who  were  on  board  perished,  and  not  one  of 
them  escaped.  Then  I was  cast  upon  an  island  by  a wave  of  the  great 
sea.  I passed  three  days  alone,  with  (only)  my  heart  as  my  companion, 
sleeping  in  the  midst  of  a shelter  of  trees,  till  daylight  enveloped  me. 
Then  I crept  out  for  aught  to  fill  my  mouth.  I found  figs  and  grapes 
there  and  all  fine  vegetables  etc.  . . .”  The  tale  then  tells  of  his  seizure 
by  an  enormous  serpent  with  a long  beard,  who  proves  to  be  the  king 
of  this  distant  island  in  the  Red  Sea,  at  the  entrance  of  the  Indian 
Ocean.  He  keeps  the  sailor  three  months,  treats  him  kindly,  and  re- 
turns him  with  much  treasure  to  Egypt.  In  form  such  a book  was  a 
single  strip  of  papyrus  paper,  5 or  6 to  10  or  12  inches  wide,  and  often 
15  to  30  or  40  feet  long.  When  not  in  use  this  strip  was  kept  rolled  up, 
and  thus  the  earliest  books  were  rolls,  looking,  when  small,  like  a di- 
ploma or,  when  large,  like  a roll  of  wall  paper 

known  drama  — a kind  of  Passion  Play;  but  the  rolls  contain- 
ing it  have  perished.  There  were  also  rolls  containing  songs 
and  poems,  like  the  beautiful  morning  hymn  sung  by  the  nobles 
of  the  Pharaoh’s  court  in  greeting  to  the  sovereign  with  the 


loi.  Drama 
and  poetry 


78 


Ancieiit  Times 


102.  Books 
of  science 


STRUMENT 


return  of  each  new  day.  Another 
song  in  praise  of  the  Pharaoh  was 
arranged  to  be  sung  responsively  by 
two  groups  at  the  great  court  festi- 
vals. It  was  constructed  in  parallel 
verses  or  lines,  like  the  parallel  lines 
of  the  Hebrew  Psalms.  It  is  the 
oldest  surviving  example  of  this 
form  of  poetry. 

Very  few  rolls  were  needed  to 
deal  with  the  science  of  this  time. 
The  largest  and  the  most  valuable 
of  all  contained  what  they  had 
learned  about  medicine  and  the  or- 
gans of  the  human  body.  This  oldest 
medical  book,  when  unrolled,  is  to- 
day about  sixty-six  feet  long  and  has 
recipes  for  all  sorts  of  ailments. 
Some  of  them  are  stilt  good  and  call 
for  remedies  which,  like  castor  oil, 
are  still  in  common  use ; others  rep- 
resent the  ailment  as  due  to  demons, 
which  were  long  believed  to  be  the 
cause  of  disease.  There  are  also 
rolls  containing  the  simpler  rules  of 
arithmetic,  based  on  the  decimal  sys- 
tem which  we  still  use ; others  treat 
the  beginnings  of  geometry  and  ele- 
mentary algebra.  Even  observations 


The  oldest  surviving  as- 
tronomical device.  It  is 
now  in  the  Berlin  Museum. 

One  part  {A)  is  simply  a plumb  line  with  a handle  attached  at  the  top. 
It  enabled  the  observer  to  hold  the  other  part  {B)  directly  over  a given 
point  on  the  ground  while  he  sighted  through  the  slot  at  the  top  toward 
some  star  like  the  North  Star.  By  sighting  over  a rod  between  the 
observer  and  the  North  Star  until  the  rod  was  exactly  in  line  with  the 


North  Star,  the  astronomer  could  determine  his  meridian,  observe  each 
star  that  crossed  it,  measure  time,  and  secure  celestial  data  of  value 


The  Story  of  Egypt 


79 


of  the  heavenly  bodies,  with  simple  instruments,  were  made 
(Fig.  59) ; but  these  records,  like  those  in  geography,  have 
been  lost. 

Along  with  this  higher  progress,  the  Pharaohs  of  the  Feudal 
Age  much  improved  the  government.  Every  few  years  they 
made  census  lists  to  be  used  in  taxation,  and  a few  of  these 
earliest  census  sheets  in  the  world  have  survived.  They  erected 
huge  earthen  dikes  and  made  vast  basins,  to  store  up  the  Nile 
waters  for  irrigation,  thus  greatly  increasing  the  yield  of  the 
feudal  lands  and  estates.  They  measured  the  height  of  the 
river  from  year  to  year,  and  their  marks  of  the  Nile  levels  are 
still  to  be  found  cut  on  the  rocks  at  the  Second  Cataract.  Thus 
nearly  four  thousand  years  ago  they  were  already  doing  on  a 
large  scale  what  our  government  has  only  recently  begun  to  do 
by  its  irrigation  projects  among  our  own  arid  lands. 

xA-t  the  same  time  these  rulers  of  the  Feudal  Age  reached  out 
by  sea  for  the  wealth  of  other  lands.  Their  fleets  sailed  over 
among  the  JEgean  islands  and  probably  controlled  the  large 
island  of  Crete  (§§  335-345).  They  dug  a canal  from  the  north 
end  of  the  Red  Sea  westward  to  the  nearest  branch  of  the  Nile 
in  the  eastern  Delta,  where  the  river  divides  into  a number  of 
mouths  (see  map,  p.  36).  The  Pharaoh’s  Mediterranean  ships 
could  sail  up  the  easternmost  mouth  of  the  Nile,  then  enter  the 
canal  and,  passing  eastward  through  it,  reach  the  Red  Sea.  Thus 
the  Mediterranean  Sea  and  the  Red  Sea  were  first  connected 
by  this  predecessor  of  the  Suez  Canal  four  thousand  years  ago. 
Such  a connection  was  as  important  to  the  Egyptians  as  the 
Panama  Canal  is  to  us.  Nile  ships  could  likewise  now  sail  from 
the  eastern  Delta  directly  to  the  land  of  Punt  (§  78)  and  to  the 
straits  leading  to  the  Indian  Ocean.  These  waters  seemed  to 
the  sailors  of  the  Eeudal  Age  the  end  of  the  world,  and  their 
wondrous  adventures  there  delighted  many  a circle  of  villagers 
on  the  feudal  estates  (Eig.  58). 

In  this  age  the  Pharaoh  had  organized  a small  standing  army. 
He  could  now  make  his  power  felt  both  in  north  and  south,  in 


103.  Admin- 
istration, and 
irrigation 
projects  in 
the  Feudal 
Age 


104.  Pha- 
raoh’s com- 
merce  by  sea ; 
a predecessor 
of  the  Suez 
Canal  four 
thousand 
years  ago 


8o 


Ancient  Times 


105.  Military 
expansion 
north  and 
south,  and  the 
end  of  the 
Feudal  Age 


106.  The 
Nile  voyage 
— arrival  at 
Thebes 


107.  Kamak 
— arrival  of 
the  horse  in 
Egypt 


Palestine  and  in  Nubia.  He  conquered  the  territory  of  Nubia 
as  far  south  as  the  Second  Cataract  (see  map,  p.  36),  and  thus 
added  two  hundred  miles  of  river  to  the  kingdom  of  Egypt 
Here  he  erected  strong  frontier  fortresses  against  the  Nubian 
tribes,  and  these  fortresses  still  stand.  The  enlightened  rule 
of  the  Pharaohs  of  the  Feudal  Age  did  much  to  prepare  the 
way  for  Egyptian  leadership  in  the  early  world.  Three  of  these 
kings  bore  the  name  " Sesostris,”  which  became  one  of  the  great 
and  illustrious  names  in  Egyptian  history.  But  not  long  after 
1800  B.c.  the  power  of  the  Pharaohs  of  the  Feudal  Age  sud- 
denly declined  and  their  line  disappeared. 

Section  9.  The  Founding  of  the  Empire 

The  monuments  along  the  river  banks  have  thus  far  told  us 
the  story  of  two  of  the  three  periods  ^ into  which  the  career  of 
this  great  Nile  people  falls.  After  we  have  left  the  tombs  of  the 
Feudal  Age  and  have  continued  our  journey  over  four  hundred 
miles  southward  from  Cairo,  all  at  once  we  catch  glimpses  of 
vast  masses  of  stone  masonry  and  lines  of  tall  columns  rising 
among  the  palms  on  the  east  side  of  the  river.  They  are  the 
ruins  of  the  once  great  city  of  Thebes,  which  will  tell  us  the 
story  of  the  third  period,  the  Empire. 

Here  we  shall  find  not  only  a vast  cemetery,  but  also  great 
temples  (see  plan,  p.  81).  A walk  around  the  Temple  of  Karnak 
at  Thebes  (Fig.  64)  is  as  instructive  to  us  in  studying  the  Empire 
as  we  have  found  the  Gizeh  cemetery  to  be  in  studying  the 
Pyramid  Age.  We  find  the  walls  of  this  immense  temple  covered 
with  enormous  sculptures  in  relief,  depicting  the  wars  of  the 
Egyptians  in  Asia.  We  see  the  giant  figure  of  the  Pharaoh  as 
he  stands  in  his  war  chariot,  scattering  the  enemy  before  his 
plunging  horses  (Fig.  60).  The  Pharaohs  of  the  Pyramid  Age 
had  never  seen  a horse  (§  80),  and  this  is  the  first  time  we 

I These  three  ages  are  (i)  the  Pyramid  Age,  about  3000  to  2500  B.c.  (Sec- 
tions 6-7)  ; (2)  the  Feudal  Age,  flourishing  2000  B.  c.  (Section  8)  ; (3)  the 
Empire,  about  1580  to  1150  B.c.  (Sections  9-11). 


The  Story  of  Egypt  8 1 

have  met  the  horse  on  the  ancient  monuments.  After  the  close 
of  the  Feudal  Age  the  animal  began  to  be  imported  from  Asia; 
the  chariot  (Fig.  133)  came  with  him,  and  Egypt,  having  learned 
warfare  on  a scale  unknown  before,  became  a military  empire. 


This  map  may  be  compared  with  the  aeroplane  view  of  Karnak  (Fig.  64), 
taken  over  point  marked  X , and  with  the  view  of  the  western  plain 
toward  the  colossal  statues  of  Amenhotep  III  and  the  western  cliffs 
(Fig.  69),  in  and  along  which  lie  the  tombs  of  the  vast  cemetery.  Before 
it,  and  parallel  with  the  cliffs,  stretched  a long  line  of  temples  facing 
the  great  temples  of  Luxor  and  Karnak  on  the  east  side  of  the  river. 

The  houses  of  the  ancient  city  have  passed  away 

The  Pharaohs  were  now  great  generals  with  a well-organized 
standing  army  made  up  chiefly  of  archers  and  heavy  masses  of 
chariots.  With  these  forces  the  Pharaoh  conquered  an  empire 
which  extended  from  the  Euphrates  in  Asia  to  the  Fourth  Cata- 
ract of  the  Nile  in  Africa  (see  map  I,  p.  184).  By  an  empire  we 


108,  Egypt 
a military 
empire 


82 


Ancient  Times 


mean  a group  of  nations  subdued  and  ruled  over  by  the  most 
powerful  among  them.  Government  began  with  tiny  city-states 
(§  38),  which  gradually  merged  together  into  nations  (§  74)  ; 
but  the  organization  of  men  had  now  reached  the  point  where 


sawHiS? 


Fig.  60.  A Pharaoh  of  the  Empire  fighting  in  his  Chariot 

The  tiny  figures  of  the  enemy  are  scattered  beneath  the  Pharaoh’s 
horses.  This  is  one  of  an  enormous  series  of  such  scenes,  170  feet 
long,  carved  in  relief  on  the  outside  of  the  Great  Hall  of  Karnak 
(Fig.  68).  Such  sculpture  was  brightly  colored  and  served  to  enhance 
the  architectural  effect  and  to  impress  the  people  with  the  heroism 
of  the  Pharaoh.  The  color  has  now  entirely  disappeared,  and  the 
sculpture  is  much  battered  and  weatherworn.  This  is  the  cause  of 
the  indistinctness  in  the  above  sketch 


ma7iy  nations  were  combined  into  an  empire  including  a large 
part  of  the  early  oriental  world.  This  world  power  of  the 
Pharaohs  lasted  from  the  early  sixteenth  century  to  the  twelfth 
century  b.  c.  — something  over  four  hundred  years. 


The  Story  of  Egypt 


83 


The  KamaJc  Temple  (Fig.  64),  which  stood  in  the  once  vast 
city  of  Thebes,  is  like  a great  historical  volume  telling  us  much 
of  the  story  of  the  Egyptian  Empire.  Behind  the  great  hall 
(Figs.  66  and  68)  towers  a huge  obelisk,  a shaft  of  granite  in  a 
single  piece  nearly  a hundred  feet  high  (Fig.  65).  It  was 


109.  The 
reign  of 
Queen  Hat- 
shepsut,  the 
first  great 
woman  in 
history 


Fig.  61.  Transportation  of  Queen  Hatshepsut’s  350-TON 
Obelisks  down  the  Nile  (Fifteenth  Century  b.c.) 

The  two  obelisks  are  lying  base  to  base  on  a large  Nile  barge  some 
300  feet  long.  The  obelisks  are  each  97^  feet  long  and  weigh  about 
350  tons  each,  the  two  making  a burden  of  some  700  tons  in  the  barge. 
Jt  is  being  towed  by  thirty  tugboats  in  three  rows  of  ten  each.  Each 
tugboat  has  thirty-two  oarsmen,  making  nine  hundred  and  sixty  oars- 
men in  all.  Under  the  guidance  of  the  engineers  in  the  other  small 
boats  these  men  towed  the  obelisks  downstream  from  the  granite  quar- 
ries of  the  First  Cataract  to  Thebes — a distance  of  about  150  miles. 
Under  each  obelisk  we  can  see  the  sledge  on  which  it  was  dragged  on 
shore  to  the  place  where  they  were  both  set  up  in  the  Karnak  Temple 
(Fig.  64).  The  scene  is  restored  from  a relief  on  the  wall  of  the  queen’s 
temple  at  Thebes 

erected  early  in  the  Empire  by  the  first  great  woman  in  histoiy. 
Queen  Hatshepsut.  There  were  once  two  of  these  enormous 
monuments  (see  Eig.  65),  and  it  was  no  small  task  to  cut  out 
two  such  blocks  as  these  from  the  granite  quarries  at  the 
Eirst  Cataract,  transport  them  on  a huge  boat  down  the  river 
(Eig.  61),  and  erect  them  in  this  temple.  But  the  queen  did  not 
stop  with  this  achievement.  She  even  dispatched  an  expedition 


84 


Ancient  Times 


110.  The  end 
of  Hatshep- 
S’.'t  and  the 
triumph  of 
Thutmose  III 


of  five  ships  (Fig.  62)  through  the  Red  Sea  to  Punt  (§  78),  to 
bring  back  the  luxuries  of  tropical  Africa  for  another  beautiful 
terraced  temple  which  she  was  erecting  against  the  western 
cliffs  at  Thebes  (Plan,  p.  81).  Such  achievements  show  what 
an  efficient  and  successful  ruler  this  first  great  woman  was. 


Fig.  62.  Part  of  the  Fleet  of  Queen  Hatshepsut  loading 
IN  THE  Land  of  Punt 


Only  two  of  Hatshepsut’s  fleet  of  five  ships  are  shown.  The  sails  on 
the  long  spars  are  furled  and  the  vessels  are  moored.  The  sailors  are 
carrying  the  cargo  up  the  gangplanks,  and  one  of  them  is  teasing  an 
ape  on  the  roof  of  the  cabin.  The  inscriptions  above  the  ships  read : 
" The  loading  of  the  ships  very  heavily  with  marvels  of  the  country 
of  Punt;  all  goodly  fragrant  woods  of  God’s- Land  [the  East],  heaps  of 
myrrh-resin,  with  fresh  myrrh  trees,  with  ebony  and  pure  ivory,  with 
green  gold  of  Emu,  with  cinnamon  wood,  khesyt  wood,  with  two  kinds 
of  incense,  eye-cosmetic,  with  apes,  monkeys,  dogs,  and  with  skins 
of  the  southern  panther,  with  natives  and  their  children.  Never  was 
brought  the  like  of  this  for  any  king  who  has  been  since  the  begin- 
ning.” The  scene  is  carved  on  the  wall  of  the  queen’s  temple  at  Thebes, 
in  the  garden  of  which  she  planted  the  myrrh  trees 

As  we  examine  the  obelisk  of  Hatshepsut  we  find  around  the 
base  the  remains  of  stone  masoniy  with  which  it  was  once  walled 
in  almost  up  to  the  top.  This  was  done  by  the  queen’s  half- 
brother  and  husband,  Thutmose  III,  in  order  to  cover  up  the 
records  which  proclaimed  to  the  world  the  hated  rule  of  a 
woman.  Thus  Thutmose  III  had  the  names  of  the  queen  and 
the  men  who  aided  her  all  cut  out  and  obliterated,  including 


The  Story  of  Egypt 


85 


that  of  the  skillful  architect  and  engineer  who  erected  this  obe- 
lisk and  its  companion.  But  the  masonry  covering  the  obelisk 
has  fallen  down,  and  it  still  proclaims  the  fame  of  Hatshepsut. 

Thutmose  III  (Fig.  63)  was  the  first  great  general  in  history, 
the  Napoleon  of  Egypt,  the  greatest  of  the  Egyptian  conquerors. 


Fig.  63.  Portrait  of  Thutmose  III,  the  Napoleon  of  Ancient 
Egypt  {A\  compared  with  his  Mummy  {B) 

This  portrait  [A),  carved  in  granite,  can  be  compared  with  the  actual 
face  of  the  great  conqueror  as  we  have  it  in  his  mummy.  Such  a com- 
parison is  shown  in  B,  where  the  profile  of  this  granite  portrait  (out- 
side lines)  is  placed  over  the  profile  of  Thutmose  Ill’s  mummy  (inside 
lines).  The  correspondence  is  very  close,  showing  great  accuracy  in 
the  portrait  art  of  this  age 


He  ruled  for  over  fifty  years,  beginning  about  1500  b.c.  On 
the  temple  walls  at  Karnak  we  can  read  the  story  of  nearly 
twenty  years  of  warfare,  during  which  Thutmose  crushed  the 
cities  and  kingdoms  of  Western  Asia  and  welded  them  into  an 
enduring  empire.  At  the  same  time  his  war  fleet  carried  his 
power  even  to  the  ^gean,  and  one  of  his  generals  became 
governor  of  the  ^gean  islands  (Fig.  143  ; see  map  I,  p.  184). 


III.  The 
campaigns  of 
Thutmose  III 
(1501- 
1447  B.c.) 


86 


Ancient  Times 


112.  Temple 
architecture 


113.  The  sur- 
roundings of 
the  Empire 
temples  at 
Thebes 


Section  10.  The  Higher  Life  of  the  Empire 

The  wealth  which  the  Pharaohs  captured  in  Asia  and  Nubia 
during  the  Empire  brought  them  power  and  magnificence  un- 
known to  the  world  before,  especially  as  shown  in  their  vast 
and  splendid  buildings.  A new  and  impressive  chapter  in  the 
history  of  art  and  architecture  was  begun.  The  temple  of 
Karnak,  which  we  have  visited,  contains  the  greatest  colon- 
naded hall  ever  erected  by  man.  The  columns  of  the  central 
aisle  (Fig.  68)  are  sixty-nine  feet  high.  The  vast  capital  form- 
ing the  summit  of  each  column  is  large  enough  to  contain  a 
group  of  a hundred  men  standing  crowded  upon  it  at  the  same 
time.  The  clerestory  windows  (Fig.  68)  on  each  side  of  these 
giant  columns  are  no  longer  low,  depressed  openings,  as  in  the 
Pyramid  Age  (Fig.  55  and  Fig.  27 1,  t),  but  they  have  now  become 
fine,  tall  windows,  showing  us  the  Egyptian  clerestory  hall  on  its 
way  to  become  the  basilica  church  of  much  later  times  (Fig.  271). 

Such  temples  as  these  at  Thebes  were  seen  through  the  deep 
green  of  clustering  palms,  among  towering  obelisks  and  colos- 
sal statues  of  the  Pharaohs  (Fig.  69).  The  whole  was  Fright 
with  color,  flashing  at  many  a point  with  gold  and  silver. 
Mirrored  in  the  unruffled  surface  of  the  temple  lake  (Fig.  64), 
it  made  a picture  of  such  splendor  as  the  ancient  world  had 
never  seen  before.  As  the  visitor  entered  he  found  himself 

•*  This  point  of  view  is  behind  (east  of)  the  great  Karnak  Temple  at 
point  marked  x in  plan  (p.  8i).  We  look  northwestward  across  the 
Temple  and  the  river  to  the  western  cliffs  (cf.  plan,  p.  8i).  From 
the  rear  gate  below  us  (lower  right-hand  corner  of  view)  to  the  tall 
front  wall  nearest  the  river,  the  Temple  is  nearly  a quarter  of  a mile 
long,  and  was  nearly  two  thousand  years  in  course  of  construction. 
The  oldest  portions  were  built  by  the  kings  of  the  Feudal  Age,  and  the 
latest,  the  front  wall,  by  the  Greek  kings  (the  Ptolemies,  Section  66). 
The  standing  obelisk  of  Queen  Hatshepsut  (Fig.  65)  can  be  seen  rising 
in  the  middle  of  the  Temple.  Beyond  it  is  the  vast  colonnaded  Hall  of 
Karnak  (Figs.  66  and  68),  on  the  outside  wall  of  which  are  the  great  war 
reliefs  (Fig.  60).  Hidden  by  the  huge  front  wall  is  the  Avenue  of 
Sphinxes  (Fig.  67).  On  the  left  we  see  the  pool  — all  that  is  left  of  the 
sacred  lake  (§  1 13). 


Fig.  64.  The  Great  Temple  of  Karnak  and  the  Nile 
^'alley  at  Thebes  seen  from  an  Aeroplane* 

The  area  included  in  this  view  will  be  found  bounded  by  two  diverg- 
ing dotted  lines  on  the  map  of  Thebes  (p.  81).  It  will  be  seen  that 
our  view  includes  only  a portion  of  the  ancient  city,  which  extended 
up  and  down  both  sides  of  the  river.  For  description  of  Karnak,  see 
note  on  opposite  page 


From  an  etching  by  George  T.  Plowman 

Fig.  65.  The  Obelisks  of  Queen  Hatshepsut  and  her  Father 
Thutmose  I AT  Karnak 

The  further  obelisk  is  that  of  the  queen.  It  was  one  of  a pair  transported 
from  the  First  Cataract  (Fig.  61),  but  its  mate  has  fallen  and  broken  into 
pieces.  The  shaft  is  8^^  feet  thick  at  the  base,  and  the  human  figure  by 
contrast  conveys  some  idea  of  the  vast  size  of  the  monument.  Its  posi- 
tion in  the  temple  can  be  seen  from  the  aeroplane  view  (Fig.  64) 


From  a pen  etching  by  Sears  Gallagher 

Fig.  66.  The  Colossal  Columns  of  the  Nave  in  the  Great 
Hall  of  Karnak 

These  are  the  columns  of  the  middle  two  rows  in  Fig.  68.  On  the  top 
of  the  capital  of  each  one  of  these  columns  a hundred  men  can  stand  at 
once.  These  great  columns  may  be  seen  in  the  aeroplane  view  (Fig.  64) 
just  at  the  left  of  the  two  obelisks 


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The  Storjf  of  Egypt 


87 


in  a spacious  and  sunlit  court,  surrounded  by  splendid  colon- 
naded porches.  Beyond,  all  was  mystery,  as  he  looked  into  the 
somber  forest  of  vast  columns  in  the  hall  behind  the  court 
(^Figs.  66  and  68).  These  temples  were  connected  by  imposing 


Fig.  68.  Restoration  of  the  Great  Hall  of  Karnak,  An- 
cient Thebes  — Largest  Building  of  the  Egyptian  Empire 

With  the  wealth  taken  in  Asia  the  Egj'ptian  conquerors  of  the  Empire 
enabled  their  architects  to  build  the  greatest  colonnaded  hall  ever 
erected  by  man.  It  is  338  feet  wide  and  170  feet  deep,  furnishing  a 
floor  area  about  equal  to  that  of  the  cathedral  of  Notre  Dame  in  Paris, 
although  this  is  only  a single  room  of  the  Temple.  There  are  one  hundred 
and  thirty-six  columns  in  sixteen  rows.  The  nave  (three  central  aisles) 
is  79  feet  high  and  contains  twelve  columns  in  two  rows,  which  the 
architects  have  made  much  higher  than  the  rest,  in  order  to  insert 
lofty  clerestory  windows  on  each  side.  Compare  the  very  low  windows 
of  the  earliest  clerestory  (Fig.  55  and  Fig.  271,  i and  2).  In  this  higher 
form  the  clerestory  passed  over  to  Europe  (Fig.  271) 

avenues  of  sphinxes  (Fig.  67),  and  thus  grew  up  at  Thebes 
the  first  great  "monumental  city”  ever  built  by  man  — a city 
which  as  a whole  was  itself  a vast  and  imposing  monument.^ 

Much  of  the  grandeur  of  Egyptian  architecture  was  due  to 
the  sculptor  and  the  painter.  The  colonnades,  with  flower  capi- 
tals, were  colored  to  suggest  the  plants  they  represented.  The 

1 City  plans  which  treat  a whole  city  as  a symmetrical  and  harmonious  unit 
are  now  beginning  to  be  made  in  America. 


114.  Painting 
and  sculpture 
in  the  tem- 
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Fig.  70.  Colossal  Portrait  Figure  of  Ramses  II  at  Abu- 
SiMBEL  IN  Egyptian  Nubia 


Four  such  statues,  75  feet  high,  adorn  the  front  of  this  temple,  which,  like 
the  statues,  is  hewn  from  the  sandstone  cliffs.  The  faces  are  better  pre- 
served than  that  of  the  Great  Sphinx  (Fig.  54)  or  the  portrait  statues  of 
Amenhotep  III  (Fig.  69),  and  we  can  here  see  that  such  vast  figures  were 
portraits.  The  face  of  Ramses  II  here  closely  resembles  that  of  his 
mummy  (Fig.  123).  (From  a photograph  taken  from  the  top  of  the  crown 
of  one  of  the  statues  by  The  University  of  Chicago  Expedition) 


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The  Story  of  Egypt 


89 


vast  battle  scenes,  carved  on  the  temple  wall  (Fig.  60),  were 
painted  in  bright  colors.  The  portrait  statues  of  the  Pharaohs, 
set  up  before  these  temples,  were  often  so  large  that  they  rose 
above  the  towers  of  the  temple  front  itself,  - — ■ the  tallest  part  of 
the  building,  — and  they  could  be  seen  for  miles  around  (Figs. 

69  and  70).  The  sculptors  could  cut  these  colossal  figures  from 
a single  block,  although  they  were  sometimes  eighty  or  ninety 
feet  high  and  weighed  as  much  as  a thousand  tons.  This  is 
a burden  equal  to  the  load  drawn  by  a modem  freight  train, 
but  unlike  the  trainload  it  was  not  cut  up  into  small  units  of 
light  weight,  convenient  for  handling  and  loading.  Nevertheless, 
the  engineers  of  the  Empire  moved  many  such  vast  figures  for 
hundreds  of  miles,  using  the  same  methods  employed  in  moving 
obelisks.  It  is  in  works  of  this  massive,  monumental  character 
that  the  art  of  Egypt  excelled  (Fig.  70). 

Two  enormous  portraits  of  Amenhotep  III,  the  most  luxu-  115.  Tombs 
rious  and  splendid  of  the  Egyptian  emperors,  still  stand  on 
the  western  plain  of  Thebes  (Fig.  69),  across  the  river  from  Empire 
Kamak.  As  we  approach  them  we  see  rising  behind  them 
the  majestic  western  cliffs  in  which  are  cut  hundreds  of  tomb- 
chapels  belonging  to  the  great  men  of  the  Empire.  Here  were 
buried  the  able  generals  who  marched  with  the  Pharaohs  on 
their  campaigns  in  Asia  and  in  Nubia.  Here  lay  the  gifted 
artists  and  architects  who  built  the  vast  monuments  we  have 
just  visited,  and  made  Thebes  the  first  great  "monumental  city” 
of  the  ancient  world.  Here  in  these  tomb-chapels  we  may  read 
their  names  and  often  long  accounts  of  their  lives.  Here  is  the 
story  of  the  general  who  saved  Thutmose  Ill’s  life,  in  a great 
elephant  hunt  in  Asia,  by  rushing  in  and  cutting  off  the  trunk 
of  an  enraged  elephant  which  was  pursuing  the  king.  Here  is 
the  tomb  of  the  general  who  captured  the  city  of  Joppa  in 
Palestine  by  concealing  his  men  in  panniers  loaded  on  the 
backs  of  donkeys,  and  thus  bringing  them  into  the  city  as 
merchandise  — an  adventure  which  afterward  furnished  part 
of  the  story  of  " Ali  Baba  and  the  Forty  Thieves.” 


90 


Ancient  Times 


ii6.  The  fur- 
niture and 
equipment  of 
the  Empire 
lords  as  found 
in  their  tombs 


queen.  Their 
was  filled  with 


beautiful 

gorgeous 


The  very  furniture  which  these  great  men  used  in  their 
houses  was  put  into  their  tombs.  In  a neighboring  valley  was 
recently  found  the  tomb  of  the  parents  of  Amenhotep  Ill’s 
villa  among  the  Theban  gardens 
furniture  which  their  royal  son-in- 
law,  Amenhotep  III, 
had  given  to  them. 
When  this  worthy 
old  couple  died,  the 
king  had  them  won- 
derfully embalmed, 
and  much  of  the 
furniture  which  he 
had  given  to  them 
(Fig.  73)  was  car- 
ried to  the  cemetery 
and  deposited  in 
their  tomb,  includ- 
ing even  the  gold- 
covered  chariot  in 
which  the  old  couple 
were  accustomed  to 
take  their  daily  air- 
ing thirty-three  hun- 
dred years  ago. 
Here  we  find  chairs 
covered  with  gold 
and  silver  and  fitted 
with  soft  leathern 


ha# 


Fig.  73.  Armchair  from  the  House  of 
AN  Egyptian  Noble  of  the  Empire 

This  chair  with  other  furniture  from  his  house 
was  placed  in  his  tomb  at  Thebes  in  the  early 
part  of  the  fourteenth  century  B.c.  There  it 
remained  for  nearly  thirty-three  hundred  years, 
till  it  was  discovered  in  1905  and  removed  to 
the  National  Museum  at  Cairo  (§  116) 


cushions,  a bed  of  sumptuous  workmanship,  jewel  boxes,  and 
perfume  caskets.  They  are  works  of  art  — real  triumphs  of 
the  skill  of  the  Empire  craftsmen — and  almost  as  well  preserved, 
leather  cushion  and  all,  as  when  first  made.  Even  the  shadow 
clock,  which  belonged  to  the  furniture  of  a well-equipped  house- 
hold, still  survives  (Fig.  74). 


The  Story  of  Egypt 


91 


These  tombs  show  us  also  how  much  farther  the  Egyptian  117.  Religion 
has  advanced  in  religion  since  the  days  of  the  pyramids  of  e Empire 
Gizeh.  Each  of  these  great  men  buried  in  the  Theban  cemetery 
looked  forward  to  a judgment  in  the  next  world,  where  Osiris 
(§  69)  was  the  great  judge  and  king.  Every  good  man  might 
rise  from  the  dead  as  Osiris  had  done,  but  in  the  presence 
of  Osiris  he  would  be  obliged  to  see  ^ris  soul  weighed  in  the 


Fig.  74.  The  Oldest  Clock  in  the  World  — an  Egyptian- 
Shadow  Clock 

In  sunny  Egypt  a shadow  clock  was  a very  practical  instrument.  In  the 
morning  the  crosspiece  {AA)  was  turned  toward  the  east,  and  its  shadow 
fell  on  the  long  arm  {BB),  where  we  see  it  at  the  first  hour.  As  the  sun 
rose  higher  the  shadow  shortened  and  its  place  on  the  scale  showed  the 
hour,  which  could  be  read  in  figures  for  six  hours  until  noon.  At  noon 
the  head  {AA)  was  turned  around  to  the  west  and  the  lengthening  after- 
noon shadow  on  the  long  arm  {BB)  was  measured  in  the  same  way.  It 
was  from  the  introduction  of  such  Egyptian  clocks  that  the  twelve-hour 
day  reached  Europe.  This  clock  bears  the  name  of  Thutmose  III  and 
is  therefore  about  thirty-four  hundred  years  old.  Nearly  a thousand 
years  later  such  clocks  were  adopted  by  the  Greeks.  It  is  now  in  the 

Berlin  Museum.  The  headpiece  {A A)  is  restored  after  Borchardt 

balances  over  against  the  symbol  of  truth  and  justice  (head- 
piece,  p.  74).  The  dead  man’s  friends  put  into  his  coffin  a 
roll  of  papyrus  containing  prayers  and  magic  charms  which 
would  aid  him  in  the  hereafter,  and  among  these  was  a picture 
of  the  judgment.  We  now  call  this  roll  the  " Book  of  the 
Dead”  (headpiece,  p.  74). 

When  the  Empire  was  about  two  hundred  years  old,  Amen- 
hotep  Ill’s  youthful  son,  Amenhotep  IV,  became  Pharaoh  in 
his  father’s  place.  He  believ'ed  in  only  one  god,  the  Sun-god, 


92 


Ancient  Times 


ii8.  The 
religious 
revolution  of 
Amenhotep 
IV  (Ikhnaton) 


119.  Ikhna- 
ton’s  new 
capital,  now 
called 
Amama 


120.  Ikhna- 
ton’s  hymns 
to  Aton,  the 
sole  God 


and  he  began  a new  and  remarkable  chapter  in  the  religious 
history  of  Egypt  by  the  attempt  to  destroy  the  old  gods  of 
Egypt  and  to  induce  the  people  to  adopt  the  exclusive  worship 
of  the  Sun-god.  He  commanded  that  throughout  the  great 
Empire,  including  its  people  in  both  Africa  and  Asia,  only  the 
Sun-god,  whom  he  called  Aton,  should  be  worshiped.  In  order 
that  the  people  might  forget  the  old  gods,  he  closed  all  the 
temples  and  cast  out  their  priests.  Everywhere  he  also  had 
the  names  of  the  gods  erased  and  cut  out,  especially  on  all 
temple  walls.  He  particularly  hated  Amon,  or  Amen,  the 
great  Theban  god  of  the  Empire  whose  temple  we  visited  at 
Karnak.  His  own  royal  name,  Amen-hotep  (meaning  " Amen 
rests  ”),  contained  this  god  Amends  name,  and  he  therefore 
changed  his  name  Amenhotep  to  Ikhnaton,  which  means  " Aton 
(the  Sun-god)  is  satisfied.” 

Ikhnaton,  as  we  must  now  call  him,  finally  forsook  magnifi- 
cent Thebes,  where  there  were  so  many  temples  of  the  old 
gods,  and  built  a new  city  farther  down  the  river,  which  he 
named  " Horizon  of  Aton.”  It  is  now  called  Amarna  (see  map, 
p.  36).  The  city  was  forsaken  a few  years  after  Ikhnaton’s 
death,  and  beneath  the  rubbish  of  its  ruins  to-day  we  find  the 
lower  portions  of  the  walls  of  the  houses  and  palaces  which 
once  adorned  it.  Recently  the  ruins  of  the  studio  of  a sculp- 
tor were  uncovered  there  and  found  to  contain  many  beautiful 
works,  which  have  greatly  increased  our  knowledge  of  the 
wonderful  sculpture  of  the  age  (Fig.  71).  The  cliffs  behind  the 
city  still  contain  the  cliff-tombs  of  the  followers  whom  the  young 
king  was  able  to  convert  to  the  new  faith,  and  in  them  we  find 
engraved  on  the  walls  beautifully  sculptured  scenes  picturing 
the  life  of  the  now  forgotten  city. 

In  these  Amarna  tomb-chapels  we  may  still  read  on  the  walls 
the  hymns  of  praise  to  the  Sun-god,  which  Ikhnaton  himself 
wrote.  They  show  us  the  simplicity  and  beauty  of  the  young 
king’s  faith  in  the  sole  God.  He  had  gained  the  belief  that 
one  God  created  not  only  all  the  lower  creatures  but  also  all 


The  Story  of  Egypt 


93 


races  of  men,  both  Egyptians  and  foreigners.  Moreover,  the 
king  saw  in  his  God  a kindly  Father,  who  maintained  all  his 
creatures  by  his  goodness,  so  that  even  the  birds  in  the  marshes 
were  aware  of  his  kindness,  and  uplifted  their  wings  like  arms 
to  praise  him,  as  a beautiful  line  in  one  of  the  hymns  tells  us. 
In  all  the  progress  of  men  which  we  have  followed  through 
thousands  of  years,  no  one  had  ever  before  caught  such  a 
vision  of  the  great  Father  of  all.  Such  a belief  in  one  god 
is  called  monotheism,  which  literally  means  one-god-ism. 


Sectiox  II.  The  Decline  and  Fall  of  the 
Egypti.ln  Empire 


A new  faith  like  this  could  not  be  understood  by  the  common 
people  of  the  fourteenth  centuiy'-  b.c.  The  country  was  full  of 
the  discontented  priests  of  the  old  gods,  and  equally  dissatisfied 
soldiers  of  the  neglected  army.  The  priests  secretly  plotted 
with  the  troops  against  the  king,  and  they  found  willing  ears 
among  the  idle  soldiery.  Confusion  and  disturbance  arose  in 
Eg}’pt,  and  the  conquered  countries  in  Asia  were  preparing 
to  revolt. 

The  consequences  in  Asia  have  been  revealed  to  us  by  a 
remarkable  group  of  over  three  hundred  letters,  part  of  the 
royal  records  stored  in  one  of  Ikhnaton’s  government  offices 
at  Amama.  Here  they  had  lain  for  over  three  thousand  years, 
when  they  were  found  some  years  ago  by  native  diggers.  They 
are  written  on  clay  tablets  (§  147),  in  Babylonian  writing  (§  148). 
Most  of  these  letters  proved  to  be  from  the  kings  of  Western 
Asia  to  the  Pharaoh,  and  they  form  the  oldest  international 
correspondence  in  the  world  (Fig.  126).  They  show  us  how 
these  kings  were  gradually  shaking  off  the  rule  of  the 
Pharaoh,  so  that  the  Egyptian  Empire  in  Asia  was  rapidly 
falling  to  pieces.  The  Pharaoh’s  northern  territory  in  Syria 
(see  map  I,  p.  184)  was  being  taken  by  the  Hittites,  who  came 
in  from  Asia  Minor  (§  359),  while  his  southern  territory  in 


121.  Ikhna- 
ton’s troubles 
at  home 


122.  Ikhna- 
ton’s troubles 
abroad  ; the 
Amama 
letters 


94 


Ancient  Times 


123.  Death 
of  Ikhnaton ; 
partial  resto- 
ration of  the 
Egyptian 
Empire,  last 
great  power 
of  Age 
of  Bronze ; 
coming  of 
iron 


124.  Foreign 
mercenaries 
in  the  Egyp- 
tian army ; 
invasion  of 
the  North- 
erners ; fall  of 
the  Empire 


125.  The 
bodies  of  the 
Egyptian 
emperors 


Palestine  was  being  invaded  by  the  Hebrews,  who  were 
drifting  in  from  the  desert  (§  293). 

In  the  midst  of  these  troubles  at  home  and  abroad  the 
young  Ikhnaton  died,  leaving  no  son  behind  him.  Although 
a visionary  and  an  idealist,  he  was  the  most  remarkable  genius 
of  the  early  oriental  world  before  the  Hebrews ; but  the  faith 
in  one  god  which  he  attempted  to  introduce  perished  with  him. 
A new  line  of  kings,  the  greatest  of  whom  were  I (Fig.  72) 
and  his  son  Ramses  H (Fig.  123),  after  desperate  efforts  were 
able  to  restore  fo'^some  extent  the  Egyptian  Empire.  But 
they  were  unable  to  drive  the  Hittites  out  of  Syria,  for  these 
Hittite  invaders  from  Asia  Minor  possessed  iron  (§  360),  which 
they  could  use  for  weapons,  while  the  declining  Egyptian  Empire 
was  the  last  great  power  of  the  Age  of  Bronze. 

At  Thebes  the  symptoms  of  the  coming  fall  may  be  seen 
even  at  the  present  day.  If  we  examine  the  great  war  pictures 
on  the  Theban  temples  which  we  have  been  visiting,  we  find 
in  the  battle  scenes  of  the  later  Empire  great  numbers  of 
foreigners  serving  in  the  Egyptian  army.  This  shows  that  the 
Egyptians  had  finally  lost  their  temporary  interest  in  war  and 
were  calling  in  foreigners  to  fight  their  battles.  Among  these 
strangers  are  the  peoples  of  the  northern  Mediterranean  whom 
we  left  there  in  the  Late  Stone  Age  (§  44).  Here  on  the 
Egyptian  monuments  we  find  them  after  they  have  got  from 
eastern  peoples  the  art  of  using  metal.  With  huge  bronze 
swords  in  their  hands  we  see  them  serving  as  hired  soldiers 
in  the  Egyptian  army  (tailpiece,  p.  519).  They  and  other  Medi- 
terranean foreigners  (§  378)  finally  invaded  Egypt  in  such 
numbers  that  the  weakened  Egyptian  Empire  fell,  in  the  middle 
of  the  twelfth  century  B.  c. 

The  great  Pharaohs,  who  maintained  themselves  for  over 
four  hundred  years  as  emperors,  were  buried  here  at  Thebes. 
On  the  other  side  of  the  cliffs  behind  the  huge  statues  of 
Amenhotep  HI  (Eig.  69)  is  a wild  and  desolate  valley  formed 
by  a deep  depression  in  the  western  desert  (Eig.  75).  Here,  in 


The  Story  of  Egypt 


95 


over  forty  vast  rock-hewn  galleries  reaching  hundreds  of  feet 
into  the  mountain,  the  bodies  of  the  Egyptian  emperors  were 
laid  to  rest,  only  to  suffer  pillage  and  robbery  after  the  fall  of 
the  Empire.  Their  weak  successors  as  kings  at  Thebes  hurried 
the  royal  bodies  from  one 
hiding  place  to  another,  and 
finally  concealed  them  in  a 
secret  chamber  hewn  for  this 
purpose  in  the  western  cliffs. 

Here  they  lay  undisturbed 
for  nearly  three  thousand 
3'ears,  until,  in  i88i,  they 
were  discovered  and  removed 
to  the  National  Museum  at 
Cairo,  where  they  still  rest 
(cf.  Eig.  72).  Thus  we  are 
still  able  to  look  into  the 
very  faces  of  these  lords  of 
Egypt  and  Western  Asia 
who  lived  and  ruled  from 
thirty-one  hundred  to  thirty- 
five  hundred  y^ears  ago. 

Thus  ends  the  story  of 
the  Empire  at  Thebes.  The 
pyramids,  tombs,  and  tem- 
ples along  the  Nile  have  told 
us  the  history  of  early  Egypt 
in  three  epochs : the  Pyra- 
mids of  Gizeh  and  the 
neighboring  cemeteries  of 
Memphis  have  told  us  about  the  Pyramid  Age  ; the  cliff-tombs, 
which  we  found  on  the  Nile  voyage,  have  revealed  the  history 
of  the  Feudal  Age;  and  the  temples  and  cliff-tombs  of  Thebes 
have  given  us  the  story  of  the  Empire.  The  Nile  has  become 
for  us  a great  volume  of  history.  Let  us  remember,  however, 


Fig.  75.  Valley  at  Thebes 

WHERE  THE  PHARAOHS  OF  THE 

Empire  were  buried 

In  the  Empire  (after  1600  b.c.)  the 
Pharaohs  had  ceased  to  erect  pyra- 
mids. They  excavated  their  tombs 
in  the  cliff  walls  of  this  valley  (see 
plan,  p.  81),  penetrating  in  long 
galleries  hundreds  of  feet  into  the 
rock.  Taken  from  here  and  con- 
cealed near  by,  the  bodies  of  many 
of  the  Pharaohs,  although  long  ago 
stripped  of  their  valuables  by  tomb 
robbers,  have  survived  and  now  lie 
in  the  National  Museum  of  Egypt  at 
Cairo  (Fig.  72) 


126.  Final 
significance 
of  the  Nile 
voyage 


96 


Ancient  Times 


that,  preceding  these  three  great  chapters  of  civilization  on  the 
Nile,  we  also  found  here  the  earlier  story  of  how  man  passed 
from  Stone  Age  barbarism  to  a civilization  possessed  of  metal, 
writing,  and  government  (§  66).  On  the  other  hand,  as  we 


Oval  containing  name  of 
Ptolemy  in  hieroglyphics 


PTOLEMAIOS 

1 n in  IV  r vi  viiviiiix 
[~~|  (/  and  j)  = P in  both  names 

(//)  = T in  one  name 


(///and  ^)  = 0 in  both  names 
a)  = L in  both  names 
(P7)  z=M  in  one  name 


{VII) 


{IX) 


= AI  in  one  name 

= S in  one  name 


B 

Oval  containing  name  of 
Cleopatra  in  hieroglyphics 


0 


KLEOPATRA 

12  3 4 5 6 7 8 9 

A W in  one  name 

/ {s)  =E  in  one  name 


(6  and  9)  = A in  two  places 


(7) 

(*) 


: T in  one  name 
: R in  one  name 


OJ 


■ unpronounced  signs 
{10)  — ^ placed  at  end  of 
all  feminine  names 


Fig.  76.  Diagram  showing  the  First  Steps  in  Champollion’s 
Decipherment  of  Egyptian  Hieroglyphics* 


look  forward,  we  should  remember  also  that  the  three  great 
chapters  did  not  end  the  story ; for  Egyptian  institutions  and 
civilization  continued  far  down  into  the  Christian  Age  and 
greatly  influenced  later  history  in  Europe  (§§657,981,  and  1063). 


The  Story  of  Egypt 


97 


Section  12.  The  Decipherment  of  Egyptian 
Writing  by  Champollion 


Finally,  our  Nile  voyage  has  also  shown  us  how  we  gain 
kno\vledge  of  ancient  men  and  their  deeds  from  the  monuments 
and  records  which  they  have  left  behind.  We  have  also  noticed 
how  greatly  the  use  of  the  earliest  written  documents  aids  us 
in  putting  together  the  story.  If  we  had  made  our  journey  up 


127.  In  mod- 
em times  no 
one  able  to 
read  Egj'p- 
tian  writing 
before  1822 


* Champollion  found  an  obelisk  bearing  on  its  base  a Greek  in-< 
scription,  showing  that  the  obelisk  belonged  to  a king  Ptolemy  and  4 
his  queen  Cleopatra.  The  obelisk  shaft  bore  an  inscription  in  hiero-  '' 
glyphics  which  he  therefore  thought  must  somewhere  contain  the 
names  Ptolemy  and  Cleopatra.  Other  scholars  had  shown  that  the 
ovals,  or  " cartouches  ” (see  opposite  page),  so  common  on  Egyptian 
mcnuments,  contained  royal  names.  Examination  showed  two  such 
ovals  on  the  shaft  of  the  obelisk.  He  concluded  that  the  hieroglyphs 
in  these  two  ovals  spelled  the  names  Ptolemy  and  Cleopatra.  He  then 
proceeded  to  compare  them  with  the  Greek  spelling  of  Ptolemy 
(Ptotemaios)  and  Cleopatra.  These  Greek  spellings  (in  otir  letters) 
will  be  found  in  Fig.  76,  each  paired  with  its  corresponding  hiero- 
glyphic form.  All  signs  and  letters  in  the  left  pair  are  numbered 
with  Roman  numerals,  and  in  the  right  pair  with  Arabic  numerals. 
The  first  sign  (I)  in  oval  A is  an  oblong  rectangle,  and  if  it  really  is 
the  first  letter  in  Ptolemy’s  name,  it  must  be  the  letter  f.  Now  the 
fifth  letter  in  Cleopatra’s  name  is  also  a P,  and  so  the  fifth  sign  in 
the  oval  B ought  also  to  be  an  oblong  rectangle.  To  Champollion’s 
delight  oval  B did  not  disappoint  him,  and  sign  5 proved  to  be  an 
oblong  rectangle.  He  was  at  first  troubled  by  the  fact  that  in  his  next 
comparison,  II  and  7 in  the  two  ovals  did  not  prove  to  be  alike  as  the 
sign  for  T,  but  he  concluded  that  7 must  be  a second  form  for  T,  and 
he  was  right.  The  next  two  signs  in  oval  A fill  and  IV)  corre- 
sponded exactly  wdth  4 and  2 in  oval  B,  and  showed  him  that  he  was 
certainly  on  the  right  road.  Although  the  vowels  (e.g.  VII  and  3) 
caused  him  some  trouble,  he  soon  saw  that  Egyptian  was  inaccurate  in 
writing  the  vowels,  or  even  omitted  them  (see  Fig.  29).  From  these 
two  names  he  had  proved  that  the  Egyptians  possessed  an  alphabet 
and  not  merely  signs  for  whole  syllables  or  whole  words.  He  had  also 
learned  the  sounds  of  twelve  of  the  letters  (see  table  of  signs  below  > 
the  names)  and  laid  the  foundation  for  completing  the  decipherment, 
by  the  aid  of  the  Rosetta  Stone  (Fig.  207),  which  he  then  for  the  first 
time  understood  how  to  use,  after  scholars  had  been  working  on  it  in 
vain  for  over  twenty  years.  This  was  in  1822,  and  Champollion  then 
announced  his  discovery  to  the  French  Academy,  in  Paris. 


98 


Ancient  Times 


128.  Cham- 
pollion’s  first 
efforts  at 
decipher- 
ment 


129.  Cham- 
pollion’s 
successful  de- 
cipherment 


130.  Tran- 
sition to  Asia 


the  Nile  a hundred  years  ago,  however,  we  would  have  had  no 
one  to  tell  us  what  these  Egyptian  records  meant.  For  the  last 
man  who  could  read  Egyptian  hieroglyphs  died  over  a thousand 
years  ago.  A hundred  years  ago,  therefore,  no  one  understood 
the  curious  writing  which  travelers  found  covering  the  great 
monuments  along  the  Nile. 

For  a long  time  scholars  puzzled  over  the  strange  Nile 
records,  but  made  little  progress  in  reading  them.  Then  a 
young  Frenchman  named  Champollion  took  up  the  problem, 
and  after  years  of  discouraging  failure  he  began  to  make 
progress.  He  discovered  the  names  of  Ptolemy  and  Cleopatra 
written  in  hieroglyphics.  He  was  thus  able  to  determine  the 
sounds  of  twelve  hieroglyphic  signs  which  he  proved  to  be 
alphabetic  (see  explanation  of  Fig.  76).  Champollion  was  then 
able  to  read  several  other  royal  names,  and  in  1822,  in  a famous 
letter  to  the  French  Academy,  he  announced  his  discovery  and 
explained  the  steps  he  had  taken. 

It  was  not  until  this  point  was  reached  that  he  was  able  to 
make  use  of  the  well-known  Rosetta  Stone,  which  was  there- 
fore not  the  first  key  employed  by  Champollion.  But  the 
Rosetta  Stone  (Fig.  207)  then  enabled  him  rapidly  to  increase 
his  list  of  known  hieroglyphic  signs  and  to  learn  the  meanings 
of  words  and  the  construction  of  sentences.  When  he  died,  in 
1832,  he  had  written  a little  grammar  and  prepared  a small 
dictionary  of  hieroglyphic.  There  remains  even  now  much  to 
learn  about  the  Egyptian  language  and  writing,  but  Champol- 
lion’s  marvelous  achievement  laid  the  foundations  of  a new 
science  now  called  Egyptology,  which  has  restored  to  the  world 
a lost  chapter  of  human  history  nearly  three  thousand  years  in 
length.  Thus  the  monuments  of  the  Nile  have  gained  a voice 
and  have  told  us  their  wonderful  story  of  how  man  gained 
civilization. 

In  a similar  way  the  monuments  discovered  along  the  Tigris 
and  Euphrates  rivers  in  Asia  have  been  deciphered  and  made 
to  tell  their  story.  They  show  us  that,  following  the  Egyptians, 


The  Story  of  Egypt 


99 


the  peoples  of  Asia  emerged  from  barbarism,  gained  indus- 
tries, learned  the  use  of  metals,  devised  a system  of  writing, 
and  finally  rose  to  the  leading  position  of  power  in  the  ancient 
world.  We  must  therefore  turn,  in  the  next  chapter,  to  the 
story  of  the  early  Orient  in  Asia. 

QUESTIONS 

Section  8.  What  ages  do  the  monuments  up  the  Nile  reveal 
to  us?  Describe  the  rule  of  a Feudal  Age  baron.  Describe  his 
library.  What  kind  of  progress  had  been  made"  Since  the  Pyramid 
Age?  Describe  the  science  of  the  time.  What  great -commercial 
link  between  two  seas  was  created? 

Section  9.  Write  a description  of  what  you  see  from  an  aero- 
plane over  the  east  end  of  the  Temple  of  Karnak.  How  did  the 
Pharaohs  who  built  Karnak  differ  from  those  who  built  the  pyramids  ? 
Who  was  the  first  great  woman  in  history?  Tell  something  of  her 
reign.  Tell  about  the  reign  of  the  greatest  Egyptian  general.  What 
is  an  empire?  What  was  the  extent  of  the  Egyptian  Empire? 

Section  10.  What  did  the  Egyptian  emperors  do  with  the  wealth 
gained  from  subject  peoples?  Describe  an  empire  temple  and  its 
surroundings.  Describe  the  great  Karnak  hall,  and  tell  how  the  clere- 
story was  improved.  Give  an  account  of  the  Theban  cemetery  and 
what  it  contains.  Who  tried  to  introduce  the  earliest  belief  in  one 
god?  Describe  the  attempt. 

Section  ii.  What  were  the  consequences  of  Ikhnaton’s  move- 
ment? Tell  about  the  Amarna  letters.  What  Northerners  held 
Syria,  and  what  new  weapons  did  they  have?  What  do  the  war 
pictures  at  Thebes  show  us  about  the  Egyptian  army  ? What 
foreigners  invaded  Egypt  and  aided  in  destroying  the  Empire? 
What  happened  to  the  bodies  of  the  emperors  ? Summarize  the 
ages  we  have  learned  along  the  Nile  from  the  pyramids  to  Thebes. 

Section  i 2.  Why  were  our  great-grandfathers  unable  to  read 
hieroglyphic?  Who  deciphered  it,  and  when?  What  Egyptian  sign 
represents  the  first  letter  in  Ptolemy’s  name?  What  Egyptian  sign 
represents  the  fifth  sign  in  Cleopatra’s  name?  Compare  the  fourth 
Egyptian  sign  in  Ptolemy’s  name  with  the  second  sign  in  Cleopatra’s 
name.  Would  you  call  this  an  accident  or  proof  that  the  lion  equals  LI 
What  monument  did  Champollion  next  use?  Describe  it  (Fig.  207). 


131.  Water 
boundaries 
of  Western 
Asia ; moun- 
tainous north, 
desert  south 


CHAPTER  IV 

WESTERN  ASIA : BABYLONIA 

Section  13,  The  Lands  and  Races  of 
Western  Asia 

The  westernmost  extension  of  Asia  is  an  irregular  region 
roughly  included  within  the  circuit  of  waters  marked  out  by  the 
Caspian  and  Black  seas  on  the  north,  by  the  Mediterranean 
and  Red  seas  on  the  west,  and  by  the  Indian  Ocean  and  the 
Persian  Gulf  on  the  south  and  east.  It  is  a region  consisting 
chiefly  of  mountains  in  the  north  and  desert  in  the  south.  The 
earliest  home  of  men  in  this  great  arena  of  Western  Asia  is  a 
borderland  between  the  desert  and  the  mountains,  a kind  of 
cultivable  fringe  of  the  desert,  a fertile  crescent  having  the 
mountains  on  one  side  and  the  desert  on  the  other. 

Note.  The  above  scene  shows  us  the  Semitic  nomads  on  the  Fertile  Cres- 
cent along  the  Sea  of  Galilee.  In  spring  the  region  is  richly  overgrown,  but  the 
vegetation  soon  fades.  The  dark  camel’s-hair  tents  of  these  wandering  shepherds 
are  easily  carried  from  place  to  place  as  they  seek  new  pasturage  (§  134).  They 
live  on  the  milk  and  flesh  of  the  flocks. 


100 


Western  Asia : Babylonia 


lOI 


This  fertile  crescent  is  approximately  a semicircle,  with  the 
open  side  toward  the  south,  having  the  west,  end  at  the  south- 
east corner  of  the  Mediterranean,  the  center  directly  north  of 
Arabia,  and  the  east  end  at  the  north  end  of  the  Persian  Gulf 
(see  map,  p.  102).  It  lies  like  an  army  facing  south,  with  one 
wing  stretching  along  the  eastern  shore  of  the  Mediterranean 
and  the  other  reaching  out  to  the  Persian  Gulf,  while  the  center 
has  its  back  against  the  northern  mountains.  The  end  of  the 
western  wing  is  Palestine ; Assyria  makes  up  a large  part  of 
the  center;  while  the  end  of  the  eastern  wing  is  Babylonia. 

This  great  semicircle,  for  lack  of  a name,  may  be  called  the 
Fertile  Crescent.^  It  may  also  be  likened  to  the  shores  of  a 
desert-bay,  upon  which  the  mountains  behind  look  down  — a 
bay  not  of  water  but  of  sandy  waste,  some  five  hundred  miles 
across,  forming  a northern  extension  of  the  Arabian  desert 
and  sweeping  as  far  north  as  the  latitude  of  the  northeast 
comer  of  the  Mediterraneani  This  desert-bay  is  a limestone 
plateau  of  some  height- — too  high  indeed  to  be  watered  by 
the  Tigris  and  Euphrates,  which  have  cut  canons  obliquely 
across  it.  Nevertheless,  after  the  meager  winter  rains,  wide 
tracts  of  the  northern  desert-bay  are  clothed  with  scanty  grass, 
and  spring  thus  turns  the  region  for  a short  time  into  grass- 
lands. The  history  of  Western  Asia  may  be  described  as  an 
age-long  struggle  between  the  mountain  peoples  of  the  north 
and  the  desert  wanderers  of  these  grasslands  — a struggle 
which  is  still  going  on  — for  the  possession  of  the  Fertile 
Crescent,  the  shores  of  the  desert-bay. 

Arabia  is  totally  lacking  in  rivers  and  enjoys  but  a few 
weeks  of  rain  in  midwinter ; hence  it  is  a desert  veiy  little 
of  which  is  habitable.  Its  people  are  and  have  been  from  the 
remotest  ages  a great  white  race  called  Semites.  The  Semites 
have  always  been  divided  into  many  tribes  and  groups,  just  as 

1 There  is  no  name,  either  geographical  or  political,  which  includes  all  of  this 
great  semicircle  (see  map,  p.  102).  Hence  we  are  obliged  to  coin  a term  and  call 
it  the  Fertile  Crescent 


132.  The  Fer 
tile  Crescent 
between 


133.  The 
desert-bay 


134.  The 
Arabian  des 
ert  and  the 
Semitic 
nomad 


102 


Ancient  Times 


135.  Cease- 
less shift  of 
the  nomad 
from  the  des- 
ert to  the  Fer- 
tile Crescent 


were  the  American  Indians,  whom  we  call  Sioux,  or  Seminoles, 
or  Iroquois.  So  we  shall  find  many  tribal  or  group  names 
among  the  Semites.  With  two  of  these  we  are  familiar  — the 
Arabs,  and  the  Hebrews  whose  descendants  dwell  among  us. 
They  all  spoke  and  still  speak  dialects  of  the  same  tongue,  of 
which  Hebrew  was  one.  For  ages  they  have  moved  up  and 
down  the  habitable  portions  of  the  Arabian  world,  seeking  pas- 
turage for  their  flocks  and  herds  (headpiece,  p.  100).  Such 
wandering  shepherds  are  called  nomads,  and  we  remember 
how  their  manner  of  life  arose  after  the  domestication  of 
sheep  and  goats  (see  §§  35-36). 

From  the  earliest  times,  when  the  spring  grass  of  the 
northern  wilderness  is  gone,  they  have  been  constantly  drifting 
in  from  the  sandy  sea  upon  the  shores  of  the  northern  desert- 
bay.  If  they  can  secure  a footing  there,  they  slowly  make  the 
transition  from  the  wandering  life  of  the  desert  nomad  to  the 
settled  life  of  the  agricultural  peasant  (see  § 36).  This  slow 
shift  at  times  swells  into  a great  tidal  wave  of  migration,  when 
the  wild  hordes  of  the  wilderness  roll  in  upon  the  fertile  shores 
of  the  desert-bay  — a human  tide  from  the  desert  to  the  towns 
which  they  overwhelm.  We  can  see  this  process  going  on  for 
thousands  of  years.  Among  such  movements  we  are  familiar 
with  the  passage  of  the  Hebrews  from  the  desert  into  Pales- 
tine, as  described  in  the  Bible,  and  some  readers  will  recall  the 
invasions  of  the  Arab  hosts  which,  when  converted  to  Moham- 
medanism, even  reached  Europe  and  threatened  to  girdle  the 
Mediterranean  (§  1155).  After  they  had  adopted  a settled  town 
life,  the  colonies  of  the  Semites  stretched  far  westward  through 
the  Mediterranean,  especially  in  northern  x\frica,  even  to  south- 
ern Spain  and  the  Atlantic  (see  diagram.  Fig.  112,  and  map, 
p.  288).  But  it  took  many  centuries  for  the  long  line  of  their 
settlements  to  creep  slowly  westward  until  it  reached  the 
Atlantic,  and  we  must  begin  with  the  Semites  in  the  desert. 

Out  on  the  wide  reaches  of  the  desert  there  are  no  bound- 
aries ; the  pasturage  is  free  as  air  to  the  first  comer.  No  man 


Westem  Asia : Babylonia 


103 


of  the  tribe  owns  land ; there  are  no  landholding  rich  and 
no  landless  poor.  The  men  of  the  desert  know  no  law.  The 
keen-eyed  desert  marauder  looks  with  envy  across  the  hills 
dotted  with  the  flocks  of  the  neighboring  tribe,  which  may  be 
his  when  he  has  slain  the  solitary  shepherd  at  the  well.  But 
if  he  does  so,  he  knows  that  his  own  family  will  suffer  death  or 
heavy  damages,  not  at  the  hands  of  the  State,  but  at  the  hands 
of  the  slain  shepherd’s  family.  This  custom,  known  as  "blood 
revenge,”  has  a restraining  influence  like  that  of  law.  Under 
such  conditions  there  is  no  State.  Writing  and  records  are 
unknown,  industries  are  practically  nonexistent,  and  the  desert 
tribesmen  lead  a life  of  complete  freedom.  The  Turkish  gov- 
ernment owning  Arabia  to-day  is  as  powerless  to  control  the 
wandering  Arabs  of  the  wilderness  as  were  formerly  our  own 
authorities  in  suppressing  the  lawlessness  of  our  own  herdsmen 
whom  we  called  cowboys. 

The  tribesmen  drift  with  their  flocks  along  the  margin  of 
the  Fertile  Crescent  till  they  discern  a town  among  the  palm 
groves.  Objects  of  picturesque  interest  to  the  curious  eyes  of 
the  townsmen,  they  appear  in  the  market  place  to  traffic  for 
the  weapons,  utensils,  and  raiment  with  which  the  nomad  can- 
not dispense  (headpiece,  p.  197).  They  soon  learn  to  carry 
goods  from  place  to  place  and  thus  become  not  only  the 
common  carriers  of  the  settled  communities  but  also  traders 
on  their  own  account,  fearlessly  leading  their  caravans  across 
the  wastes  of  the  desert-bay,  lying  like  a sea  between  Syria- 
Palestine  and  Babylonia.  They  became  the  greatest  merchants 
of  the  ancient  world,  as  their  Hebrew  descendants  among  us 
still  are  at  the  present  day. 

The  wilderness  is  the  nomad’s  home.  Its  vast  solitudes  have 
tinged  his  soul  with  solemnity.  His  imagination  peoples  the 
far  reaches  of  the  desert  with  invisible  and  uncanny  creatures, 
who  inhabit  every  rock  and  tree,  hilltop  and  spring.  These 
creatures  are  his  gods,  whom  he  believes  he  can  control  by  the 
utterance  of  magic  charms  — the  earliest  prayers.  He  believes 


136.  Lack  of 
institutions 
and  indus- 
tries among 
the  Semitic 
nomads  of 
Arabia 


137.  Traffic 
and  the 
caravan 


138.  Religion 
of  the 
nomad 


104 


Ancient  Times 


139.  The 
tribal  god  of 
the  nomad 


140.  The 
nomad’s 
thoughts 
about  his 
tribal  god ; 
his  ideas  of 
right 


141.  The 
western 
Semites  on 
the  west  end 
of  the  Fertile 
Crescent 


that  such  charms  render  these  uncanny  gods  powerless  to  do 
him  injury  and  compel  them  to  grant  him  aid. 

The  nomad  pictures  each  one  of  these  beings  as  controlling 
only  a little  corner  of  the  great  world,  perhaps  only  a well  and 
its  surrounding  pastures.  At  the  next  well,  only  a day’s  march 
away,  there  is  another  god,  belonging  to  the  next  tribe.  For 
each  tribe  have  a favorite  or  tribal  god,  who,  as  they  believe, 
journeys  with  them  from  pasture  to  pasture,  sharing  their  food 
and  their  feasts  and  receiving  as  his  due  from  the  tribesmen 
the  firstborn  of  their  flocks  and  herds. 

The  thoughts  of  the  desert  wanderer  about  the  character  of 
such  a god  are  crude  and  barbarous,  and  his  religious  customs  are 
often  savage,  even  leading  him  to  sacrifice  his  children  to  appease 
the  angry  god.  On  the  other  hand,  the  nomad  has  a dawning 
sense  of  justice  and  of  right,  and  he  feels  some  obligations  of 
kindness  to  his  fellows  which  he  believes  are  the  compelling  voice 
of  his  god.  Such  feelings  at  last  became  lofty  moral  vision,  which 
made  the  Semites  the  religious  teachers  of  the  civilized  world. 

As  early  as  3000  b.c.  they  were  drifting  in  from  the  desert 
and  settling  in  Palestine,  on  the  western  end  of  the  Fertile 
Crescent,  where  we  find  them  in  possession  of  walled  towns 
by  2500  B.c.  (Fig.  124).  These  predecessors  of  the  Hebrews  in 
Palestine  were  a tribe  called  Canaanites  (§§  293-294) ; farther 
north  settled  a powerful  tribe  known  as  Amorites  (§175); 
while  along  the  shores  of  north  Syria  (Fig.  159)  some  of  these 
one-time  desert  wanderers  had  taken  to  the  sea,  and  had  be- 
come the  Phoenicians  (§  396).  By  2000  b.c.  all  these  settled 
communities  of  the  western  Semites  *had  developed  no  mean 
degree  of  civilization,  drawn  for  the  most  part  from  Egypt  and 
Babylonia.  Their  home  along  the  east  end  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean was  on  the  highway  between  these  two  countries, 
and  they  were  in  constant  contact  with  both  (map,  p.  102).  The 
Phoenicians,  however,  belonged  to  the  Mediterranean,  and  we 
shall  take  up  their  story  in  discussing  the  history  of  the 
eastern  Mediterranean  (Sections  39  and  40). 


Western  Asia : Babylonia  105 

At  the  same  time  we  can  watch  similar  movements  of  the  142.  The  east 

nomads  at  the  eastern  end  of  the  Fertile  Crescent,  along  Ferthe^Cres- 

the  lower  course  of  the  Tigris  and  Euphrates  (Fig.  77), 

which  we  shall  henceforth  speak  of  as  the  " Two  Rivers.”  and  the 

, three  great 

They  nse  m the  northern  mountains  (see  map,  p.  102),  whence  chapters  in 
they  issue  to  cross  the  Fertile  Crescent  and  to  cut  obliquely 
southeastward  through  the  northern  bay  of  the  desert.  Here 


Fig.  77.  The  Euphrates  at  Babylox  in  Winter 

The  winter  rainfall  (§  144)  is  so  slight  that  the  river  shrinks  to  a very 
low  level  and  its  bed  is  exposed  and  dry  almost  to  the  middle.  In 
summer  the  rains  and  melting  snows  in  the  northern  mountains  swell 
the  river  till  it  overflows  its  banks  and  inundates  the  Babylonian  plain. 
The  house  on  the  right  was  the  dwelling  of  the  archaeological  expedition 
which  until  1917  was  engaged  in  excavating  Babylon  (Fig.  iii) 


on  these  two  great  rivers  of  Western  Asia  developed  the  earliest 
civilization  known  in  Asia.  Just  as  on  the  Nile,  so  here  on  the 
Two  Rivers  we  shall  find  three  great  chapters  in  the  story. 

As  on  the  Nile,  so  also  the  earliest  of  the  three  chapters  of 
Tigris-Euphrates  history  will  be  found  in  the  lower  valley  near 
the  rivers’  mouths.  This  earliest  chapter  is  the  story  of  Baby- 
lonia.^ As  the  Two  Rivers  approach  most  closely  to  each  other, 
about  one  hundred  and  sixty  or  seventy  miles  from  the  Persian 

1 The  other  two  chapters  of  Tigris-Euphrates  history  are  Assyria  and  the 
Chaldean  Empire  (Chapter  V). 


143.  The 
plain  of 
Shinar  (or 
Babylonia), 
the  scene  of 
the  earliest 
chapter  of 
Tigris- 
Euphrates 
history 


144-  Area  of 
the  Plain  of 
Shinar;  its 
fertility 


lo6  Ancient  Times 

Gulf/  they  emerge  from  the  desert  and  enter  a low  plain  of 
fertile  soil,  formerly  brought  down  by  the  rivers.  This  plain 
is  Babylonia,  the  eastern  end  of  the  Fertile  Crescent.  But 
during  the  first  thousand  years  of  the  known  history  of  this 
plain  the  later  city  of  Babylon  had  not  yet  arisen,  or  was  a 
mere  village  pkying  little  or  no  part  in  the  history  of  the 


region.  The  plain  was  then  called  Shinar,  and  Babylonia  is 
a name  that  properly  should  not  be  applied  to  it  until  after 
2100  B.  c.  (see  § 176). 

Rarely  more  than  forty  miles  wide,  the  Plain  of  Shinar  con- 
tained probably  less  than  eight  thousand  square  miles  of 
cultivable  soil — -roughly  equal  to  the  state  of  New  Jersey  or  the 

1 This  distance  applies  only  to  ancient  Babylonian  and  Assyrian  days.  The 
rivers  have  since  then  filled  up  the  Persian  Gulf  for  one  hundred  and  fifty  to 
one  hundred  and  sixty  miles,  and  the  gulf  is  that  much  shorter  at  the  present 
day  (see  note  under  scale  on  map,  p.  102). 


Western  Asia : Babylonia  107 

area  of  Wales.^  It  lies  in  the  Mediterranean  belt  of  rainy  winter 
and  dr)"  summer,  but  the  rainfall  is  so  scanty  (less  than  three 
inches  a year)  that  irrigation  of  the  fields  is  required  in  order 
to  ripen  the  grain.  When  properly  irrigated  the  Plain  of  Shinar 
is  prodigiously  fertile,  and  the  chief  source  of  wealth  in  ancient 
Shinar  was  agriculture.  This  plain  was  the  scene  of  the  most 
important  and  long-continued  of  those  frequent  struggles  be- 
tween the  mountaineer  and  the  nomad,  of  which  we  have 
spoken  (§  133).  We  are  now  to  follow  the  story  of  the  first 
series  of  those  struggles,  lasting  something  like  a thousand 
years,  and  ending  about  2100  b.c. 

Section  14.  Rise  of  Sumerian  Civilization  and 
Early  Struggle  of  Sumerian  and  Semite 

The  mountaineers  were  not  Semitic  and  show  no  relationship  143.  Un- 
to the  Semitic  nomads  of  the  Arabian  desert.^  We  are  indeed  of  th^eTriy 
unable  to  connect  the  earliest  of  these  mountain  peoples  with  mountaineers 
any  of  the  great  racial  groups  known  to  us.  We  find  them 
shown  on  monuments  of  stone  as  having  shaven  heads  and 
wearing  shaggy  woolen  kilts  (Fig.  90).  While  they  were  still 
using  stone  implements,  some  of  these  mountaineers,  now 
known  as  Sumerians,  pushed  through  the  passes  of  the  eastern 
mountains  at  a very  early  date.  Long  before  3000  b.c.  they 
had  reclaimed  the  marshes  around  the  mouths  of  the  Two  Rivers. 

1 The  current  impressions  of  the  cultivable  area  of  Babylonia  take  no  account 
of  the  fact  that  the  Babylonian  plain  was  once  much  shorter  than  it  is  now  (p.  io6, 
note),  nor  of  the  further  fact  that  on  the  north  of  it  Mesopotamia  is  a desert  which, 
moreover,  does  not  belong  to  Babylonia.  Only  northern  Mesopotamia  is  cultivable 
(especially  the  upper  valleys  of  the  Balikh  and  the  Khabur  rivers).  The  modem 
maps  do  not  show  this  fact ; for  example,  the  Century  Atlas  confines  the  desert 
to  the  right  bank  of  the  Euphrates  and  does  not  admit  it  to  Mesopotamia!  The 
usually  accepted  ideas  of  the  cultivable  area  of  Babylonia  are  therefore  enor- 
mously in  excess  of  the  actual  area  reached  by  irrigation. 

® On  the  other  hand,  although  they  W’ere  certainly  white  races,  the  moun- 
taineers exhibited  no  relationship  to  the  Indo-European  group  of  peoples  who 
were  already  spreading  through  the  country  north  and  east  of  the  Caspian  at  a 
very  early  date.  The  Indo-European  peoples,  from  whom  we  ourselves  have 
descended,  are  discussed  in  Section  21. 


146.  Their 
material  civi- 
lization 


108  Ancient  Times 

They  gradually  took  possession  of  the  southern  section  of  the 
Plain  of  Shinar,  and  the  region  they  held  at  length  came  to  be 
called  Sumer  (see  map,  p.  106). 

Their  settlements  of  low  mud-brick  huts  crept  gradually  north- 
ward along  the  Euphrates  (see  map,  p.  106) ; for  the  banks  of 
the  Tigris  were  too  high  for  convenient  irrigation.  They  learned 
to  control  the  spring  freshets  with  dikes,  to  distribute  the  waters 


Fig.  78.  Ancient  Babylonian  Seeder,  or  Machine  Planter 
(After  Clay) 

The  seeder  is  drawn  by  a yoke  of  oxen,  with  their  driver  beside  them. 
Behind  the  seeder  follows  a man  holding  it  by  two  handles.  It  is  very 
pointed  and  evidently  makes  a shallow  trench  in  the  soil  as  it  moves. 
Rising  from  the  frame  of  the  seeder  is  a vertical  tube  [a)  on  the  top  of 
which  is  a funnel  (b).  A third  man  walking  beside  the  seeder  is  shown 
dropping  the  grain  into  this  funnel  with  one  hand ; with  the  other  he 
holds  what  is  probably  a sack  of  seed  grain  suspended  from  his  shoul- 
ders. The  grain  drops  down  through  the  tube  and  falls  into  the  trench 
made  by  the  seeder.  The  scene  is  carved  on  a small  stone  seal 

in  irrigation  trenches,  and  to  reap  large  harvests  of  grain  (Fig.  78). 
They  had  already  received  barley  and  split  wheat  (p.  38,  note), 
which  were  their  two  chief  grains  as  in  Egypt ; and  they  called 
the  split  wheat  by  its  Egyptian  name.  They  also  already  pos- 
sessed cattle,  sheep,  and  goats.  Oxen  drew  the  plow,  and 
donkeys  pulled  wheeled  carts  and  chariots ; the  wheel  as  a 
burden-bearing  device  appeared  here  for  the  first  time.^  But 

r Probably  earlier  than  the  wheel  in  the  Swiss  lake-villages  or  on  the  chariot 
race  courses  of  the  Late  Stone  Age  (§  39)  in  the  West. 


Western  Asia : Babylonia 


109 


the  horse  was  still  unknown.  Traffic  with  the  upper  river  had 
also  brought  in  metal,  probably  from  the  Nile  valley,  and  the 
smith  learned  to  fashion  utensils  of  copper.  But  he  had  not 


Fig.  79.  Early  Sumerian  Clay  Tablet  with  Cuneiform 
Writing  (Twenty-eighth  Century  b.c.) 

This  tablet  was  written  toward  the  close  of  the  early  period  of  the  city- 
kings  (§  162),  a generation  before  the  accession  of  Sargon  I (§  166). 
It  contains  business  accounts;  the  numbers  can  be  recognized  as 
circles  and  other  cur\'ed  signs  made  with  the  circular  tipper  end  of  the 
scribe’s  stylus.  The  picture  signs  have  at  this  time  long  since  become 
groups  of  wedges  as  shown  in  Fig.  80.  (By  permission  of  Dr.  Hussey) 

yet  learned  to  harden  the  copper  into  bronze  by  admixture  of 
tin  (§  336). 

Trade  and  government  taught  these  people  to  make  records 
scratched  in  rude  pictures  (cf.  Fig.  26)  with  the  tip  of  a reed 
on  a flat  oval  or  disk  of  soft  clay.  When  dried  in  the  sun 


147.  Rise  of 
Sumerian  pio 
torial  writing 
on  clay 


I lO 


Ancient  Times 


148.  Trans- 
formation of 
Sumerian  pic- 
ture signs 
into  cunei- 
form signs, 
and  resulting 
loss  of  the 
pictures 


such  a clay  record  became  very  hard ; and  if  well  baked  in  an 
oven,  it  became  an  almost  imperishable  pottery  tablet  (Fig.  79). 

, „ On  the  earliest 


surviving  speci- 
mens of  such 
tablets  we  can 
still  recognize 
the  original  pic- 
tures (Fig.  80) 
which  made  up 
the  writing,  just 
as  in  Eg)^pt. 

The  reed  with 
which  the  pic- 
tures were  made 
usually  had  a 
blunt,  square- 
tipped  end. 
The  tablet  was 
held  at  an  ob- 
lique angle  as 
the  stylus  held 
straight  up  was 
applied  to  the 
clay.  We  may 
see  a writer 
so  using  it  in 
Fig.  1 01.  The 
writer  did  not 
scratch  the  lines 
of  his  picture ; 
but  in  making 

a single  line  he  impressed  one  corner  of  the  square  tip  of  the 
reed  into  the  soft  clay,  and  then  raised  it  again  to  impress 
another  line  in  the  same  way.  Owing  to  the  oblique  tilt  of  the 


n 


III 


TV 


ri 


VII 


VIII 


Foot  turned 
around  in  2 

is4 

Donkey 

Bird;  turned 
over  with  feet 
to  the  right 

If 

Fish 

Q: 

Star 

Ox ; turned 
over  in  2 

V 

Sun  or  Day 

0 

Grain  top  of 
stalk  turned 

over 

»» 

Fig.  80.  Early  Babylonian  Signs  showing 
THEIR  Pictorial  Origin.  (Chiefly  froiVI 
Barton) 

This  list  of  eight  signs  shows  clearly  the  pictures 
from  which  the  signs  came.  The  oldest  form  is  in 
column  /;  column  2 shows  the  departure  from  the 
picture  and  the  appearance  of  the  signs  as  the  lines 
began  to  become  wedges.  In  column  j are  the  later 
forms,  consisting  only  of  wedges  and  showing  no 
resemblance  to  the  original  picture.  The  original 
forms  of  signs  V,  VI,  and  VII,  in  column  i,  have  not 
yet  been  actually  found,  but  they  are  assumed  from 
the  existent  forms  shown  in  column  2 


Western  Asia : Ba6y[onia 


III 


tablet,  each  line  thus  made  was  wider  at  one  end  than  at  the 
other,  and  hence  appeared  triangular  or  wedge-shaped,  thus  >— 
or  y . Ever}'  picture  or  sign  thus  came  to  be  made  up  of  a 
group  of  wedge-shaped  lines  like  which  was  once  a star, 
or  once  a foot  (Fig.  8o,  V,  j,  and  I,  j).  We  therefore  call 
the  system  aindform  (Latin,  cuneus,  meaning  " wedge  ”),  or 
wedge-form  writing.  Pictures  made  up  of  these  wedge  lines 
became  more  and  more  difficult  to  recognize,  especially  as 
speed  in  writing  increased.  All  resemblance  to  the  earlier 
pictures  finally  disappeared. 

The  transition  from  the  picture  stage  to  the  phonetic  stage 
(§  53)  was  early  made.  Sumerian  writing  finally  possessed  over 
three  hundred  and  fifty  signs,  but  each  such  sign  represented 
a syllable’-  or  a word,  that  is,  a group  of  sounds ; the  Sumerian 
system  never  developed  an  alphabet  of  the  letters  which  made 
up  the  syllables.  That  is,  there  were  signs  for  syllables  like  kar 
or  ban,  but  no  signs  for  the  letters  k or  r,  b or  n,  which  made 
up  such  syllables.  Hence  we  cannot  insert  here  an  alphabet,  as 
we  did  in  discussing  Egypt. 

These  clay  records  show  us  that  in  measuring  time  the 
Sumerian  scribe  began  a new  month  with  every  new  moon, 
and  he  made  his  year  of  twelve  of  these  moon-months. 
We  remember  (see  § 60)  that  twelve  such  months  fell  far 
short  of  making  up  a year.  The  scribe  therefore  slipped 
in  an  extra  month  whenever  he  found  that  he  had  reached 
the  end  of  his  calendar  year  a month  or-  so  ahead  of  the 
seasons.  This  inconvenient  and  inaccurate  calendar  was  in- 
herited by  the  Jews  and  Persians,  and  is  still  used  by  the 
oriental  Jews  and  the  Mohammedans.  As  in  Egypt  (Fig.  33), 
the  years  themselves  were  not  numbered,  but  each  year  was 
named  after  some  important  event  occurring  in  the  course 
of  the  year. 


149.  Rise 
of  phonetic 
cuneiform 
signs ; no 
alphabetic  cu- 
neiform signs 


150.  The  Su- 
merian moon- 
calendar  ; 
year-names 


1 The  only  exceptions  -were  later  the  vowels  and  some  surviving  pictorial 
signs  which  served  as  graphic  hints,  like  the  Egyptian  determinatives  (Fig.  30). 
On  the  story  of  how  this  writing  was  deciphered,  see  Section  25. 


I 12 


A7icient  Times 


151-  Sume- 
i'ian  numerals 
and  weights 


152.  Nippur 
as  a religious 
center ; its 
temple-mount 
or  tower,  the 
ancestor  of 
our  church 
steeple 


153.  The  low 
temple  build- 
ing beside 
the  temple 
tower 


The  Sumerian  system  of  numerals  was  not  based  on  tens, 
but  had  the  unit  sixty  as  a basis.  A large  number  was  given 
as  so  many  sixties,  just  as  we  employ  a score  (fourscore,  five- 
score). From  this  unit  of  sixty  has  descended  our  division  of 
the  circle  (six  sixties)  and  of  the  hour  and  minute.  The  leading 
unit  of  weight  which  they  used  was  a mina,  divided  into  sixty 
shekels.  The  mina  had  the  weight  of  our  pound,  and  traffic 
with  the  East  at  last  brought  this  measure  of  weight  to  us, 
though  under  another  name. 

Almost  in  the  center  of  the  Plain  of  Shinar  (see  map,  p.  106) 
rose  a great  tower  (Fig.  104).  It  was  of  baked  brick,  for  there 
was  no  stone  in  all  Babylonia.  This  tower  was  the  sacred 
mount  of  Enlil,  the  great  Sumerian  god  of  the  air,  at  the 
ancient  town  of  Nippur  (Fig.  84),  a holy  place  greatly  revered 
among  all  the  Sumerian  communities.  This  temple-mount  was 
in  shape  a building  tapering  upward  somewhat  like  a pyramid. 
Around  the  outside  of  the  square  towerlike  building  was  a broad 
steep  footway,  which  rose  as  it  turned,  till  it  reached  the  top 
(see  tailpiece,  p.  170).  The  Sumerians  erected  this  building  at 
Nippur,  probably  in  the  effort  to  give  their  god  a home  on 
a mountain  top  such  as  he  had  once  occupied,  before  they  left 
their  mountain  home  to  dwell  on  the  Babylonian  plain  (see 
§ 145).  Other  towns  also  adopted  the  idea,  and  the  temple 
tower  at  Babylon  in  later  ages  gave  rise  to  the  tale  of  the 
Tower  of  Babel  (or  Babylon),  as  preserved  by  the  Hebrews. 
This  Babylonian  temple  tower  is  the  ancestor  of  our  church 
steeple  (Fig.  272). 

But  the  tower  was  not  itself  the  temple  of  the  god,  although 
he  had  a shrine  at  the  top.  Alongside  the  tower  there  was  a 
small,  low  temple  building  serving  as  the  temple  proper.  Such 
sanctuaries  have  all  perished  in  Babylonia,  but  enough  remains 
to  show  the  simple  character  of  this  lower  building  (Fig.  206). 
Approaching  from  the  outside  the  visitor  saw  only  bare  walls 
of  sun-dried  brick.  These  inclosed  a court,  behind  which 
was  the  sacred  chamber.  Indeed,  it  is  clear  that  this  lower 


Western  Asia : Babylonia  1 1 3 

dwelling  of  the  god  was  simply  a dwelling  house  like  those 
of  the  townsmen  (Fig.  82). 

Around  the  temple  and  its  mount  were  grouped  the  store- 
houses and  business  offices  of  the  temple,  while  a massive  wall 
forming  an  inclosure  surrounded  and  protected  the  whole 
(Fig.  84).  Here  ruled  a wealthy  priesthood.  Assisted  by  a 
group  of  scribes  (Fig.  loi),  they  rented  and  cared  for  the 
temple  lands  and  property.  The  king  or  ruler  of  the  town  at 
their  head  was  really  also  a priest,  called  a " patesi”  (pronounced 
pa-tay'see).  His  temple  duties  kept  him  about  as  busy  as  did 
the  task  of  ruling  the  community  outside  of  the  temple  walls. 

At  this  sanctuary  under  the  shadow  of  the  temple-mount 
the  peasant  brought  in  his  offering,  a goat  and  a jar  of  water 
containing  a few  green  palm  branches  intended  to  symbolize 
the  vegetable  life  of  the  land,  which  the  god  maintained  by  the 
annual  rise  of  the  river.  The  jar  with  tlie  green  palm  branches 
in  it  later  became  " the  tree  of  life,”  a symbol  often  depicted 
on  the  monuments  of  the  land  (Fig.  102).  These  gifts  the 
worshiper  laid  before  the  gods  of  earth,  of  air,  of  sky,  or 
sea,  praying  that  Vhere  might  be  plentiful  waters  and  gener- 
ous harvests,  but  praying  also  fox  deliverance  from  the  de- 
stroying flood  which  the  god  had  once  sent  to  overwhelm 
the  land.  Of  this  catastrophe  the  peasant’s  fathers  had  told 
him,  and  the  tradition  of  this  flood  finally  passed  over  to 
the  Hebrews. 

In  one  important  matter  of  religion  the  Sumerians  were  very 
different  from  the  Egyptians.  The  dead  were  buried  in  the 
town,  under  the  court  of  a house  or  the  floor  of  a room 
(Fig.  81),  often  wuthout  any  tomb  or  coffin  or  much  equip- 
ment for  the  life  beyond  the  grave.  Of  the  next  world  they 
had  only  vague  and  somber  impressions,  as  a forbidding  place 
of  darkness  and  dust  beneath  the  earth,  to  which  all  men, 
both  good  and  bad,  descended.  Great  cemeteries  and  elaborate 
tomb  equipment,  such  as  those  which  told  us  so  much  of  early 
Egypt,  do  not  help  us  here  in  Babylonia, 


154,  The 
temple  in- 
closure ; the 
priesthood 
and  their 
ruler 


155.  Sume- 
rian religion 
and  worship 


156.  Sume- 
rian burials 
and  beliefs 
about  the 
hereafter 


Ancient  Times 


157.  Sume- 
rian house 
and  town 


II4 

Around  the  temple  inclosure  extended  the  houses  of  the  citi- 
zens— bare  rectangular  structures  of  sun-dried  brick  (Fig.  82), 
each  with  a court  on  the  north  side,  and  on  the  south  side  of 
the  court  a main  chamber  from  which  the  other  rooms  were 


Fig.  81.  A\  Ancient  Babylonian  Burial.  (After  Scheil) 

Two  large  pottery  jars  laid  with  their  open  ends  together  served  as  a 
coffin.  Sometimes  the  body  lay  on  the  bottom  of  a rectangular  grave 
lined  with  sun-dried  brick,  forming  a rough  vault.  The  usual  burial  was 
not  in  a cemetery  but  was  in  the  house  under  the  floor  of  the  court  or 
some  room.  Only  one  small  cemetery,  containing  some  thirty  burials, 
has  as  yet  been  found  in  Babylonia.  Little,  if  any,  equipment  for  the 
hereafter  was  placed  with  the  body,  although  some  burials  were  sup- 
plied with  a few  jars  of  pottery  or  copper  and  ornaments  of  silver, 
gold,  copper,  or  mother-of-pearl,  with  an  occasional  weapon  or  tool 

entered.  At  first  only  a few  hundred  feet  across,  the  town 
slowly  spread  out,  although  it  always  remained  of  very  limited 
extent.^  Such  a town  usually  stood  upon  an  artificial  mound 
(Fig.  83),  which  it  is  important  for  us  to  examine. 

r There  were  no  really  large  cities  in  Babylonia  until  the  Chaldean  Empire 
(606-538  B.C.,  Section  20). 


Western  Asm : Babylonia  1 1 5 

The  ordinary  building  material  of  the  entire  ancient  world 
was  sun-baked  brick.  The  houses  of  the  common  people  in 
the  Orient  even  at  the  present  day  are  still  built  of  such  brick. 
The  walls  of  such  houses  in  course  of  time  are  slowly  eaten 
away  by  the  rains,  till  after  a heavy  rain  an  old  house  some- 
times falls  down.  WTen  this  happens  at  the  present  day  the 
rubbish  is  leveled  off  and  the  house  is  rebuilt  on  top  of  it. 
This  modern  practice  has  been  going  on  for  thousands  of 
years.  It  was  tliis 
kind  of  a house 
whose  fall  Jesus 
had  in  mind  in  his 
parable  (Matt,  vii, 

27).  As  this  proc- 
ess went  on  for 
many  centuries  it 
produced  a high 
mound  of  rubbish, 
on  which  the  town 
stood. 

Many  a surviv- 
ing oriental  town 
still  stands  on  such 
an  ancient  mound. 

These  mounds  are 
to  be  found  in  all 
the  ancient  lands,  like  the  mound  of  Troy  (Fig.  149),  that 
of  Jericho  in  Palestine  (Fig.  124),  or  Elephantine  in  Egypt 
(Fig.  211).  Babylonia  is  to-day  full  of  such  great  mounds 
long  since  forsaken  and  deserted,  and  Fig.  83  shows  us  how 
they  look  at  the  present  day. 

The  clay  tablets  (Fig.  79)  containing  the  household  records, 
letters,  bills,  receipts,  notes,  accounts,  etc.,  which  were  in  the 
houses  when  they  fell,  were  often  covered  by  the  falling  walls, 
and  they  stiU  lie  in  the  mound.  In  the  temples  and  public 


Fig.  82.  Restoration  of  an  Early 
Babylonian  House.  (After  Koldewey) 

The  towns  of  the  early  Babylonians  were  small 
and  were  chiefly  made  up  of  such  sun-baked- 
brick  houses  as  these.  Their  simple  adornment 
consisted  only  of  vertical  panels  and  a stepped 
(crenelated)  edge  at  the  top  of  the  wall.  The 
doors  were  crowned  by  arches  in  contrast  with 
those  of  the  Egyptians,  who  knew  the  arch  but 
preferred  a horizontal  line  above  all  doorways 


158.  The 
formation  of 
ancient  city 
mounds 


159.  Distri 
bution  of 
such  early 
mounds 
to-day 


160.  Con- 
tents pre- 
served in 
such  ancient 
mounds 


Ancient  Times 


Ii6 

buildings  the  documents  covered  up  were  often  important  gov- 
ernment records ; while  in  the  dwelling  or  offices  of  the  ruler 
they  were  often  narratives  of  wars  and  conquests.  Some- 
times the  ruler  placed  accounts  of  his  buildings,  his  victo- 
ries, and  other  great  deeds  deep  in  the  foundations  of  his 
buildings  in  order  that  later  rulers  might  find  them.  Besides 


Fig.  83.  Mound  covering  a Portion  of  the  Ancient  Baby- 
lonian City  of  Nippur 

The  bare  ground  in  front  of  us  now  showing  a scanty  growth  of  desert 
shrubs  once  formed  a court,  or  open  square,  for  public  business,  unload- 
ing caravans,  etc.  The  great  mound  beyond  contains  the  chierf  temple 
buildings  of  Nippur,  occupying  the  south  corner  of  the  temple  inclosure. 
Its  highest  portion  covers  the  temple  mount  (§  152),  of  which  only  the 
lower  parts  still  survive  under  the  mound.  In  the  buildings  covered  by 
these  mounds  lived  the  scribes  (clerks)  and  officials  who  carried  on  the 
temple  and  government  business  of  this  town  nearly  five  thousand  years 
ago.  (§  154).  See  also  Fig.  84  for  a view  from  the  top  of  the  temple- 
mount.  (By  courtesy  of  the  University  Museum,  Philadelphia) 

all  these  written  records,  many  articles  of  household  use  or 
sculptured  works  of  art  still  lie  hidden  in  such  mounds.  Here 
too  lie  the  gaunt  and  somber  remains  of  the  early  Babylonian 
buildings  themselves  (Fig.  84).  But  these  town  buildings  have 
fallen  into  such  ruin  that  we  cannot  make  them  tell  us  a story 
such  as  we  found  in  Egypt.  Nevertheless,  a city  mound  is  a 
rich  storehouse  of  ancient  Babylonian  civilization,  the  story  of 
which  we  are  now  to  follow. 


Fig.  84.  Excavation  of  the  Ruins  of  Ancient  Nippur 

These  ruins  were  excavated  by  the  University  of  Pennsylvania  Expedi- 
tion in  three  campaigns  between  1889  and  1900.  This  view  shows  the 
work  of  excavation  going  on.  The  earth  (once  sun-dried  brick)  is  taken 
out  in  baskets  and  carried  away  by  a long  line  of  native  laborers,  who 
empty  their  baskets  at  the  far  end  of  an  ever-growing  bank  of  exca- 
vated earth.  The  ruinous  buildings,  once  entirely  covered  (Fig.  83), 
are  slowly  exposed,  and  among  them,  often  clay  tablets  or  objects  of 
pottery,  stone,  or  metal.  Thus  are  recovered  the  records  and  antiquities 
of  ancient  Babylonia  (§  161).  They  lie  at  different  levels,  the  oldest 
things  nearer  the  bottom  and  the  later  ones  higher  up.  This  is  a 
view  seen  from  the  top  of  the  highest  mound  in  Fig.  83.  Beyond  the 
laborers  the  view  to  the  horizon  gives  a good  idea  of  the  flat  Babylonian 
plain.  Only  two  generations  ago  the  monuments  and  records  of  Baby- 
lonia and  Assyria  preserved  in  Europe  could  all  be  contained  in  a 
show  case  only  a few  feet  square.  Since  1840,  however,  archaeological 
excavation,  as  we  call  such  digging,  has  recovered  great  quantities  of 
antiquities  and  records.  Such  work  is  now  slowly  recovering  for  us  the 
story  of  the  ancient  world.  (Drawn  from  a photograph  furnished  by 
courtesy  of  the  University  Museum,  Philadelphia) 


117 


Ii8 


Ancient  Times 


i6l.  Early 
Sumerian  art 
sculpture, 
seal-cutting, 
metal  work 


At  the  bottom  of  these  mounds,  reaching  back  to  3000  b.c., 
lie  the  works  of  the  Sumerian  sculptor  in  stone.  They  were  in 

the  beginning  very  rough 
and  crude.  The  demand 
for  personal  seals  cut  in 
stone  (Fig.  86)  soon  de- 
veloped a beautiful  art 
of  engraving  tiny  figures 
on  a hard  stone  surface 
(Fig.  106,  A).  We  call 
a craftsman  who  could 
do  such  work  a lapidary. 
The  early  Sumerian  lapi- 
daries soon  became  the 
finest  craftsmen  of  the 
kind  in  the  ancient  ori- 
ental world,  and  their 
work  has  had  an  influ- 
ence on  our  own  deco- 
rative art  which  has  not 
yet  disappeared  (see  de- 
scription, Fig.  85).  The 
Sumerian  craftsmen  also 
did  skillful  work  in  metal, 
sometimes  beautifully  dec- 
orated (Fig.  85). 


Fig.  85.  Silver  Vase  of  a Sume- 
rian City-King 


This  vase,  the  finest  piece  of  metal  work 
from  early  Babylonia,  is  adorned  with 
two  broad  bands  of  engraving  extending 
entirely  around  it.  They  furnish  an  ex- 
cellent example  of  early  Sumerian  decorative  art.  In  the  broader  band 
we  see  a lion-headed  eagle  clutching  the  backs  of  two  lions,  which  in 
their  turn  are  biting  two  ibexes.  This  balanced  arrangement  of  animal 
figures  in  violent  action  was  a discovery  of  Sumerian  art  about  3000  B.c. 
The  eagle  and  the  lions  here  form  the  symbol,  or  arms,  of  the  Sume- 
rian city-kingdom  of  Lagash.  Such  symbols  made  up  of  balanced 
pairs  of  animal  figures  passed  over  to  Europe,  where  they  are  still  used 
in  decorative  art  and  in  the  heraldic  symbols,  or  arms,  of  the  kings 
and  nations.  The  eagle  still  appears  in  the  arms  of  Russia,  Austria, 
Prussia,  and  other  European  nations,  and  finally  reached  us  as  our 
■"American”  eagle,  really  the  eagle  of  Lagash,  five  thousand  years  ago 


Western  Asia : Babylonia 


II9 


In  all  these  monuments  and  the  writings  on  clay  tablets  162.  Early 


we  find  revealed  to  us  the  life  which  once  filled  the  streets 


Sumerian 


Fig.  86.  An  Early 
Sumerian  Cylinder 
Seal 


society  and 

of  the  ancient  Babylonian  towns  now  state;  the 
■'  Age  of  the 

sleeping  under  the  silent  mounds.  We  City-King- 
, c r 1 11  1 T • • doms  (about 

see  a class  ot  tree  landholding  citizens  3050-2750 

in  the  town,  working  their  lands  with 
numerous  slaves  and  trading  with  cara- 
vans and  small  boats  up  and  down  the 
river.  Over  these  free,  middle-class  folk 
were  the  officials  and  priests,  the  aristo- 
crats of  the  town.  Such  a community, 
owning  the  lands  for  a few  miles  round 
about  the  town,  formed  the  political 
unit,  or  state,  which  we  call  a city- 
kingdom.  We  may  therefore  call  the 
first  three  centuries  after  about  3050  b.c. 
the  Age  of  the  Sumerian  City-Kingdomsy^ 

The  leading  Sumerian  city-kingdoms  163.  The  Su 
formed  a group  in  the  South,  occupying  Idngdoms^ 
the  land  of  Sumer  (see  map,  p.  106). 

These  towns  are  still  marked  for  us  by 
a straggling  line  of  mounds  distributed 
along  the  Euphrates.  In  spite  of  oppres- 
sive and  dishonest  taxation,  such  a com- 
munity owed  much  to  its  ruler,  or  patesi 
(§  154).  He  was  useful  in  a number  of 
matters,  but  chiefly  in  two  ways  : in  war 
and  in  irrigation.  The  irrigation  canals 


A 


Instead  of  signing  his 
name  to  a clay-tablet 

document,  the  early  Sumerian  rolled  over  the  soft  clay  a little  stone 
roller,  or  cylinder,  engraved  with  beautiful  pictures  (Figs.  90,  91, 
and  106,  A)  and  sometimes  also  bearing  the  owner’s  name  (Fig.  91). 
The  impression  left  by  the  roller  in  the  soft  clay  served  as  a sig- 
nature. They  have  been  found  in  great  numbers  in  the  ruins  of 
Babylonia.  By  a study  of  these  works  the  growth  and  decline  of  Baby- 
lonian art  may  be  traced  for  twenty-five  hundred  years,  from  about 
3000  B.c.  to  about  500  B.c.  The  picture  shows  end  view  and  side  view 


120 


Ancient  Times 


and  dikes  required  constant  repairs.  The  planting  and  harvest 
ing  of  the  fields  would  have  stopped  and  the  whole  community 
would  have  starved  if  the  ruler  had  ceased  his  constant  over- 
sight of  the  dikes  and  canals  and  the  water  supply  had  stopped. 


Fig.  87.  A Sumerian  City-King  leading  a Phalanx  of  his 
Troops  (about  2900  b.c.) 


The  king  himself,  whose  face  is  broken  off  from  the  stone,  marches  at 
the  right,  heading  his  troops,  who  follow  in  a compact  group.  This  is 
the  earliest  example  of  grouping  men  together  in  a mass,  forming  a sin- 
gle fighting  unit,  called  a phalanx.  This  must  have  required  a long  drill 
and  discipline,  after  many  centuries  of  loose,  irregular,  scattered  fight- 
ing (Fig.  88).  This  was  the  first  chapter  in  the  long  history  of  the  art 
of  war,  and  it  took  place  in  Asia.  Such  discipline  was  unknown  at  this 
time  in  Egypt.  These  Sumerian  troops  have  their  spears  set  for  the 
charge,  but  they  carry  no  bows.  Tall  shields  cover  their  entire  bodies, 
and  they  wear  close-fitting  helmets,  probably  of  leather.  They  are 
marching  over  dead  bodies  (symbolical  of  the  overthrow  of  the  enemy). 
The  scene  is  carved  in  stone  and  is  a good  example  of  the  rude  Sume- 
rian sculpture  in  Babylonia  in  the  days  of  the  Great  Pyramid  and  the 
remarkable  portrait  sculpture  of  Egypt  (contrast  with  Figs.  52  and  53) 

164.  The  As  to  war,  we  can  watch  more  than  one  of  these  city  rulers 

Ae*^Sumenan  Hiarching  out  at  the  head  of  troops  heavily  armed  with  shield 

city-kmgdoms  spear  (but  without  the  bow)  and  marshaled  in  massive 
phalanx  (Fig.  87).  We  found  on  the  Nile  the  earliest  highly 


Western  Asia : Babylonia 


I2I 


developed  arts  of  peace ; we  find  here  among  the  Sumerians 
the  earliest  highly  developed  art  of  war  in  the  history  of  man. 
\^■hen  the  townspeople  heard  that  a neighboring  city-kingdom 
was  trying  to  take  possession  of  a strip  of  their  land,  they 
were  glad  to  follow  the  patesi’s  leadership  in  order  to  drive 
out  the  invaders.  As  such  occurrences  were  common,  the 


Fig.  88.  Semitic  Bowmen  of  Early  Babylonia  fighting  in 
Open  Order 


The  nomads  had  no  organization  and  no  discipline ; each  man  leaped 
about  in  the  fray  as  he  pleased,  and  the  fight  was  a loose  group  of 
single  combats  between  two  antagonists.  This  loose  rough-and-tumble 
fighting  was  the  earliest  method  of  warfare,  before  men  learned  to  train 
and  drill  themselves  to  fight  in  groups  or  masses.  The  Sumerians  were 
the  earliest  men  who  took  this  step  (Fig.  87).  The  disciplined  Sume- 
rian townsmen  were  therefore  long  superior  to  these  disorganized 
nomads  of  the  desert  along  the  Fertile  Crescent 

early  history  of  Sumer  for  some  three  centuries  (about  3050 
to  2750  B.c.)  was  largely  made  up  of  the  ever-changing 
fortunes  of  these  city-kingdoms  in  war. 

But  while  the  city-kingdoms  of  Sumer  were  thus  often  fight-  165.  Earliest 
ing  among  themselves,  they  were  also  called  upon  to  meet  an  Sume^ans 
enemy  from  the  outside.  The  Semitic  nomads  of  the  desert  Semites 
(§  135)  early  began  to  settle  north  of  Sumer.  This  region 
called  Akkad  (see  map,  p.  106),  where  the  Two  Rivers  are  (' 


122 


Ancient  Times 


closest  together,  was  on  the  main  road  from  the  Two  Rivers  to 
the  eastern  mountains,  and  the  leading  Semitic  tribe  there  bore 
the  name  Akkadians.  These  desert  wanderers  had  never 
learned  disciphne~ari3  drill  in  war  like  the  Sumerians.  They 
depended  on  their  skill  as  archers,  and  they  gave  battle  there- 
fore at  a distance.  Or  if  they  came  to  close  quarters,  they 
fought  single-handed,  in  open  order  (Fig.  88).  Their  thin  and 
open  line  was  evidently  at  first  no  match  for  the  heavy  phalanx 
of  the  Sumerians.  Thus  two  hostile  races  faced  each  other  on 
the  Plain  of  Shinar ; in  the  North  the  half-settled  Semitic 
nomads  of  Akkad,  and  in  the  South  the  one-time  mountaineers 
of  Sumer.  The  long  struggle  between  them  was  only  one  of 
the  many  struggles  between  nomad  and  mountaineer  along  the 
Fertile  Crescent  (§  133). 


Section  15.  The  First  Semitic  Triumph: 
THE  Age  of  Sargon 


166.  The 
first  Semitic 
triumph ; 
Sargon  of 
Akkad  and 
his  line 
(2750-2550 
B.C.) 


About  2750,  that  is,  about  the  middle  of  the  twenty-eighth 
centuiy  b.c.,  there  arose  in  Akkad  a Semitic  chieftain  named 
Sargon.  So  skillful  in  war  was  he,  that  he  succeeded  in  scatter- 
ing the  compact  Sumerian  spearmen,  and  making  himself  lord 
of  all  the  Plain  of  Shinar.  The  old  Sumerian  city-kings  were  de- 
feated and  the  Sumerian  towns  down  to  the  mouths  of  the  Two 
Rivers  submitted  to  him.  He  led  his  swift  Akkadian  archers 
from  the  eastern  mountains  of  Elam  westward  up  the  Euphrates 
to  the  shores  of  the  Mediterranean.  There,  as  we  remember, 
the  Pharaoh’s  galleys  (Fig.  41)  were  already  moored  in  the 
harbors  of  the  Phoenician  cities.  Some  day  chance  may  dis- 
close to  us  the  messages,  written  on  clay  tablets,  which  now 
probably  passed  between  the  lord  of  the  Euphrates  and  the 
lord  of  the  Nile  living  in  the  splendors  of  his  pyramid-city  at 
Gizeh.  Sargon  was  the  first  great  leader  in  the  history  of  the 
Semitic  race,  and  he  was  the  first  ruler  to  build  up  a great 
nation  in  Western  Asia,  reaching  from  Elam  (Fig.  89,  and 


Western  Asm:  Babylonia 


123 


map,  p.  102)  to  the  Mediterranean  and  far  up  the  Two 
Rivers  northward.  His  splendid  conquests  made  an  impres- 
sion upon  the  Tigris-Euphrates  world  w^hich  never  faded,  and 
he  left  them  to  his  descendants,  one  of  whom,  his  great-grandson 
Naram-Sin,  even  extended  them. 

Sargon’s  conquests  forced  his  nomad  tribesmen  (the  Akka- 
dians) to  make  a complete  change  in  their  manner  of  life.  The 
once  wandering  shepherds  were  obliged  to  drop  their  unsettled 
life  and  to  take  up  fixed  abodes.  We  may  best  picture  the  change 
if  we  say  that  they  forsook  their  tents  (headpiece,  p.  100)  and 
built  houses  of  sun-dried  brick  (Fig.  82),  which  could  not  be 
picked  up  every  morning  and  set  up  somewhere  else  at  night 
At  first  they  did  not  even  know  how  to  write,  and  they  had  no 
industries  (§  136).  Some  of  them  now  learned  to  write  their 
Semitic  tongue  by  using  the  Sumerian  wedge-form  signs  for 
the  purpose.  Then  it  was,  therefore,  that  a Semitic  language 
began  to  be  written  for  the  first  time.  These  former  nomads 
had  never  before  attempted  to  manage  the  affairs  of  settled 
communities,  — such  business  as  we  call  government  admin- 
istration. All  this  too  they  were  now  obliged  to  learn  from 
the  Sumerians.  The  Semitic  Akkadians  therefore  adopted  the 
Sumerian  calendar,  weights  and  measures,  system  of  numerals 
and  business  methods.  With  the  arts  of  peace  the  Akkadians 
also  gained  those  of  war.  They  learned  to  make  helmets  of 
leather  and  copper  weighing  over  two  pounds.  These  are  the 
earliest-known  examples  of  the  use  of  metal. as  a protection  in 
war.  From  such  beginnings  as  these  were  to  come  the  steel-clad 
battleships  and  gun  turrets  of  modern  times. 

Among  other  things  the  Akkadians  learned  also  the  art  of 
sculpture,  but  they  soon  far  surpassed  their  Sumerian  teachers. 
The  relief  of  Naram-Sin  (Fig.  89)  belongs  among  the  real 
triumphs  of  art  in  the  early  world  — especially  interesting  as 
the  first  great  work  of  art  produced  by  the  Semitic  race.  The 
beautiful  Sumerian  art  of  seal-cutting,  the  Akkadians  now  carried 
to  a wonderful  degree  of  perfection  (Figs.  90,  91,  and  106,  A). 


167.  The 

Semitic 

Akkadians 

adopt 

Sumerian 

civilization 


168.  The 
great  Semitic 
art  of  the  Age 
of  Sargon 


Fig.  8g.  A Kixg  of  Akkad  storming  a Fortress  — the 
Earliest  Great  Semitic  Work  of  Art  (about  2700  b.c.) 

King  Naram-Sin  of  Akkad  (great-grandson  of  Sargon  I,  § 166)  has 
pursued  the  enemy  into  a mountain  stronghold  in  Elam.  His  heroic 
figure  towers  above  his  pygmy  enemies,  each  one  of  whom  has  fixed  his 
eyes  on  the  conqueror,  awaiting  his  signal  of  mercy.  The  sculptor,  with 
fine  insight,  has  depicted  the  dramatic  instant  when  the  king  lowers  his 
weapon  as  the  sign  that  he  grants  the  conquered  their  lives.  Compare 
the  superiority  of  this  Semitic  sculpture  of  Akkad  over  the  Sumerian 
art  of  two  centuries  earlier  (Fig.  87) 

124 


Western  Asia : Babylonia 


125 


Thus  the  life  of  the  desert  Semite  mingled  with  that  of  the 
non-Semitic  mountaineer  on  the  Babylonian  plain,  much  as 
Norman  and  English  mingled  in  England.  On  the  streets  and 
in  the  market  places  of  the  Euphrates  towns,  where  once  the 
bare  feet,  clean-shaven  heads,  and  beardless  faces  of  the  Sume- 
rian townsmen  were  the  only  ones  to  be  seen,  there  was  now  a 


Fig.  90.  A Semitic  Prince  and  his  Sumerian  Secretary 
(Twenty-seventh  Century  b.c.) 

The  third  figure  (wearing  a cap)  is  that  of  the  prince,  Ubil-Ishtar,  who 
is  brother  of  the  king.  He  is  a Semite,  as  his  beard  shows.  Three  of  his 
four  attendants  are  also  Semites,  with  beards  and  long  hair;  but  one  of 
them  (just  behind  the  prince)  is  beardless  and  shaven-headed  (§  169). 
He  is  the  noble’s  secretary,  for  being  a Sumerian  he  is  skilled  in  writing. 
His  name  " Kalki  ” we  learn  from  the  inscription  in  the  corner,  which 
reads,  " Ubil-Ishtar,  brother  of  the  king ; Kalki,  the  scribe,  thy  servant.” 
This  inscription  is  in  the  Semitic  (Akkadian)  tongue  of  the  time  and 
illustrates  how  the  Semites  have  learned  the  Sumerian  signs  for  writing 
(§  167).  The  scene  is  engraved  on  Kalki’s  personal  seal  (Fig.  86),  and 
the  above  drawing  shows  the  impression  on  the  soft  clay  when  the  seal 
was  rolled  over  it.  It  is  a fine  example  of  the  Babylonian  art  of  seal- 
cutting in  hard  stone  (§  168).  The  original  is  in  the  British  Museum 

plentiful  sprinkling  of  sandaled  feet,  of  dark  beards,  and  heavy 
black  locks  hanging  down  over  the  shoulders  of  the  swarthy 
Semites  of  Akkad  (Fig.  90).  The  shaven  Sumerian  served 
in  the  army  with  shield  and  lance  (Fig.  87)  along  with  his 
bearded  Semitic  lord  carrying  only  the  bow  (Fig.  88).  The 
Semitic  noble  could  not  do  without  the  deft  Sumerian  clerk, 
for  we  see  the  king’s  brother  with  his  Semitic  attendants,  fol- 
lowed also  by  his  shaven-headed  Sumerian  secretaiy  (Fig.  90). 


169.  Com- 
mingling of 
Sumerians 
and  Akka- 
dians 
(Semites) 


126 


Ancient  Times 


170.  The 
Kings  of 
Sumer  and 
Akkad  (from 
the  twenty- 
fifth  to  the 
twenty-third 
century  b.c.) 


171.  Thought 
and  myth 
under  the 
Kings  of 
Sumer  and 
Akkad : the 
source  of 
life ; the 
Etana  stury 


172.  Death 
and  eternal 
life : the 
Adapa  story 


Section  16.  Union  of  Sumerians  and  Semites  ; the 
Kings  of  Sumer  and  Akkad 

When  at  last  the  Semites  of  Akkad  were  enfeebled  by  the 
town  life  which  they  had  adopted,  the  line  of  Sargon  declined. 
As  a result  the  Sumerian  cities  of  the  South  were  able  to  recover 
control  of  the  country  not  long  after  2500  b.c.  Headed  by  the 
ancient  city  of  Ur,  three  of  the  old  Sumerian  cities  gained  the 
leadership  one  after  another.  But  the  Semites  of  Akkad  were 
henceforth  recognized  as  part  of  the  unified  nation  on  the 
ancient  Plain  of  Shinar,  which  now  for  the  first  time  gained  a 
national  name.  It  was  called  " Sumer  and  Akkad.”  The  kings 
of  this  age,  who  called  themselves  " Kings  of  Sumer  and 
Akkad,”  were  both  Sumerians  and  Semites.  They  have  left  us 
no  great  buildings  or  imposing  monuments,  but  the  new  United 
States  of  Sumer  and  Akkad  prospered  greatly  and  survived  for 
over  three  centuries.  For  the  first  time  literature  flourished. 

In  simple  stories  these  men  of  the  Tigris-Euphrates  world 
now  began  to  answer  those  natural  questions  regarding  life 
and  death,  which  always  rose  in  the  minds  of  early  men.  They 
finally  told  of  the  wonderful  adventures  of  the  shepherd  Etana, 
when  his  flocks  were  stricken  with  unfruitfulness,  and  no  more 
lambs  were  born.  Etana  then  mounted  on  the  back  of  an  eagle 
(Eig.  91)  and  rose  to  the  skies  in  search  of  the  herb  in  which 
was  the  source  of  life.  But  as  he  neared  his  goal  he  was  hurled 
to  the  earth  again.  This  is  the  earliest  tale  of  flying  by  man. 

The  strange  mystery  of  death  led  to  the  story  of  the  fisher- 
man Adapa.  When  the  South-wind  goddess  overturned  his 
boat,  Adapa  flew  into  a rage  and  broke  her  wing.  Thereupon 
he  was  summoned  to  the  throne  of  the  Sky-god,  whose  wrath 
was  at  length  appeased  so  that  he  offered  to  Adapa  the  bread 
and  water  of  life.  This  would  have  made  him  immortal  and 
destroyed  death.  But  suspicious  and  forevrarned  of  danger,  the 
unhappy  Adapa  refused  the  food  and  thus  lost  both  for  himself 
and  for  mankind  the  treasure  of  immortal  life. 


Western  Asia  : Babylonia 


127 


In  the  same  way  they  told  how  the  gigantic  hero  Gilgamesh, 
after  many  mighty  deeds  and  strange  adventures  (Fig.  106,  A), 
failed  to  gain  immortal  life.  Among  all  these  heroes,  indeed,  there 
was  but  one  who  was  granted  endless  life.  Of  him  there  was 
a strange  tale,  telling  how,  together  with  his  wife,  he  survived 


173.  Immor- 
tality: the 
Gilgamesh 
story;  the 
deluge  story 


Fig.  91.  The  Flight  of  Etana  to  the  Skies 

At  the  right  Etana  sits  on  the  back  of  the  flying  eagle  (§  17 1),  with  his 
arm  around  the  bird’s  neck.  Above  him  is  the  moon,  while  below,  two 
dogs  look  up  after  him,  barking.  At  the  left  approaches  a goatherd 
driving  three  goats ; before  them  walks  a man  with  an  object  shaped 
like  an  umbrella.  All,  including  the  goats,  are  looking  up  in  amaze- 
ment at  the  flight  of  Etana.  Over  the  goatherd  a potter  is  making  jars, 
and  at  the  right  of  his  jars  a squatting  baker  is  making  round  loaves. 
The  scene  is  carved  on  a cylinder  seal  (Fig.  86),  and  our  drawing  shows 
the  impression  on  the  soft  clay  when  the  seal  is  rolled  over  it.  It  is  a 
fine  specimen  of  the  Babylonian  lapidary’s  skill 

the  great  deluge  (§  155)  in  a large  ship.  Then  the  gods 
carried  them  both  away  to  blessedness.  But  not  even  the 
bings  of  Sumer  and  Akkad  were  supposed  to  enter  a blessed 
hereafter,  much  less  the  common  people.  Many  of  these  stories 
of  creation  and  flood  were  afterward  known  to  the  Hebrews. 

Mingled  with  touches  from  the  life  of  both  Sumerian  and 
Semite,  these  tales  now  circulated  in  both  the  Semitic  and 


128 


Ancient  Times 


174.  Decline 
of  the 
Sumerian 
language ; 
its  survival 
as  a sacred 
tongue 


175-  Return 
of  Semitic 
supremacy ; 
rise  of 
Babylon 


176.  Rise  of 
Hammurapi 
and  suprem- 
acy of 
Babylon 


177.  Hammu- 
rapi, the 
organizer 


Sumerian  languages.  It  was  the  old  Sumerian  tongue,  however, 
which  was  regarded  as  the  more  sacred.  It  later  continued  in 
use  as  a kind  of  sacred  language,  like  Latin  in  the  Roman 
Catholic  Church.  The  old  Sumerian  towns  were  now  rapidly 
declining  (twenty-third  century  b.  c.),  but  religious  stories  were 
written  in  Sumerian,  centuries  after  it  was  no  longer  spoken. 

Section  17,  The  Second  Semitic  Triumph:  the 
Age  of  Hammurapi  and  After 

As  the  " Kings  of  Sumer  and  Akkad  ” slowly  weakened,  a 
new  tribe  of  Semites  began  descending  the  Euphrates,  just  as 
the  men  of  Akkad  had  done  under  Sargon  (§  166).  These 
newcomers  were  the  Semitic  Amorites  of  Syria  by  the  Mediter- 
ranean (§  1 41).  About  a generation  before  2200  b.  c.  this  new 
tribe  of  western  Semites  seized  the  little  town  of  Babylon,  which 
was  at  that  time  still  an  obscure  village  on  the  Euphrates.  The 
Amorite  kings  of  Babylon  at  once  began  to  fight  their  way 
toward  the  leadership  of  Sumer  and  Akkad. 

After  a century  of  such  warfare  there  came  to  the  throne 
as  the  sixth  in  the  Amorite  line  of  kings  at  Babylon  one 
Hammurapi,  who  was  flourishing  by  2100  B.  c.  In  the  now 
feeble  old  Sumerian  cities  of  the  South,  Hammurapi  found  the 
warlike  Elamites  who  had  come  in  from  Elam  in  the  eastern 
mountains.  They  fought  him  for  over  thirty  years  before  he 
succeeded  in  driving  them  out  and  capturing  the  Sumerian 
towns.  Victorious  at  last,  Hammurapi  then  made  his  city  of 
Babylon  for  the  first  time  supreme  throughout  the  land.  It  was 
therefore  not  until  after  2100  B.c.  that  Babylon  finally  gained 
such  a position  of  power  and  influence  that  we  .may  call  the 
land  " Babylonia.” 

Hammurapi  survived  his  triumph  twelve  years,  and  in  those 
years  of  peace,  as  he  had  done  in  war,  he  proved  himself  the 
ablest  of  his  line.  He  was  the  second  great  Semitic  ruler,  as 
Sargon  had  been  the  first.  Only  a few  generations  earlier  his 


Western  Asia  : Babylonia 


129 


ancestors,  like  those  of  Sargon,  had  been  drifting  about  the 
desert,  without  any  organization.  He  still  betrayed  in  his 
shaven  upper  lip,  a desert  custom,  the  evidence  of  his  desert 
ancestry  (Fig.  93).  But  he  now  put  forth  his  powerful  hand 
upon  the  teeming  life  of  the  Babylonian  towns,  and  with  a 
touch  he  brought  in  order  and  system  such  as  Babylonia  had 
never  seen  before.  Two  chief  sources  of  information  have  sur- 
vived over  four  thousand  years  to  reveal  to  us  the  deeds  and 
the  character  of  this  great  king : these  are  a group  of  fifty-five 
of  his  letters,  and  the  splendid  monument  bearing  his  laws. 

Hammurapi’s  letters  afford  us  for  the  first  time  in  history  a 
glimpse  into  the  busy  life  of  a powerful  oriental  ruler  in  Asia. 
They  disclose  him  to  us  sitting  in  the  executive  office  of  his 
palace  at  Babylon  with  his  secretary  at  his  side.  In  short,  clear 
sentences  the  king  begins  dictating  his  brief  letters,  conveying 
his  commands  to  the  local  governors  of  the  old  Sumerian  cities 
wBich  he  now  rules.  The  secretary  draws  a reed  stylus  (Fig.  i o i) 
from  a leathern  holder  at  his  girdle,  and  quickly  covers  the 
small  clay  tablet  (Fig.  92)  with  its  lines  of  wedge  groups. 
The  writer  then  sprinkles  over  the  soft  wet  tablet  a handful 
of  dry  powdered  clay.  This  is  to  prevent  the  clay  envelope, 
which  he  now  deftly  wraps  about  the  letter,  from  adhering 
to  the  written  surface.  On  this  soft  clay  envelope  he  writes 
the  address  and  sends  the  letter  out  to  be  put  into  the  furnace 
and  baked. 

Messengers  constantly  hand  him  similarly  closed  letters. 
This  secretary  of  Hammurapi  is  a trusted  confidential  clerk. 
He  therefore  breaks  to  pieces  the  hard  clay  envelopes  in  the 
king’s  presence  and  reads  aloud  to  him  letters  from  his  officials 
all  over  the  kingdom.  The  king  quickly  dictates  his  replies. 
The  flood  has  obstructed  the  Euphrates  between  Ur  and 
Larsa,  and  of  course  a long  string  of  boats  have  been  tied  up 
and  are  waiting.  The  king’s  reply  orders  the  governor  of 
Larsa  to  clear  the  channel  at  the  earliest  moment  and  make  it 
navigable  again. 


178.  HammU' 

rapi’s  letters; 
their  diet? 
tion  and 
preparation 


179.  Hammu- 
rapi’s  letters: 
navigation 


130 


Ancient  Times 


180.  Hammu- 
rapi’s  letters : 
feasts  and  the 
calendar 


181.  Hammu- 
rapi’s  letters ; 
delinquents 


182.  Hammu- 
rapi’s  letters : 
justice  and 
religion 


183.  The 
code  of 
Hammurapi 


The  king  is  much  interested  in  his  vast  flocks  of  sheep,  as 
if  the  nomad  instinct  had  not  altogether  vanished  from  the 
blood  of  his  line.  He  orders  the  officials  to  appear  in  Babylon 
to  celebrate  the  spring  sheep-shearing  as  if  it  vrere  a great 
feast.  The  calendar  has  slipped  forward  a whole  month  in 
advance  of  the  proper  season  (§  150),  and  the  king  sends  out 
a circular  letter  to  all  the  governors,  saying,  " Since  the  year 
hath  a deficiency,  let  the  month  which  is  now  beginning  be 
registered  as  a second  (month  of)  Elul.” 

But  he  warns  the  governor  that  all  taxes  otherwise  falling 
due  within  the  next  month  are  not  to  be  deferred  by  this 
insertion.  Delinquent  tax  gatherers  are  firmly  reminded  of 
their  obligations  and  called  upon  to  settle  without  delay. 
Prompt  punishment  of  an  official  guilty  of  bribery  is  author- 
ized, and  we  can  see  the  king’s  face  darken  as  he  dictates  the 
order  for  the  arrest  of  three  officials  of  the  palace  gate  who 
have  fallen  under  his  displeasure.  More  than  once  the  gov- 
ernor of  Larsa  is  sharply  reminded  of  the  king’s  orders  and 
bidden  to  see  that  they  are  carried  out  at  once. 

Many  a petitioner  who  has  not  been  able  to  secure  justice 
before  the  board  of  judges  in  his  home  city  is  led  in  before 
the  king,  confident  of  just  treatment ; and  he  is  not  disap- 
pointed (Fig.  92).  The  chief  of  the  temple  bakers  finds  that 
royal  orders  to  look  after  a religious  feast  at  Ur  will  call  him 
away  from  the  capital  city  just  at  the  time  when  he  has  an 
important  lawsuit  coming  on.  He  easily  obtains  an  order  from 
the  king  postponing  the  lawsuit.  The  king’s  interest  in  the 
religious  feast  is  here  as  much  concerned  as  his  sense  of 
justice,  for  many  of  the  letters  which  he  dictate?  have  to 
do  with  temple  property  and  temple  administration,  in  which 
he  constantly  shows  his  interest. 

With  his  eye  thus  upon  every  comer  of  the  land,  alert, 
vigorous,  and  full  of  decision,  the  great  king  finally  saw  how 
necessary  it  was  to  bring  into  uniformity  all  the  various  and 
sometimes  conflicting  laws  and  business  customs  of  the  land. 


Western  Asia:  Babylonia  131 

He  therefore  collected  all  the  older  written  laws  and  usages 
of  business  and  social  life,  and  arranged  them  systematically. 
He  improved  them  or  added  


new  laws  where  his  own  judg- 
ment deemed  wise,  and  he 
then  combined  them  into  a 
great  code  or  body  of  laws. 
It  was  written,  not  in  Sume- 
rian, as  some  of  the  old  laws 
were,  but  in  the  Semitic 
speech  of  the  Akkadians  and 
Amorites.  He  then  had  it 
engraved  upon  a splendid 
shaft  of  stone.  At  the  top 
was  a sculptured  scene  in 
which  the  king  was  shown 
receiving  the  law  from  the 
Sun-god  (Fig.  93).  The  new 
code  was  then  set  up  in  the 
temple  of  the  great  god  Mar- 
duk  in  Babylon.  This  shaft 
has  sundved  to  our  day,  the 
oldest  preserv'ed  code  of  an- 
cient law.  Fragments  of  other 
copies  on  clay  tablets,  the  cop- 
ies used  by  the  local  courts, 
have  also  been  found. 

Hammurapi’s  code  insists 
on  justice  fo  the  widow,  the 
orphan,  and  the  poor ; but  it 
also  allows  many  of  the  old 
and  naive  ideas  of  justice  to 
stand.  Especially  prominent  is 
the  principle  that  the  punish- 
ment for  an  injury  should 


LONIA  (ABOUT  2100  B.C.) 


One  of  the  numerous  clay-tablet  let- 
ters of  this  king  (§  178)  which  have 
survived  four  thousand  years.  The 
writing,  done  while  the  clay  was  still 
soft,  shows  clear  signs  of  the  speed 
with  which  the  writer,  Hammurapi’s 
secretary,  took  down  the  king’s  dic- 
tation (§  178).  The  tablet  has  been 
baked.  It  was  also  inclosed  in  a 
baked-clay  envelope  bearing  the  ad- 
dress, hut  this  has  been  broken  off 
and  thrown  away  (§  179).  This 
letter  orders  a local  governor  to 
hear  the  appeal  of  an  official  who 
thinks  himself  unjustly  defeated  in 
law  {§  182) 


184.  Spirit  of 
Hammurapi’s 
code ; posi- 
tion of  woman 


132 


Ancient  Times 


require  the  infliction  of  the  same  injury  on  the  culprit  — the 
principle  of  " an  eye  for  an  eye,  a tooth  for  a tooth.”  Injus- 
tice often  resulted.  For  exam- 
ple, when  a house  fell  (§  158) 
and  killed  the  son  of  the 
householder,  the  guilty  builder 
must  also  suffer  the  loss  of  his 
son,  and  the  innocent  son  was 
therefore  condemned  to  die. 
Marriage  was  already  a relation 
requiring  legal  agreements  be- 
tween the  man  and  his  wife,  and 
these  are  carefully  regulated  in 
Hammurapi’s  code.  Indeed  the 
position  of  women  in  this  early 
Babylonian  world,  as  in  Egypt, 
was  a high  one.  Women  en- 
gaged in  business  on  their 
own  account,  and  even  became 


Fig.  93.  The  Laws  of  Ham- 
MURAPi,  THE  Oldest  Surviv- 
ing Code  of  Laws  (2100  b.c.)* 


* A shaft  of  stone  (diorite)  nearly 
8 feet  high,  on  which  the  laws  are 
engraved,  extending  entirely  around 
the  shaft  and  occupying  over  thirty- 
six  hundred  lines.  Above  is  a fine 
relief  showing  King  Hammurapi 
standing  at  the  left,  receiving  the 
laws  from  the  Sun-god  seated  at  the 
right.  Hammurapi’s  shaven  upper 
lip  proclaiming  him  a man  of  the 
Syrian  desert  (§  177)  is  here  in  the 
shadow  and  cannot  be  seen.  The 
flames  rising  from  the  god’s  shoul- 
ders indicate  who  he  is.  The  flames 
on  the  left  shoulder  are  commonly 
shown  in  the  current  textbooks  as 
part  of  a staff  in  the  god’s  left  hand. 
This  is  an  error.  This  scene  is  an 
impressive  work  of  Semitic  art,  six 
hundred  years  later  than  Fig.  89. 


Western  Asia : Babylonia 


133 


professional  scribes.  They  must  have  attended  such  a school 
as  that  described  below  (Fig.  95). 

Thus  regulated,  the  busy  Babylonian  communities  prospered 
as  never  before.  Their  products  were  chiefly  agricultural, 
especially  grain  and  dates ; but  they  had  also  flocks  and  herds, 
leather  and  wool.  The  weaving  of  wool  was  a great  in- 
dustrv',  for  woolen  clothing  was  commonly  worn  in  Western 
.\sia.  Copper  had  been  displaced  by  bronze  (§  146),  and 
one  document  refers  to  iron,  but  this  metal  was  still  much 
too  rare  to  play  any  part  in  industry.  Iron  for  common 
use  was  still  a thousand  years  in  the  future  in  Hammurapi’s 
time  (§§360,  392). 

A standing  army  kept  the  frontiers  safe  and  quiet,  and  the 
slow  donkey  caravans  of  the  Babylonian  merchants,  plodding 
from  town  to  town,  were  able  to  penetrate  far  into  the  sur- 
rounding communities.  They  were  so  common  on  the  upper 
Euphrates  (map,  p.  102)  that  a town  there  was  called  Haran 
(or  Kharan)  from  the  Babylonian  word  kharatiu,  meaning 
"journey.”  Many  a courtyard  was  piled  high  with  bales,  each 
bearing  a clay  seal  with  the  impression  of  the  merchant’s 
name  (cf.  Fig.  91).  These  clay  seals,  broken  away  as  the 
bales  were  opened,  to-day  lie  in  the  rubbish  of  the  Babylonian 
towns,  where  the  modem  excavator  picks  them  up,  still  dis- 
playing on  one  side  the  merchant’s  name  and  on  the  other 
the  impression  of  the  cord  which  bound  the  bale. 

Such  seals  and  the  clay-tablet  bills  which  accompanied  the 
bales  had  to  be  read  by  many  a local  merchant  in  the  towns 
of  Syria  and  beyond  the  passes  of  the  northern  mountains. 
Thus  Babylonian  cuneiform  writing  slowly  made  its  way 
through  Western  Asia,  and  the  merchants  of  Syria  began  to 
write  bills  and  letters  of  their  own  on  clay  tablets  (see  § 291 
and  Fig.  126).  Hammurapi’s  commercial  influence  was  widely 
felt  in  the  West.  The  memory'  of  his  name  had  not  wholly  died 
out  in  Syria-Palestine  in  Hebrew  days  over  a thousand  years 
after  his  death. 


185.  Indus- 
tries of 
Hammurapi’s 
time 


186.  Baby- 
lonian com- 
merce in 
Hammurapi’s 
time 


187.  Spread 
of  cuneiform 
writing 
through 
Western  Asia 


134 


Ancient  Times 


i88.  The 
temples  the 
center  of 
business 


189.  Money 
and  loans 


190.  Babylo- 
nian religion 
in  the  Age  of 
Hamraurapi 


191.  Marduk 
and  Ishtar 


192.  Babylo- 
nian methods 
of  reading 
the  future,  or 
divination 


While  the  Babylonian  merchants  were  a powerful  class  and 
were  even  called  the  "rulers”  in  some  communities,  it  was  the 
temples  with  their  large  possessions  which  were  the  center  of 
business  life.  They  loaned  money  like  banks,  dealt  in  mer- 
chandise, and  controlled  extensive  lands. 

There  was  as  yet  no  coined  money,  but  lumps  of  silver 
of  a given  weight  circulated  so  commonly  that  values  were 
given  in  weight  of  silver.  Thus  a man  could  say  that  an 
ox  was  worth  so  many  ounces  of  silver,  only  he  would  use 
"shekels”  in  place  of  ounces.  Loans  were  common,  though  the 
rate  of  interest  was  high : twenty  per  cent  a year,  payable  in 
monthly  installments.  Gold  was  also  in  sparing  use,  for  it  was 
fifteen  times  as  valuable  as  silver. 

These  commercial  interests  were  the  leading  influences  in 
Babylonian  life,  even  in  religion.  The  temples,  as  we  have 
said,  had  a large  place  in  business  life ; and  religion  never  pro- 
claimed the  rights  of  the  poor  and  the  humble,  nor  championed 
their  cause  against  the  rich  and  powerful.  To  be  sure,  the 
ritual  of  the  temple  contained  some  prayers  which  indicated 
a sense  of  sin  and  unworthiness.  But  the  advantages  of 
religion  consisted  in  being  able  to  obtain  substantial  benefits 
from  the  gods  and  to  avoid  their  displeasure. 

The  people  still  worshiped  the  old  Sumerian  gods,  but  the 
political  leadership  of  Babylon  had  enabled  the  men  of  that 
city  to  put  their  Semitic  god  Marduk  at  the  head  of  all  the 
gods,  and  in  the  old  mythical  stories  (§§  171-173)  they  in- 
serted the  name  Marduk  where  once  the  ancient  Sumerian  god 
Enlil  had  played  the  leading  part.  At  the  same  time  the  great 
Asiatic  goddess  of  love,  Ishtar,  rose  to  be  the  leading  goddess 
of  Babylon.  She  was  later  to  pass  over  to  the  Mediterranean 
to  become  the  Aphrodite  of  the  Greeks  (§  420). 

Among  the  benefits  granted  by  the  gods  was  the  ability  to 
foretell  the  future.  This  art  we  call  divination,  and  the  priest 
who  practiced  it  was  a diviner.  The  skilled  diviner  could  inter- 
pret the  mysterious  signs  on  the  liver  of  the  sheep  (Fig.  94) 


Western  Asia : Babylo7iia 


135 


slain  in  sacrifice,  and  his  anxious  inquirers  believed  that  he 
could  thus  reveal  the  unknown  future.  He  could  note  the 


positions  of  the  stars 
and  the  planets,  and 
he  could  thus  discern 
the  decrees  of  the 
gods  for  the  future. 
These  practices  later 
spread  westward.  We 
shall  find  the  reading 
of  the  liver  a common 
practice  in  Rome  (Fig. 
234),  and  star-reading 
later  developed,  under 
the  Chaldeans  (§  238), 
into  the  science  of 


Fig.  94.  Ancient  Babylonian  Divi- 
ner’s Baked-Clay  Model  of  Sheep’s 
Liver  (about  2100  b.c.) 


astrology,  the  mother 
of  astronomy.  It  was 
taken  up  by  the  Greeks 
and  has  even  survived 
into  our  own  day. 

To  train  such  men 
and  to  furnish  clerks 
for  business  and  gov- 
ernment, schools  were 
necessary.  These  were 
usually  in  or  connected 
with  the  temple.  A 
schoolhouse  of  the  time 
of  Hammurapi  has  ac- 


The surface  of  the  model  is  marked  with 
lines  and  holes,  indicating  the  places  where 
the  diviner  must  look  for  the  mysterious 
signs  which  disclosed  the  future.  These 
signs  were  of  course  the  highly  varied 
natural  shapes  and  markings  to  be  observed 
in  any  sheep’s  liver.  But  the  Babylonian 
believed  that  these  things  were  signs  placed 
on  the  liver  by  the  god  to  whom  the  sheep 
had  been  given,  when  it  was  slain  as  a sac- 
rifice. The  meaning  of  each  part  of  the 
liver  is  here  written  in  cuneiform  in  the 
proper  place.  The  whole  forms  a kind  of 
map  of  the  surface  and  shape  of  the  liver 
with  written  explanations.  Absurd  as  all 
this  seems  to  us,  the  art  of  reading  the 
future  in  this  way  was  believed  in  by  millions 
of  people,  and  finally  reached  Europe 
(§  793  and  Fig.  234) 


tually  been  uncovered 
(Fig.  95),  with  the  clay-tablet  exercises  of  the  boys  and  girls  of 
four  thousand  years  ago  still  lying  on  the  floor.  They  show 
how  the  child  began  his  long  and  difficult  task  of  learning  to 
understand  and  to  write  three  or  four  hundred  different  signs. 


193.  Edu- 
cation : a 
Babylonian 
schoolhouse 


4 


136 


Ancient  Times 


194.  Educa-  The  pupil’s  slate  was  a soft  clay  tablet,  on  which  he  could 

tion : leam-  i • ■ ■ , 

ing  to  write  rub  out  his  exercises  at  any  time  by  smoothing  off  the  surface 
with  a flat  piece  of  wood  or  stone.  With  his  reed  stylus  in  his 
hand,  he  made  long  rows  of  single  wedges  in  three  positions, 
horizontal,  vertical,  and  oblique  (see  § 148).  W’hen  he  could 


Fig.  95.  An  Ancient  Babylonian  Schoolhouse  in  the  Days 
OF  Hammurapi  (about  2100  B.C.).  (After  Scheil) 

On  the  right  is  the  ground  plan  of  the  schoolhouse,  which  was  about 
55  feet  square.  The  children  went  in  at  the  door  [A),  across  the  end  of 
the  long  room  [B)  where  the  doorkeeper  sat  and  perhaps  kept  a clay- 
tablet  tardy-list  of  the  pupils  who  came  late.  Then  the  children  entered 
a court  (C)  which  was  open  to  the  sky,  and  we  may  suppose  that  they 
separated  here,  the  big  boys  and  girls  going  into  their  own  rooms, 
while  the  little  ones  went  into  others.  Somewhere  in  the  schoolhouse, 
and  probably  in  the  court  (C),  was  a pile  or  box  of  soft  clay,  where  a 
boy  who  had  already  filled  his  clay-tablet  slate  with  wedge-marks  (§  194) 
could  quickly  make  himself  a new  slate  by  flattening  a ball  of  soft  clay. 
On  the  left  we  look  through  one  of  the  doors  of  this  oldest  schoolhouse 
in  the  world,  as  it  appeared  on  the  day  when  it  was  uncovered  by  the 
French  in  1894.  The  native  Arab  workmen  who  uncovered  it  stand  in 
the  doorway.  The  walls  of  sun-dried  brick  are  still  8 or  9 feet  high 


make  the  single  wedges  neatly  enough,  the  master  set  him  at 
work  on  the  wedge-groups  forming  the  signs  themselves. 
Lastly,  he  was  able  to  undertake  words  and  simple  phrases, 
leading  up  to  sentences  and  quotations  from  old  documents. 
One  of  the  tablets  found  in  the  schoolhouse  contains  a proverb 
which  shows  how  highly  the  Babylonians  valued  the  art  of 


Western  Asia : Babylonia 


137 


writing.  It  reads : " He  who  shall  excel  in  tablet-writing  shall 
shine  like  the  sun.”  Doubtless  many  a Babylonian  lad  was 
encouraged  in  the  long  and  wearisome  task  of  learning  to  write, 
by  copying  this  enthusiastic  sentiment. 

Of  the  higher  life  of  Babylon  in  this  age  as  expressed  in 
great  works  of  art  and  architecture,  ver}'  little  has  survived  on 
the  spot.  Indeed,  the  city  of  Hammurapi  has  perished  utterly. 
Not  a single  building  erected  by  him  now  stands.  Enough  re- 
mains in  other  old  Babylonian  mounds  to  show  us  that  Western 
Asia  was  still  without  the  colonnades  already  so  common  on 
the  Nile  (Fig.  56).  In  these  Babylonian  buildings  the  arch 
for  the  first  time  assumed  a prominent  place  on  the  front 
of  a structure.  As  a result  of  its  early  prominence  here, 
the  arch  traveled  slowly  westward  into  Europe  (§787  and 
Fig.  248).  The  chief  architectural  creation  of  early  Babylonia 
was  the  temple  tower,  which  we  have  already  seen  (Fig.  104); 
but  of  the  temples  themselves  no  surviving  e.xample  has 
been  excavated.^ 

There  seems  to  have  been  no  painting  in  Hammurapi’s  time. 
The  sculptured  scene  in  which  Hammurapi  receives  the  law 
from  the  Sun-god  (Fig.  93)  is  a work  displaying  a certain  fine 
dignity  and  impressiveness.  But  this  scene  shows  us  how 
Babylonian  custom  now  muffled  the  human  form  in  heavy 
woolen  garments,  so  that  the  sculptor  had  little  opportunity  to 
depict  the  beauty  of  the  human  figure  (contrast  Fig.  89). 
Portraiture  w^as  scarcely  able  to  distinguish  one  individual  from 
another.  The  beautiful  art  of  seal-cutting,  the  greatest  art  of 
the  Babylonians,  had  noticeably  declined  since  the  wonderful 
works  of  Sargon’s  age  (Fig.  106,  A).  Although  it  was  commer- 
cially so  successful,  yet  in  art  the  great  age  of  Hammurapi 
was  already  declining. 


195.  Scanty 
remains  of 
art  from 
Hammurapi’.? 
time ; archi- 
tecture 


196.  Sculp- 
ture in 

Hammurapi’f 

time 


1 The  common  restorations  to  be  found  in  our  current  histories  of  art  and 
architecture,  showing  us  complete  early  Babylonian  temples,  rest  entirely  on 
imagination,  and  are  pure  guesswork.  The  temples  of  late  Babylonia  (Chaldean 
Empire,  Section  20)  have  been  excavated  and  restored  by  the  German  Expedition 
(Fig.  206). 


138 


Ancient  Times 


197.  Earliest 
appearance  of 
the  domestic 
horse  in 
history 
(2100  B.c.)  ; 
fall  of 

Hammurapi’s 

line 


198.  Sum- 
mary and 
retrospect 


The  decline  in  art  was  perhaps  a prophecy  of  what  was  to 
come,  for  the  Babylonian  nation  which  Hammurapi  had  so 
splendidly  organized'  and  started  on  its  way  did  not  survive 
his  death.  The  mountaineers,  whom  Hammurapi  had  driven 
out  of  the  Sumerian  cities  (§  176),  again  descended  upon  the 
Babylonian  plain,  as  the  Sumerians  had  done  so  long  before. 
They  probably  brought  with  them  a newcomer  even  more 
important  than  themselves ; for,  as  they  began  to  appear  more 
and  more  often  on  the  streets  of  the  Babylonian  towns,  they 
seem  to  have  led  with  them  a strange  animal,  for  which  the 
Babylonians  had  no  name.  They  called  it  the  " animal  of  the 
mountains.”  Thus  about  four  thousand  years  ago  the  tamed 
horse  appeared  for  the  first  time  in  a civilized  community, 
and  began  to  play  that  important  part  in  war  and  industry 
which  he  has  played  ever  since.^  In  this  continuation  of  the 
age-long  struggle  between  nomad  and  mountaineer  on  the 
Babylonian  plain,  even  the  line  of  Hammurapi  was  swept 
away,  and  the  horse-breeders  of  the  highlands  triumphed 
(twentieth  century  b.c.).  Their  rule  was  rude  and  almost 
barbaric,  and  their  triumph  marked  the  end  of  old  Babylonian 
progress  in  civilization.  Until  its  revival  under  the  Chaldeans 
(Section  20)  Babylonia  relapsed  into  stagnation  so  complete 
that  it  was  rarely  interrupted. 

As  ■ we  look  back  over  this  first  chapter  of  early  human 
progress  along  the  Two  Rivers,  we  see  that  it  lasted  about  a 
thousand  years,  beginning  a generation  or  two  before  3000  b.c. 
The  Sumerian  mountaineers  laid  the  foundations  of  civilization 
in  Shinar  and  began  a thousand-year  struggle  with  the  Semites 
of  the  desert.  In  spite  of  the  mingling  and  union  of  the  two 


1 These  mountaineers  (called  by  the  Babylonians  Kassites)  who  probably 
brought  the  horse  into  Babylonia  did  not  domesticate  him  themselves.  They 
received  him  in  trade  from  the  North  or  from  Asia  Minor,  from  tribes  of  the 
Indo-Europeans  (§  247),  who  had  long  before  tamed  or  domesticated  the  animal. 
The  chariot  courses  which  show  his  presence  in  prehistoric  western  Europe 
(§  39)  were  probably  a little  later  than  this.  We  recall  the  appearance  of  the 
horse  in  Egypt  about  1700  b.c.  (§  107),  some  four  hundred  years  later  than  in 
Babylonia. 


Western  Asia : Babylonia 


139 


races,  the  Semites  triumphed  twice  under  two  great  leaders, 
Sargon  (2750  b.c.)  and  Hammurapi  (2100  b.c.).  The  Sumerians 
then  disappeared,  and  the  language  of  Babylonia  became  Sem- 
itic. The  reign  of  Hammurapi,  in  spite  of  some  weakening  in 
art,  marks  the  highest  point  and  the  end  of  the  thousand- 
year  development  — the  conclusion  of  the  first  great  chapter 
of  history'  along  the  Two  Rivers.  The  scene  of  the  second 
chapter  will  carry  us  up  the  river  valley,  just  as  it  did  in  our 
study  of  the  Nile. 


QUESTIONS 

Section  13.  Describe  the  Fertile  Crescent.  How  can  we  sum- 
marize its  history  t Discuss  its  relation  to  the  desert.  Who  were  the 
inhabitants  of  the  desert.?  Describe  their  life.  Into  what  lands  did 
they  shift  at  the  west  end  of  the  Fertile  Crescent?  at  the  east  end? 
What  rivers  cross  the  east  half  of  the  Crescent  ? Describe  the  plain 
they  have  made. 

Section  i 4.  Who  were  the  early  dwellers  in  the  Plain  of  Shinar  ? 
Describe  their  life.  Describe  their  writing  materials  and  their  writ- 
ing. Summarize  their  civilization.  Describe  their  buildings  and 
towns.  What  are  such  towns  like  to-day?  What  do  we  find  in  them? 
Were  the  Sumerians  all  united  in  one  nation?  What  progress  had 
they  made  in  war  ? 

Section  i 5.  What  outsiders  defeated  the  Sumerians  ? Who  was 
the  first  great  Semitic  king  ? What  did  the  Akkadians  learn  from  the 
Sumerians?  What  did  the  Akkadians  accomplish  in  art?  Describe 
the  mingling  of  Akkadians  and  Sumerians. 

Section  16.  What  nation  resulted  from  the  mingling  of  Sume- 
rians and  Akkadians  ? How  long  did  it  last  ? Describe  its  literature. 
What  became  of  the  Sumerian  language  ? 

Section  i 7.  Who  were  the  Amorites,  and  what  city  in  the  Plain 
of  Shinar  did  they  seize?  Who  was  their  greatest  king?  Describe 
his  administration  as  seen  in  his  letters.  Tell  about  his  achievements 
in  adjusting  the  laws  of  Babylonia.  Discuss  Babylonian  commerce. 
What  did  it  carry  to  the  peoples  along  the  west  of  the  Fertile  Cres- 
cent? Describe  Babylonian  divination,  education,  architecture.  What 
happened  at  Hammurapi’s  death?  How  long  had  the  first  chapter 
of  civilization  on  the  Two  Rivers  lasted? 


199-  The 
situation  of 
Assur,  the 
earliest 
capital  of 
Assyria 


CHAPTER  V 

THE  ASSYRIANS  AND  CHALDEANS 

Section  i8.  Early  Assyria  and  her  Rivals 

The  second  chapter  of  history  along  the  Two  Rivers  carries  us 
up-river  from  Babylonia  to  the  northeast  corner  of  the  desert- 
bay.  Here,  overlooking  the  Tigris  on  the  east  and  the  desert  on 
the  west  and  south,  was  an  easily  defended  elevation  (Fig.  96), 
possessing  a natural  strength  unknown  to  the  towns  in  the  flat 
Plain  of  Shinar.  The  place  was  known  as  Assur  (see  map, 
p.  102),  and  it  later  gave  its  name  to  the  land  of  Assyria. 

Note.  The  headpiece  shows  an  Assyrian  king  attacking  a fortified  city 
(ninth  century  D.C.).  A century  before  the  Empire  the  Assyrians  had  already 
developed  powerful  appliances  for  destroying  a city  wall.  The  city  at  the  right 
is  protected  by  walls  of  sun-dried  brick  like  those  of  Samal  (Fig.  97).  The  de- 
fending archers  on  the  wall  are  trying  to  drive  away  a huge  Assyrian  battering- 
ram,  mounted  on  six  wheels,  which  has  been  rolled  up  to  the  wall  from  the  left. 
It  is  an  ancient  “ tank  ” with  its  front  protected  by  metal  armor  plate.  It  carries 
a tower  as  high  as  the  city  wall,  and  Assyrian  sharpshooters  (archers)  in  the  top 
of  the  tower  are  picking  off  the  defenders  of  the  wall.  Within  the  tank  unseen 
men  work  the  heavy  beam  of  the  ram.  It  is  capped  with  metal  and  is  shown 
smashing  a hole  in  the  city  wail,  from  which  the  bricks  fall  out.  An  observation 
tower  with  a metal-covered  dome,  and  holes  for  peeping  out,  shields  the  officer  in 
command  as  he  directs  the  operation  of  the  machine.  In  the  rear  (at  the  left) 
is  the  Assyrian  king  shooting  arrows  into  the  hostile  city.  He  uses  a powerful 
bow,  invented  in  Egypt,  which  will  shoot  an  arrow  with  great  force  from  1000  to 
1400  feet,  and  hence  he  can  stand  at  a safe  distance.  This  scene,  carved  on  a 
slab  of  alabaster,  is  among  the  earliest  Assyrian  palace  reliefs  which  have  survived 
(§  209),  and  hence  the  artist’s  childish  representation  of  men  as  tall  as  city  walls. 

140 


The  Assyrians  and  Chaldeafis 


141 


The  region  about  Assur  was  a highland,  enjoying  a climate 
much  more  invigorating  than  the  hot  Babylonian  plain.  It  had 
many  fertile  valleys  winding  up  into  the  eastern  and  northern 
mountains,  where  rival  cities  were  already  in  existence.  Here  an 
occasional  promontory  of  rock  furnished  quarries  of  limestone, 
alabaster,  and  likewise 
harder  stone.  Herein 
Assyria  differed  greatly 
from  Babylonia,  which 
was  without  building 
stone,  and  had  there- 
fore developed  only 
architecture  in  brick. 

These  eastern  valleys 
were  green  with  rolling 
pastures  and  billowing 
fields  of  barley  and 
wheat.  Herds  of  oxen 
and  flocks  of  sheep  and 
goats  dotted  the  hill- 
side pastures.  Donkeys 
served  as  the  chief  draft 


Fig.  96.  The  Tigris  .v.vd  the  Pro.m- 
ONTORY  OF  Assur  after  a Snow- 
storm 


200.  Climate, 
soil,  and 
products  of 
Assyria 


animals,  and  the  horse 
was  unknown  in  the 
beginning,  just  as  it 
was  originally  unknown 
in  Babylonia  (§  146). 
Here  flourished  an 


The  river  is  at  the  left,  and  the  fertile  plain 
beyond  it  soon  breaks  into  hills,  leading 
up  to  the  eastern  mountains.  The  ruins  of 
the  ancient  city  occupy  the  promontory  on 
the  right  (§  199).  The  buildings  in  the 
foreground  are  those  of  the  archaeological 
expedition  vrhich  excavated  the  ruins 


agricultural  population,  little  given  to  other  industries  or  to 
trade.  In  this  last  particular  Assyria  was  again  in  sharp 
contrast  with  Babylonia. 

By  3000  B.c.  a Semitic  tribe  of  nomads  from  the  desert-bay 
had  settled  at  Assur,  as  their  kindred  of  Akkad  were  doing  at 
the  same  time  in  the  Plain  of  Shinar.  As  Semites  they  spoke 
a Semitic  dialect  like  that  of  the  Semites  of  Babylonia,  with 


201.  Found- 
ing of  Assur 
(3000  B.c.) 
under 
Sumerian 
influence 


Fig.  97.  The  Aramean  City  of  Samal,  One  of  the  Western 
Rivals  of  Assyria.  (After  von  Luschan)* 


142 


The  Assyrians  and  Chaldeaiis 


143 


differences  no  greater  than  we  find  between  the  dialects  of 
different  parts  of  Germany.  The  men  of  Assur  at  first  formed 
a tiny  city-kingdom  like  those  of  their  Sumerian  neighbors 
in  the  South  (§  162).  It  is  evident  that  they  were  in  close 
contact  with  the  Sumerian  towns,  whose  sculpture  and  writing 
(Fig.  79)  they  adopted.  They  likewise  received  the  Sumerian 
calendar  (§  150)  and  most  of  the  conveniences  of  Sumerian 
civilization.  There  may  even  have  been  some  Sumerians 
among  the  early  population  of  the  town. 

While  the  early  civilization  of  Assur  thus  came  from  the 
south,  the  little  city-kingdom  was  equally  exposed  to  influences 
from  the  north  and  west.  There  in  Asia  Minor  were  the  hostile 
Hittite  communities,  some  of  which  w'ere  venturing  eastward  to 
the  Two  Rivers.  More  than  once  Assur  was  ruled  by  Hittite 
lords,  only  to  fall  back  again  under  the  control  of  Sargon, 
Hammurapi,  or  some  other  ruler  of  Babylonia.  Thus  obliged 
for  nearly  fifteen  hundred  years  after  Sargon’s  reign  to  defend 
their  uncertain  frontiers  against  their  neighbors  on  both  north 
and  south,  the  Assyrians  were  toughened  by  the  strain  of  un- 
ceasing war.  Meantime,  too,  they  introduced  the  horse  (§  197) 
and  added  chariots  to  their  army.  Then  the  Assyrian  kings 


202.  Assur 
the  vassal  of 
Babylonia 
and  the 
Hittites 
alternately ; 
earliest  ex- 
pansion of 
Assur  north 
and  south 


* Plan  (above).  The  city  was  nearly  half  a mile  across.  It  was  de- 
fended by  a double  wall  of  sun-dried  brick  on  a heavy  stone  founda- 
tion {ABC).  The  wall  was  strengthened  with  towers  every  50  feet, 
entirely  round  the  city,  making  one  hundred  towers  in  all.  The  castle 
of  the  kings  of  Samal  occupied  a hill  in  the  middle  ( G),  and  the  houses 
of  the  townsmen  filled  the  space  between  the  city  walls  and  the  castle 
{£>,  E,  F).  These  houses  built  of  sun-dried  brick  have  disappeared,  but 
the  castle  can  be  restored.  Restoration  of  the  Castle  {!/,  /,  J,  JC,  L, 
below).  This  is  the  castle,  or  citadel,  marked  G in  the  city  plan  (above). 
The  walls  of  sun-dried  brick  rest  on  heavy  stone  foundations  widen- 
ing at  the  hase.  Samal  in  north  Syria,  midway  between  the  Medi- 
terranean and  the  Euphrates  (map,  p.  102).  received  influences  both 
from  the  Hittites  in  Asia  Minor  (§  353)  and  from  Egypt.  The  columned 
porches  (Wand  L)  in  front  of  the  palaces  were  built  on  a Hittite  plan 
with  columns  suggested  by  Egyptian  architecture.  Hittite  art  in  relief 
(Fig.  148)  adorned  this  porch.  The  Assyrians  adopted  these  Western 
innovations  (Fig.  105). 


144 


Ancient  Times 


203.  The 
Western  rivals 
of  Assyria ; 
Phoenicians, 
Hebrews,  and 
Arameans 


began  pushing  westward,  and  by  1300  b.c.  they  crossed  the 
Euphrates  and  swept  back  the  Hittites  from  the  great  river. 
At  the  same  time  they  began  to  descend  the  Tigris  with  such 
power  that  they  even  captured  and  ruled  for  a time  their  old 
conqueror,  Babylon,  still  under  the  rule  of  the  half-barbaric 
eastern  Kassites,  who  had  brought  in  the  horse  (§  197). 


Fig.  98.  General  View  of  Modern  Damascus 

Damascus  is  still  the  largest  city  of  Syria,  having  probably  three  hun- 
dred thousand  inhabitants.  When  it  became  the  most  powerful  Ara- 
mean  city-kingdom  {§  203)  it  must  have  been  surrounded  by  a wall  like 
that  of  Samal  (Fig.  97),  with  a splendid  royal  castle.  The  ruins  of  all 
these  ancient  Aramean  buildings  must  now  lie  under  those  of  the 
modern  city,  and  hence  ancient  Damascus  will  never  be  excavated 

Assur  was  still  an  inland  power,  much  like  modern  Russia, 
and  could  not  hope  to  rule  Western  Asia  without  access  to  the 
Mediterranean.  Along  the  Mediterranean  coast  new  rivals 
arose  to  dispute  her  progress  in  the  West.  Here  the  harbor 
towns  of  former  Semitic  nomads  (§  141)  had  become  a fringe 
of  wealthy  Phoenician  city-kingdoms  carrying  on  a flourishing 
commerce  by  sea  (§  396).  These  Phoenician  cities  proved  ob- 
stinate enemies  of  the  Assyrian  kings.  Meantime  a-  new  wave 
of  Semitic  nomads  had  rolled  in  from  the  desert-bay  (§  135). 
By  1400  E.c.  they  were  endeavoring  to  occupy  its  western 


The  Assyrians  and  Chaldeans  145 

shores,  that  is,  Palestine  and  Syria,  just  as  the  Assyrians  had 
done  at  Assur.  These  Western  nomads  were  the  Hebrews  in 
Palestine,  and  north  of  them  the  Arameans,^  or  Syrians,  occu- 
pying Syria.  They  soon  held  the  entire  west  end  of  the  Fertile 
Crescent  and  cut  off  Assyria  from  the  sea.  xA.fter  1200  b.c.  the 
x\rameans  established  a group  of  flourishing  kingdoms  in  the 
West.  Here,  under  the  influence  of  Hittite  civilization  on  one 
side  and  Eg}'ptian  on  the 
other,  these  Aramean 
kingdoms  of  Syria  built 
royal  cities  (Fig.  97), 
and  luxurious  palaces 
for  their  kings  (Fig.  97, 

H-L),  fllled  with  sumptu- 
ous furniture  (Fig.  100). 

Among  these  Aramean 
kingdoms  of  Syria  the 

The  energetic  Ara- 
mean merchants  ex- 
tended their  business  far 
beyond  their  own  king- 
doms. They  pushed 
their  caravans  all  along 
the  shores  of  the  desert-bay,  even  as  far  north  as  the  sources 
of  the  Tigris,  and  they  Anally  held  the  commerce  of  Western 
Asia.  Their  bronze  weights  found  in  the  ruins  of  Nineveh 
(Fig.  99)  show  us  how  common  were  the  Aramean  merchants 
in  the  Assyrian  market  places.  Like  their  kinsmen  the  Jews  in 
modem  civilized  states,  although  they  were  not  organized  as  a 
single  nation,  they  were  the  great  commercial  leaders  of  the  age. 

1 The  Arameans  are  often  called  Syrians,  and  the  region  north  of  Palestine 
(see  map,  p.  loa)  is  commonly  called  Syria.  These  two  names,  Syria  and  Syrians, 
are  not  to  be  confused  with  Assyria  and  Assyrians. 


most  powerful  was 
Damascus  (Fig.  98). 


Fig.  99.  Arameax  Weight  found 
IN  Assyria 

The  weight  is  of  bronze,  cast  in  the  shape 
of  a lion  and  equipped  with  a handle.  The 
inscription  on  the  edge  of  the  base  is  in 
Aramaic.  Fifteen  of  these  Aramean  lion 
weights  were  found  at  one  place,  showing 
the  common  presence  of  Aramean  mer- 
chants in  the  Assyrian  markets  (§  204) 


204.  Wide- 
spread 
Aramean 
commerce 


146 


Ancient  Times 


205.  The 
Aramean 
merchants 
spread  the 
first  alphabet 
in  Asia 


The  Arameans  were  a highly  civilized  race.  By  1000  b.g 
they  were  using  alphabetic  writing,  which  they  had  borrowed 
from  the  Phoenicians  (Section  40).  It  was  the  earliest  system  of 

writing  known  which  em- 
ployed exclusively  alpha- 
betic signs  (Fig.  160). 
Along  with  the  alphabet 
the  Arameans  also  re- 


Fig.  1 00.  An  Aramean  King  of 
Samal  and  his  Secretary  hold- 
ing an  Egyptian  Writing'  Outfit 
(Eighth  Century  b.c.) 

The  king  sits  at  the  left  on  a richly  carved 
throne  of  ebony,  ivory,  and  gold,  with  a 
footstool  of  the  same  design.  Before  him 
stands  his  secretary,  carrying  under  his  left 
arm  something  which  looks  much  like  a 
book ; but  bound  books  were  still  unknown 
at  this  time.  In  his  left  hand  he  holds  an 
Egyptian  writing  case  containing  pen  and 
ink  (cf.  Fig.  loi).  The  flat  relief  in  which 
the  entire  scene  is  carved  had  its  origin 
on  the  Nile.  From  Syria,  in  such  cities  as 
Samal,  it  passed  to  Assyria,  where  it  was 
immensely  improved  (Fig.  107).  (From 
a photograph  by  von  Luschan) 


ceived  the  Egyptian  pen 
and  ink,  conveniences  in- 
dispensable in  the  use  of 
the  new  alphabet  (Fig. 
100).  As  the  Babylonian 
caravans  had  in  earlier 
times  carried  cuneiform 
tablets  throughout  West- 
ern Asia  (§  187),  so  the 
Aramean  caravans,  with 
their  bills  and  receipts, 
began  to  carry  through 
the  same  region  the 
alphabet  which  was  to 
displace  cuneiform  signs. 
Thus  spread  throughout 
Western  Asia  the  Phoe- 
nician Aramean  alpha- 
bet. It  passed  down  the 
Euphrates,  to  Persia  and 
the  inner  Asiatic  lands, 
and  even  to  the  fron- 


tiers of  India,  to  furnish 


at  length  even  the  East  Indian  peoples  with  their  alphabet. 

The  Aramean  merchants  of  course  carried  their  language 
(called  Aramaic)  with  them,  and  Aramaic  gradually  became  very 
common  all  around  the  desert-bay.  Indeed,  in  the  old  Assyrian 


Fig.  1 01.  An  Assyrian  and  an  Aramean  Scribe  recording 
THE  Plunder  taken  from  a Captured  Asiatic  City  (Eighth 
k Century  b.c.) 

I The  captive  women  and  children  ride  by  in  oxcarts  on  their  way  to 
[ slavery  in  Assyria,  and  a shepherd  drives  off  the  captured  flocks.  At  the 
left  an  Assyrian  officer  reads  from  a tablet  his  notes  of  the  spoil  taken 
■ in  the  city.  Two  scribes  write  as  he  reads.  The  first  (in  front)  holds  in 
his  left  hand  a thick  clay  tablet,  from  which  he  has  just  lifted  the  stylus 
grasped  in  his  right  hand,  as  he  pauses  in  his  writing.  The  other  scribe 
holds  spread  out  on  his  left  hand  a roll  of  papyrus,  on  which  he  is 
busily  writing  with  a pen  held  in  his  right  hand.  He  is  an  Aramean  (§  205), 
writing  Aramaic  with  pen  and  ink.  We  see  here,  then,  the  two  different 
methods  of  writing  practiced  at  this  time  in  Western  Asia — the  outgoing 
Asiatic  clay  tablet  and  the  incoming  Egyptian  paper,  pen,  and  ink 

communities  the  people  who  spoke  Aramaic  finally  outnumbered 
the  citizens  of  Assyrian  speech.  When  an  Aramean  received  a 
cuneiform  tablet  recording  business  matters  in  the  Assyrian 
language,  he  sometimes  took  his  pen  and  marked  it  with  memo- 
randa in  Aramaic.  Assyrian  tablets  bearing  such  notes  in 
Aramaic  have  been  found  in  the  ruins  of  Assyrian  buildings. 


The  Assyrians  and  Chaldeans  147 


206.  Assyrian 
and  Aramaic 
side  by  side  in 
business  and 
government 


148 


Ancient  Times 


207.  Com- 
plete triumph 
of  the  Ara- 
maic lan- 
guage along 
the  whole 
Fertile 
Crescent 


208.  Ara- 
mean  Damas- 
cus and  her 
Semitic  allies 
along  the 
west  end  of 
the  Fertile 
(irescent  halt 
westward 
expansion 
of  Assyria 


209.  Growth 
of  Assyrian 
civilixation 
before  the 
Empire, 
under  influ- 
ences from 
Babylonia  and 
the  Hittites 


Indeed  public  business  was  finally  carried  on  in  both  languages, 
Assyrian  and  Aramaic.  Aramean  clerks  were  appointed  to  gov- 
ernment offices,  and  it  was  a very  common  thing  for  an  Ara- 
mean official  of  the  Assyrian  Empire  to  keep  his  records  on 
papyrus,  writing  with  pen  and  ink  on  a roll,  while  his  Assyrian 
companion  in  office  wrote  with  a stylus  on  a clay  tablet  (Fig.  i o i). 

Aramaic  finally  became  the  language  of  the  entire  Fertile 
Crescent.  It  even  displaced  its  very  similar  sister  tongue,  the 
Hebrew  of  Palestine,  and  thus  this  merchant  tongue  of  the 
Arameans,  many  centuries  later,  became  the  language  spoken 
by  Jesus  and  the  other  Hebrews  of  his  time  in  Palestine 
(Fig.  13 1).  In  the  end  this  widespread  commercial  civilization 
of  the  Arameans  left  more  lasting  influences  behind  than  even 
the  powerful  military  state  of  the  Assyrians,  as  we  shall  see. 
Unfortunately  the  Aramean  city  mounds  of  Syria,  with  one  ex- 
ception (Fig.  97),  still  remain  unexcavated;  hence  we  have 
recovered  but  few  monuments  to  tell  us  of  their  career. 

As  wealthy  commercial  rulers,  the  Aramean  kings  of  Damas- 
cus were  long  able  to  make  their  city  so  strong  as  to  block 
further  Assyrian  advance  toward  the  Mediten'anean.  One  of 
the  best  illustrations  of  the  effect  of  their  power  is  the  fact 
that  Damascus  long  sheltered  the  feeble  little  Hebrew  king- 
doms from  Assyrian  attack  (see  map,  p.  102).  The  Assyrian 
army  marched  westward  and  looked  out  upon  the  Mediterranean 
by  1100  B.C.,  but  for  more  than  three  centuries  after  this  the 
kings  of  Assur.were  unable  to  conquer  and  hold  this  western 
region  against  the  strong  group  of  Aramean,  Phoenician,  and 
Hebrew  kingdoms.  They  held  the  Assyrian  armies  at  bay 
until  the  eighth  century  b.  c. 

As  Assyrian  power  thus  seemed  to  pause  at  the  threshold  of 
the  Empire,  let  us  look  back  for  a moment  over  the  long  two 
thousand  years  of  development  and  see  what  progress  Assur 
had  made  in  civilization  since  it  had  received  from  the  Sume- 
rians such  things  as  cuneiform  writing  (§  201),  etc.  Assur  was 
near  enough  to  the  North  and  West  to  feel  influences  from  there 


The  Assyrians  and  Chaldeans 


149 


also,  especially  from  the  Hittites  (§  356),  who  contributed  much 
both  in  art  and  in  religion.  All  these  inherited  things  Assur 

had  also  cultivated  and  developed. 
She  had  added  some  two  hundred 
cuneiform  signs  to  the  list  received 
from  Babylonia.  Under  influences 
from  the  Hittite  art  of  north  Syria 
(Fig.  100)  the  sculptors  of  Assur 
were  learning  to  tell  the  story  of  the 
king’s  valiant  exploits  in  elaborate 
stone  pictures  cut  in  flat  relief  on 
great  slabs  of  alabaster  (Figs.  loi 
and  105).  These  were  set  up  in  long 
rows  along  the  palace  walls.  This 
architectural  sculpture  was  an  art 
not  practiced  in  Babylonia.  As  in 
sculpture,  so  also  in  architecture, 
the  possession  of  stone  enabled  the 
Assyrians  to  do  what  had  been 
impossible  in  stoneless  Babylonia. 
The  Assyrian  builder  could  erect 
heavy  foundations  of  stone  under 
his  buildings,  as  the  Flittite  and 
Syrian  had  long  been  doing.  Above 
the  foundation  the  Assyrian  build- 
ing itself,  however,  continued  to 
be  made  of  sun-dried  brick,  as  in 
Babylonia. 


Fig.  102.  Symbol  of  the 
God  Assur  surmounting 
AN  Assyrian  Represen- 
tation OF  THE  Old  Baby- 
lonian Tree  of  Life 


Above  is  the  winged  sun-disk 

of  Egypt,  the  borrowed  symbol  of  the  Assyrian  Sun-god  Assur  (§  210), 
whom  we  see  shooting  his  deadly  arrows.  Below  is  the  beautiful  sym- 
bol of  the  tree  of  life,  which  originated  in  old  Babylonia  (see  § 155). 
The  early  Babylonian  worshiper’s  palm  branch  in  a jar  of  water  (§  155) 
had  been  developed  by  artists  into  a decorative  palm  tree  seen  here 
rising  like  a post  in  the  middle,  with  its  spreading  crown  of  leaves 
at  the  top  and  festooned  with  tufts  of  palm  leaves  like  those  on  the 
top  of  the  tree.  In  this  form  it  was  later  much  used  by  the  Greeks 


210.  Religion 
of  Assur 


150  Ancient  Times 


The  sacred  stories  and  symbols  of  the  gods  which  had 
grown  up  among  the  Babylonian  communities  (§§  1 71-173) 
were  taken  over  by  the  men  of  Assur,  who  copied  and  studied 


Fig.  103.  Stone  Coffin  of  a King  of  Assyria  a Century 

BEFORE  THE  EMPIRE 

In  this  limestone  sarcophagus  (coffin)  lay  the  body  of  an  Assyrian  king 
buried  here  twenty-eight  hundred  years  ago,  in  the  ninth  century  b.c. 
Above  this  sun-dried-brick  vault  in  which  he  was  buried  rose  the  palace 
of  Assur.  The  German  excavators  found  here  five  such  vaults  under 
the  floor  of  the  palace.  The  dead  Assyrian  king  was  thus  "buried  under 
his  dwelling  like  ordinary  Assyrians  or  Babylonians  (Fig.  81).  These  are 
the  first  royal  tombs  ever  found  in  Assyria.  They  had  been  broken  open 
and  robbed,  the  bodies  of  the  kings  scattered,  and  the  coflins  mostly  shat- 
tered to  pieces,  over  two  thousand  years  ago,  by  the  Parthians  (§  1023), 
and  they  were  found  empty  by  the  excavators 

and  revered  them  (Fig.  102).  Bat  the  Assyrians  clung  to 
their  old  tribal  god  Assur,  whose  name  was  the  same  as  that 
of  their  city  and  their  tribe.  He  was  a fierce  god  of . war, 
whom  they  identified  with  the  sun.  He  led  the  Assyrian 


The  Assyrians  and  Chaldeans  151 

kings  on  their  victorious  campaigns,  and  shot  his  deadly  arrows 
far  and  wide  among  the  foe  (Fig.  102).  As  his  symbol,  the 
Assyrians  borrowed  the  winged  sun-disk  from  the  Hittites  of 
Syria,  who  had  received  it  from  Egypt  (cf.  Figs.  34  and  102). 
Their  great  goddess  was  Ishtar,  the  goddess  of  love,  whom 
we  have  already  met  in  Babylonia.  Religion  among  the  warlike 
Assyrians,  as  in  Babylonia,  had  little  effect  upon  the  conduct 
of  the  worshiper.  One  reason  for  this  was  the  fact  that  the 
Assyrians  had  much  the  same  notions  of  the  hereafter  as  the 
Babylonians,  with  no  belief  in  a judgment  to  come.  Their 
burials,  as  in  Babylonia  (Fig.  81),  were  placed  under  the  floor 
or  court  of  the  dead  man’s  house. 

Recent  excavations  at  Assur  uncovered  a series  of  brick 
vaults  under  the  pavement  of  the  royal  palace.  In  these 
vaults  were  found  fragments  of  massive  stone  coffins,  two 
of  which,  however,  had  not  been  broken  up  (Fig.  103).  These 
are  the  oldest  royal  burials  known  in  Asia,  and  the  first  ever 
found  in  Assyria ; for  in  these  coffins  once  lay  the  bodies  of 
the  powerful  kings  of  Assur,  who  lived  and  ruled  and  built 
there,  toward  the  end  of  the  long  two-thousand-year  develop- 
ment which  led  up  to  the  Assyrian  Empire. 

Section  19.  The  Assyrian  Empire  (about  750  to 
612  B.C.) 

By  the  middle  of  the  eighth  century  b.c.,  Assyria  was 
again  pushing  her  plans  of  westward  expansion.  Damascus, 
combined  with  the  other  Western  kingdoms,  made  a desperate 
resistance,  only  to  be  slowly  crushed.  When  at  last  Damascus 
feu  (732  B.C.),  the  countries  of  the  West  were  all  subdued  and 
made  subject  kingdoms.  Thus  the  once  obscure  little  city  of 
Assur  gained  the  lordship  over  Western  Asia  as  head  of  an 
empire,  a great  group  of  conquered  and  vassal  nations 
(§  108).  The  story  of  that  Empire  forms  the  second  great 
chapter  of  history  along  the  Two  Rivers. 


211.  Dis- 
covery of  the 
tombs  of  the 
kings 
of  Assur 


212.  Con- 
tinued 
westward 
expansion 
of  Assyria 


152 


Ancient  Times 


213.  Sar- 
gon  II  of 
Assyria  {,722- 
705  B.C.) 


214.  Sennach- 
erib (705- 
681  B.C.) 


In  the  midst  of  these  great  Western  campaigns  of  Assyria, 
while  he  was  besieging  the  unhappy  Hebrew  city  of  Samaria 
(§  306),  one  of  the  leading  Assyrian  generals  usurped  the 
throne  (722  b.  c.),  and  as  king  he  took  the  name  of  Sargon,  the 
first  great  Semite  of  Babylonia,  who  had  reigned  two  thousand 
years  earlier  (§  166).  The  new  Sargon  raised  Assyria  to  the 
height  of  her  grandeur  and  power  as  a military  empire.  His 
descendants  were  the  great  emperors  of  Assyria.^  On  the 
northeast  of  Nineveh  he  built  a new  royal  residence  on  a 
vaster  scale  and  more  magnificent  than  any  Asia  had  ever 
seen  before.  He  called  it  Diir-Sharriikm  (Sargonburg). 
Its  inclosure  was  a mile  square,  large  enough  to  shelter 
a community  of  eighty  thousand  people,  and  the  palace  build- 
ing itself  (Fig.  104)  covered  twenty-five  acres.  Babylonia  in 
her  greatest  days  had  never  possessed  a seat  of  power  like 
this.  In  no  uncertain  terms  it  proclaimed  Assyria  mistress  of 
Western  Asia. 

The  grandeur  of  Sargon  1 1 was  even  surpassed  by  his  son 
Sennacherib,  one  of  the  great  statesmen  of  the  early  Orient. 
Far  up  in  Asia  Minor  the  name  of  Sennacherib  was  known 
and  feared,  as  he  plundered  Tarsus  and  the  easternmost  Ionian 
Greek  strongholds  (§  438)  just  after  700  B.c.  Thence  his 
campaigns  swept  southward  along  the  Mediterranean  to  the 
very  borders  of  Egypt.  To  be  sure,  much  of  Sennacherib’s 
army  was  destroyed  by  a pest  which  smote  them  from  the 
Delta  marshes  (§  309),  and  hence  Sennacherib  never  crossed 
the  Egyptian  frontier.  But  against  Babylon,  his  other  ancient 
rival,  he  adopted  the  severest  measures.  Exasperated  by  one 
revolt  after  another,  Sennacherib  completely  destroyed  the 
venerable  city  of  Hammurapi  and  even  turned  the  waters 
of  a canal  over  the  desolate  ruins. 


1 The  leading  kings  of  the  dynasty  of  Sargon  II  are  as  follows : 


Sargon  II 722-705  b.c. 

Sennacherib 705-681  c. 

Esarhaddon 681-668  b.c. 

Assurbanipal  (called  Sardanapalus  by  the  Greeks) . . 668-626  b.  c. 


The  Assyria7is  atid  Chaldeans 


153 


Thus  Babylon  was  annihilated ; but  the  ancient  power  on  215.  Egypt 
the  Nile  remained  a continual  disturber  of  Assyrian  control.  by^Ass^a 
A crushing  burden  of  Assyrian  tribute  had  been  laid  on  all 


Fig.  104.  Restoration  of  the  Palace  and  a Portion  of  the 
City  of  Sargonburg,  the  Roybal  Residence  of  Sargon  II 
(722-705  B.C.).  (After  Place; 

The  palace  stands  partly  inside  and  partly  outside  of  the  city  wall  on 
a vast  elevated  platform  of  brick  masonry  containing  about  25  acres. 
Inclined  roadways  and  stairways  rise  from  the  inside  of  the  city  wall. 
The  king  could  thus  drive  up  in  his  chariot  from  the  streets  of  the  city 
below  to  the  palace  pavement  above.  The  rooms  and  halls  are  clustered 
about  a number  of  courts  open  to  the  sky.  The  main  entrance  (with 
stairs  before  it  leading  down  to  the  city)  is  adorned  with  massive  towers 
and  arched  doorways  (§  222)  built  of  richly  colored  glazed  brick  (Plate  II, 
p.  164)  and  embellished  with  huge  human-headed  bulls  carved  of  alabaster. 
The  temple  tower  behind  the  great  court,  inherited  from  Babylonia,  was 
the  ancestor  of  the  Christian  Church  spire  (Fig.  272).  The  streets  and 
houses  of  the  city  filled  the  space  below  the  palace  within  the  city  walls, 
which  could  accommodate  some  eighty  thousand  people  (§  213) 

subject  states,  and  hence  Egypt  was  constantly  able  to  stir 
revolt  ai.mng  the  oppressed  Western  peoples,  who  longed  to 
be  freed  from  the  payment  of  this  tribute.  Assyria  perceived 


Notice  the  changes  in  the  course  of  the  Tigris,  which  formerly  flowed 
along  the  west  wall  of  the  city.  This  change  has  been  caused  by  the 
Khoser  River,  which  has  carried  down  soil  and  formed  a plain  between 
the  wall  of  the  city  and  the  Tigris.  In  Fig.  203  we  have  a view  from  a 
housetop  in  Mosul,  across  the  river  from  Nineveh,  showing  us  this  plain, 
with  the  mound  of  Kuyunjik  just  behind  it.  This  mound  covers  the 
palaces  of  Sennacherib  and  Assurbanipal.  A destructive  overflow  of 
the  Khoser  River,  which  flooded  the  city  and  broke  down  a section  of 
the  eastern  wall,  was  one  of  the  chief  causes  of  the  fall  of  Nineveh 


The  Assyrians  and  Chaldeans 


155 


that  Egypt’s  interference  must  be  stopped.  Sennacherib’s  son, 
therefore,  appeared  before  the  gates  of  the  eastern  Delta  forts 
by  674  B.c.  Repulsed  at  first,  he  returned  to  the  attack,  and 
although  he  died  before  entering  the  Delta,  Egypt  at  last  fell 
a prey  to  the  Assyrian  armies,  and  Sennacherib’s  grandson  was 
for  a time  lord  of  the  lower  Nile. 

By  700  B.c.  the  Assyrian  Empire  included  all  of  the  Fer- 
tile Crescent.  It  thus  extended  entirely  around  the  great 
desert-bay ; but  it  furthermore  included  much  of  the  northern 
mountain  country  far  behind.  The  conquest  of  Egypt  gave  it 
also  the  lower  Nile  valley  in  the  west,  though  this  last  was  too 
distant  and  too  detached  to  be  kept  long.  Built  up  by  irre- 
sistible and  far-reaching  military  campaigns  which  went  on  for 
two  generations  after  Sargon  II,  the  Assyrian  conquests  finally 
formed  the  most  extensive  empire  the  world  had  yet  seen. 

Sennacherib  was  not  satisfied  merely  to  enlarge  the  old  royal 
residences  of  his  fathers  at  Assur  or  at  Sargonburg.  He  de- 
voted himself  to  the  city  of  Nineveh,  north  of  Assur,  and  it 
now  became  the  far-famed  capital  of  Assyria.  Along  the  Tigris 
the  vast  palaces  (Fig.  104)  and  imposing  temple  towers  of  the 
Assyrian  emperors  arose,  reign  after  reign.  The  lofty  and 
massive  walls  of  Nineveh  which  Sennacherib  built  stretched 
two  miles  and  a half  along  the  banks  of  the  Tigris.  Here  in 
his  gorgeous  palace  he  ruled  the  western  Asiatic  world  with  an 
iron  hand,  and  collected  tribute  from  all  the  subject  peoples. 

The  whole  administration  centered  in  the  - king’s  business 
office.  He  maintained  a system  of  royal  messengers,  and  in  each 
of  the  more  important  places  on  the  main  roads  he  appointed 
an  official  to  attend  to  the  transmission  of  all  royal  business. 
In  this  manner  all  clay-tablet  letters  or  produce  and  merchan- 
dise belonging  to  the  royal  house  were  sure  of  being  forwarded. 
This  organization  formed  the  beginnings  of  a postal  system^ 
which  continued  for  many  centuries  in  the  Orient  (§  273). 

1 There  are  indications  that  it  was  already  in  existence  in  Asia,  under  Egyp- 
tian rule,  as  far  back  as  2000  b.c. 


216.  Extent 
of  the 
Assyrian 
Empire 


217.  Nineveh 
becomes  the 
Assyrian 
capital 


218.  Means 
of  communi- 
cation and 
the  organiza- 
tion of  the 
Assyrian 
Empire 


156 


Ancient  Times 


Fig.  105.  Assyrian  Soldiers  pursuing  the  Fleeing  Enemy 
ACROSS  A Stream 

The  stream  occupies  the  right  half  of  the  scene.  As  drawn  by  the 
Assyrian  artist,  it  may  be  recognized  by  the  fish  and  the  curling  waves ; 
also  by  the  bows  and  quivers  full  of  arrows  floating  downstream,  along 
with  the  bodies  of  two  dead  horses,  one  on  his  back  with  feet  up.  Two 
dead  men,  with  arrows  sticking  in  their  bodies,  are  drifting  in  mid- 
stream. Three  of  the  living  leap  from  the  bank  as  their  pursuers  stab 
them  with  spears  or  shoot  them  with  drawn  bow.  The  Assyrian  spear- 
men carry  tall  shields,  but  the  archer  needs  both  hands  for  his  bow  and 
carries  no  shield.  The  dead  are  strewn  along  the  shore,  occupying  the 
left  half  of  the  scene.  At  the  top  the  vultures  are  plucking  out  their 
eyes ; in  the  middle  an  Assyrian  is  cutting  off  a head ; beside  him  an- 
other plants  his  foot  on  a dead  man’s  head  and  steals  his  weapons. 

The  vegetation  along  the  river  is  shown  among  the  bodies 


In  this  way  the  emperor  received  the  letters  and  reports  of 
some  sixty  governors  over  districts  and  provinces,  besides 
many  subject  kings  who  were  sometimes  allowed  to  continue 
their  rule  under  Assyrian  control.  We  even  have  several  clay- 
tablet  letters  dispatched  by  Sennacherib  himself  while  he  was 


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Fig.  107.  Assyrian  Soldiers  of  the  Empire.  (Froai  the 
Palace  Reliefs  of  Assurbanipal) 


It  was  the  valor  of  these  stalwart  archers  and  spearmen  which  made 
Assyria  mistress  of  the  East  for  about  a century  and  a half  (§§  220-221) 


The  Assyrians  aiid  Chaldeans 


157 


crown  prince,  and  addressed  to  his  royal  father,  Sargon.  To 
maintain  the  army  was  the  chief  work  of  the  State.  The  State 
was  a vast  military  machine,  more  terrible  than  any  mankind 
had  ever  yet  seen  (Fig.  105).  We  shall  understand  this  situa- 
tion if  we  imagine  that  our  war  department  were  the  central 
office  in  Washington,  and  that  our  government  should  devote 
itself  chiefly  to  supporting  it. 

An  important  new  fact  aided  in  bringing  about  this  result. 
Through  contact  with  the  Hittite  west  (§  360)  iron  had  been 
introduced  among  the  Ass3nians.  The  Assyrian  forces  were 
therefore  the  first  large  armies  eqidpped  with  weapons  of  iron. 
A single  arsenal  room  of  Sargon’s  palace  was  found  to  contain 
two  hundred  tons  of  iron  implements.  To  a certain  extent  the 
rise  and  pow’er  of  the  Assyrian  Empire  were  among  the  results 
of  the  incoming  of  iron. 

The  bulk  of  the  Assyrian  army  wns  composed  of  archers,  sup- 
ported by  hea\y'-armed  spearmen  and  shield  bearers  (Fig.  107). 
Besides  these,  the  famous  horsemen  and  chariotry  of  Nineveh 
(Fig.  106,  B)  became  the  scourge  of  the  East.  For  the  first 
time  too  the  Assyrians  employed  the  battering-ram  (head- 
piece,  p.  140)  and  formidable  siege  machinery.  The  sun-dried- 
brick  walls  of  the  Asiatic  cities  could  thus  be  battered  down 
or  pierced,  and  no  fortified  place  could  long  repulse  the  assaults 
of  the  fierce  Assyrian  infantry. 

Besides  their  iron  weapons  and  their  war  machines  the 
Assyrian  soldiers  displayed  a certain  inborn  ferocity  which 
held  all  Western  Asia  in  abject  terror  before  the  thundering 
squadrons  of  the  Ninevites.^  Wherever  the  terrible  Assyrian 
armies  swept  through  the  land,  they  left  a trail  of  ruin  and 
desolation  behind.  Around  smoking  heaps  which  had  once 
been  towns,  stretched  lines  of  tall  stakes,  on  which  were  stuck 
the  bodies  of  rebellious  rulers  flayed  alive ; while  all  around  rose 
mounds  and  piles  of  the  slaughtered,  heaped  up  to  celebrate 
the  great  king’s  triumph  and  serve  as  a warning  to  all  revolters. 

1 See  Nahum  iii,  2-3. 


219.  The 
Assyrian 
Empire  and 
the  Iron  Age 


220.  The 
arms  of  the 
Assyrians 


221.  Ter- 
rors of  the 
Assyrian 
army 


158 


Ancient  Times 


222.  Civili- 
zation of  the 
Assyrian 
Empire : 
architecture 


223.  Civili- 
zation of  the 
Assyrian 
Empire : 
sculpture 


Through  clouds  of  dust  rising  along  all  the  main  roads  of  the 
Empire  the  men  of  the  subject  kingdoms  beheld  great  herds 
of  cattle,  horses,  and  asses,  flocks  of  goats  and  sheep,  and  long 
lines  of  camels  loaded  with  gold  and  silver,  the  wealth  of  the 
conquered,  converging  upon  the  palace  at  Nineveh.  Before 
them  marched  the  chief  men  of  the  plundered  kingdoms,  with 
the  .severed  heads  of  their  former  princes  tied  about  their  necks. 

While  this  plundered  wealth  was  necessary  for  the  support 
of  the  army,  it  also  served  higher  purposes.  As  we  have  seen 
(Fig.  104),  the  Assyrian  palaces  were  now  imposing  buildings, 
suggesting  in  architecture  the  far-reaching  power  of  their  builder. 
In  the  hands  of  the  Assyrian  architects  the  arch,  inherited  from 
Babylonia,  for  the  first  time  became  an  imposing  monumental 
feature  of  architecture.  The  impressive  triple  arches  of  the 
Assyrian  palace  entrance,  faced  with  glazed  brick  in  gorgeous 
colors  (Plate  II),  were  the  ancestor  of  the  Roman  triumphal 
arches  (Fig.  248).  On  either  side  were  vast  human-headed 
bulls  wrought  in  alabaster,  and  above  the  whole  towered  lofty 
castellated  walls  of  baked  brick,  visible  far  across  the  royal 
city  (Fig.  104). 

Within  the  palace,  as  a dado  running  along  the  lower  portion 
of  the  walls,  were  hundreds  of  feet  of  relief  pictures  cut  in 
alabaster  (see  Figs.  1 01,  105, 106,  ..5,  and  107).  They  show  great 
improvement  over  the  older  work  (headpiece,  p.  1 40)  a century 
before  the  Empire.  They  display  especially  the  great  deeds  of 
the  emperor  in  campaign  and  hunting  field  (Figs.  105  and 
106,  S').  The  human  figures  are  monotonously  alike,  hard,  cold, 
and  unfeeling.  Nowhere  is  there  a human  form  which  shows 
any  trace  of  feeling,  either  joy  or  sorrow,  pleasure  or  pain.  The 
Assyrian  sculptor’s  wild  beasts,  however,  are  sometimes  mag- 
nificent in  the  abandon  of  animal  ferocity  which  they  display 
(Fig.  106,  B).  The  tiger  was  in  the  blood  of  the  Assyrian,  and 
it  came  out  in  the  work  of  his  chisel.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
pathetic  expression  of  suffering  exhibited  by  some  of  these  won- 
derful animal  forms  (Fig.  106,  E)  was  a triumph  of  art,  which  the 


The  Assyrians  and  Chaldeans 


159 


Assyrian  sculptor  owed  to  a study  of  the  superb  lions  and  bulls 
(Fig.  106,  A)  on  the  exquisite  old  Babylonian  seals  of  the  age  of 
Sargon  I,  tw^o  thousand  years  earlier.  The  art  of  portraiture  in 
statue  form  never  got  beyond  very  crude  and  unskillful  efforts. 

The  emperors  were 
obliged  to  depend  much 
on  foreign  skill,  both 
in  art  and  industries. 

The  art  of  glazing  col- 
ored brick  had  been 
borrowed  from  Egypt 
(§  83).  All  the  patterns 
of  Assyrian  decorative 
art  likewise  came  from 
Egj'pt,  and  their  furni- 
ture made  by  Phoeni- 
cian workmen,  of  ebony 
and  ivory,  often  be- 
trays Egy’ptian  origin 
(Fig.  108).  Phoenician 
craftsmen  at  Nineveh 
wrought  splendidly  en- 
graved bronze  platters 
(Fig.  158).  Sennache- 
rib tells  us  that  he  had 
in  his  palace  " a portal 
made  after  the  model 
of  a Hittite  palace,” 
and  his  predecessors 
had  long  before  built  similar  portals  like  those  they  had  seen 
in  the  Hittite  west  (Fig.  97).  It  is  in  this  ability  to  use  foreign 
resources  that  we  must  recognize  one  of  the  greatest  traits  of 
the  Assyrian  emperors. 

In  the  fine  gardens  which  Sennacherib  laid  out  along  the 
river  above  and  below  Nineveh  he  planted  strange  trees  and 


Fig.  108.  Ivory  Fragment  of  an 
Egyptian  Winged  Sphinx  found  in 
AN  Assyrian  Palace 

Such  fragments  of  carved  ivory  were  used 
in  inlaying  furniture  like  that  in  Fig.  100. 
They  were  the  work  of  Phoenician  crafts- 
men in  the  service  of  the  Assyrian  kings 
(§  224).  These  workmen  constantly  em- 
ployed Egyptian  designs  and  symbols  com- 
bined with  those  of  Assyria.  The  winged 
animal,  first  found  in  Egyptian  art,  passed 
to  the  Phoenicians  and  -Hittites  in  Syria 
and  thence  to  Assyria,  where  it  finally  de- 
veloped into  the  huge  winged  bull-figure 
adorning  the  front  of  the  king’s  palace 


224.  Assyrian 
borrowing 
from  abroad 


225-  Intro- 
duction of  for- 
eign plants, 
including 
earliest 
cotton 


226.  Assur- 

banipal’s 

library 


227.  Internal 
decay ; eco- 
nomic and 
agricultural 
decline 


160  Ancient  Times 

plants  from  all  quarters  of  his  great  empire.  Among  them 
were  cotton  trees,  of  which  he  says,  "The  trees  that  bore  wool 
they  clipped  and  they  carded  it  for  garments.”  These  cotton 
trees  came  from  India.  We  thus  see  appearing  for  the  first 
time  in  the  ancient  world  the  cotton  which  now  furnishes  so 
large  a part  of  our  own  national  wealth.^ 

Higher  interests  were  also  cultivated  among  the  Assyrians, 
and  literature  flourished.  Assurbanipal,  grandson  of  Sennach- 
erib, and  the  last  great  Assyrian  emperor,  boasts  that  his 
father  instructed  him  not  only  in  riding  and  shooting  with  bow 
and  arrow  but  also  in  writing  on  clay  tablets  and  in  all  the 
wisdom  of  his  time.  A great  collection  of  twenty-two  thou- 
sand clay  tablets  was  discovered  in  Assurbanipal’s  fallen  library 
rooms  at  Nineveh,  where  they  had  been  lying  on  the  floor  for 
twenty-five  hundred  years.  They  are  now  in  the  British 
Museum.  In  this  library  the  religious,  scientific,  and  literary 
works  of  past  ages  had  been  systematically  collected  by  the 
emperor’s  orders  (Fig.  109).  They  formed  the  earliest  library 
known  in  Asia.  The  Assyrians  ■ were  far  more  advanced  in 
these  matters  than  the  Babylonians,  and  Assyrian  civilization 
was  far  from  being  a mere  echo  of  Babylonian  culture. 

Like  many  another  later  ruler,  however,  the  Assyrian  em- 
perors made  a profound  mistake  in  policy.  For  their  wars  of 
conquest  led  to  the  destruction  of  the  industrial  and  wealth- 
producing  population,  first  within  their  own  territory  and  then 
throughout  the  subject  kingdoms.  In  spite  of  interest  in  intro- 
ducing a new  textile  like  cotton,  the  Assyrian  rulers  did  not 
or  could  not  build  up  industries  or  commerce  like  those  of 
Babylonia.  The  people  were  chiefly  agricultural,  and  in  the 
old  days  it  had  sufficed  to  call  them  from  their  farming  for 
short  periods  to  defend  the  frontiers.  With  the  expansion  of 
the  Empire,  however,  such  temporary  bodies  of  troops  were 
insufficient,  and  the  peasants  were  permanently  taken  from  the 

1 This  cotton  tree  was  doubtless  related  to  the  lower-growing  cotton  plant  of 
our  Southern  states. 


The  Assyrians  and  Chaldeans 


l6l 


Fig.  109.  Portion  of  Old  Babylonian  Story  of  the  Flood 
FROM  AsSURBANIPAL’S  LIBRARY  AT  NINEVEH 

This  large  flat  tablet  was  part  of  an  Assyrian  cuneiform  book  consist- 
ing of  a series  of  such  tablets.  This  flood  story  (§  155)  tells  how  the 
hero,  Ut-napishtim,  built  a great  ship  and  thus  survived  a terrible  flood, 
in  which  all  his  countrymen  perished.  Each  of  these,  clay-tablet  books, 
collected  in  fresh  copies  by  Assurbanipal  for  his  library  (§  226),  bore 
his  "bookmark”  just  like  a book  in  a modern  library.  To  prevent  any- 
one else  from  taking  the  book,  or  writing  his  name  on  it,  the  Assyrian 
king’s  bookmark  contained  the  following  warning : " Whosoever  shall 
carry  off  this  tablet,  or  shall  inscribe  his  name  upon  it  side  by  side  with 
mine  own,  may  Assur  and  Belit  overthrow  him  in  wrath  and  anger,  and 
may  they  destroy  his  name  and  posterity  in  the  land  ” 


fields  to  fill  the  ranks  of  an  ever-growing  standing  army.  It  is 
not  improbable  that  the  ruling  class  were  buying  up  the  small 
farms  to  form  great  estates.  We  learn  of  disused  canals  and 


i62 


Ancient  Times 


228.  Foreign 

levies  in 

the  army ; 

Aramean 

merchants 

controlling 

trade 


229.  Assaults 
from  without: 
the  Chal- 
deans from 
the  desert 


230.  Assaults 

from  without: 

Indo- 

European 

peoples 

from  the 

mountains 


idle  fields  as  we  read  of  Sargon's  efforts  to  restore  the  old 
farming  communities.  Nevertheless,  so  vast  an  expansion  of  the 
Empire  exceeded  the  power  of  the  standing  army  to  defend  it. 

As  reports  of  new  revolts  came  in,  the  harassed  ruler  at 
Nineveh  forced  the  subjects  of  his  foreign  vassal  kingdoms 
to  enter  the  army.  With  an  army  made  up  to  a dangerous 
extent  of  such  foreigners,  with  no  industries,  with  fields  lying 
idle,  with  the  commerce  of  the  country  in  the  hands  of  the 
Aramean  traders  (§  204),  and  Aramean  speech  more  com- 
mon in  the  cities  of  the  Empire,  even  in  Nineveh,  than  that  of 
the  Assyrians  themselves  — under  these  conditions  the  Assyrian 
nation  fast  lost  its  inner  strength. 

In  addition  to  such  weakness  within,  there  were  the  most 
threatening  dangers  from  without.  These  came,  as  of  old, 
from  both  sides  of  the  Eertile  Crescent.  Drifting  in  from  the 
desert,  the  Aramean  hordes  were  constantly  occupying  the 
territory  of  the  Empire.  Sennacherib  in  one  campaign  took 
over  two  hundred  thousand  captives  out  of  Babylonia,  mostly 
Arameans.  At  the  same  time  another  desert  tribe  called  the 
“ Kaldi,”  whom  we  know  as  the  Chaldeans,  had  been  for  cen- 
turies creeping  slowly  around  the  head  of  the  Persian  Gulf  and 
settling  along  its  shores  at  the  foot  of  the  eastern  mountains. 
They  were  Semitic  nomads,  repeating  what  the  Akkadians  had 
done  in  Akkad  (§  166),  the  Amorites  in  Babylon  (§  175),  and 
the  Assyrians  at  Assur  (§  201). 

On  the  other  hand,  in  the  northern  mountains  the  advancing 
hordes  of  Indo-European  peoples  were  in  full  view  (see  Sec- 
tion 21),  led  by  the  tribes  of  the  Medes  and  Persians  (§  251). 
These  movements  shook  the  Assyrian  State  to  its  foundations. 
The  Chaldeans  mastered  Babylonia,  and  then,  in  combination 
with  the  Median  hosts  from  the  northeastern  mountains,  they 
assailed  the  walls  of  Nineveh. 

Weakened  by  a generation  of  decline  within,  and  struggling 
vainly  against  this  combined  assault  from  without,  the  mighty 
city  of  the  Assyrian  emperors  fell  (612  b.c.).  In  the  voice 


The  Assyrians  and  Chaldeans 


163 


of  the  Hebrew  prophet  Nahum  (ii,  8,  13,  and  iii  entire),  we 
hear  an  echo  of  the  exulting  shout  which  resounded  from  the 
Caspian  to  the  Nile  as  the  nations  discovered  that  the  terrible 
scourge  of  the  East  had  at  last  been  laid  low.  Its  fall  was 
forever,  and  when  two  centuries  later  Xenophon  and  his  ten 
thousand  Greeks  marched  past  the  place  (§  630),  the  Assyrian 
nation  was  but  a vague  tradition,  and  Nineveh,  its  great  city, 
was  a vast  heap  of  rubbish  as  it  is  to-day  (Fig.  203).  Even 
Assyrian  speech  passed  away,  and  Aramaic  became  the  tongue 
of  the  region  which  had  once  been  Assyria,  just  as  it  was  also 
to  become  the  language  of  Babylonia  (§  265).  The  second 
great  chapter  of  history  on  the  Two  Rivers  was  ended,  having 
lasted  but  a scant  century  and  a half  (about  750  to  612  b.c.). 

The  fall  of  Assyria,  while  dramatically  sudden  and  tragically 
complete,  nevertheless  left  the  nations  of  Western  Asia  in  a 
very  different  situation  from  that  in  which  the  first  Assyrian 
emperors  had  found  them.  The  rule  of  a single  sovereign  had 
been  enforced  upon  the  whole  great  group  of  nations  around 
the  eastern  end  of  the  Mediterranean,  and  the  methods  of  organ- 
izing such  an  empire  had  been  much  improved.  It  was  really 
in  continuance  of  this  organization  that  the  great  Persian  Em- 
pire was  built  up  (§  260),  sixty-six  years  after  the  fall  of  Assyria. 
The  Assyrian  Empire,  especially  in  its  great  military  organiza- 
tion, marked  a long  step  forward  in  that  gradual  growth  of  the 
idea  of  all-including  world  power,  which  culminated  at  last  in 
the  Roman  Empire.  In  spite  of  its  often  ferocious  harshness, 
the  Assyrian  rule  had  furthered  civilization.  The  building  of  the 
magnificent  palaces  in  and  near  Nineveh  formed  the  first  chapter 
in  great  architecture  in  Asia.  At  the  same  time  Nineveh  pos- 
sessed the  first  libraries  as  yet  known  there.  Finally,  the  Assyrian 
dominion,  as  we  shall  see  (§  307),  created  the  international 
situation  which  enabled  the  Hebrew's  to  gain  the  loftiest  con- 
ceptions of  their  own  God,  as  they  matched  him  against  the 
great  war  god  of  Assyria  • — conceptions  which  have  profoundly 
influenced  the  entire  later  history  of  mankind. 


231.  Fall  of 
Assyria ; 
destruction 
of  Nineveh 
(612  B.c.) 


232.  Progress 
effected  by 
the  Assyrian 
Empire 


Ancient  Times 


233.  Rise  of 
the  Chaldean 
Empire 


234.  Reign  of 
Nebuchad- 
nezzar (604- 
561  B.c.) 


235.  Magnifi- 
cent build- 
ings of 
Chaldean 
Babylon 


164 

Section  20.  The  Chaldean  Empire  : the  Last 
Semitic  Empire 

The  Kaldi,  or  Chaldeans,  the  new  masters  of  Babylonia, 
now  founded  an  empire  whose  brief  career  formed  the  third 
great  chapter  of  history  on  the  Two  Rivers.^  They  were  the 
last  Semitic  lords  of  Babylonia.  The  Chaldeans  made  their 
capital  at  Babylon,  rebuilt  after  its  destruction  by  Sennacherib 
(§  214).  They  gave  their  name  to  the  land,  so  that  we  now 
know  it  as  Chaldea  (from  " Kaldi  ”).  While  they  left  the 
Medes  in  possession  of  the  northern  mountains,  the  empire 
of  the  Chaldeans  included  the  entire  Fertile  Crescent. 

At  Babylon,  Nebuchadnezzar,  the  greatest  of  the  Chaldean 
emperors,  now  (604  B.c.)  began  a reign  of  over  forty  years  — a 
reign  of  such  power  and  magnificence,  especially  as  reflected  to 
us  in  the  Bible,  that  he  has  become  one  of  the  great  figures  of 
oriental  history.  Exasperated  by  the  obstinate  revolts  en- 
couraged by  Egypt  in  the  West,  Nebuchadnezzar  punished 
the  Western  nations,  especially  the  little  Hebrew  kingdom  of 
Judah.  He  finally  carried  away  many  Hebrews  as  captives  to 
Babylonia  and  destroyed  Jerusalem,  their  capital  (586  B. c.). 

In  spite  of  long  and  serious  wars,  the  great  king  found  time 
and  wealth  to  devote  to  the  enlargement  and  beautification  of 
Babylon.  Copying  much  from  Assyria,  Nebuchadnezzar  was 
able  to  surpass  his  Assyrian  predecessors  in  the  splendor  of  the 
great  buildings  which  he  now  erected.  In  the  large  temple 
quarter  in  the  south  of  the  city  he  rebuilt  the  temples  of  the 
long-revered  Babylonian  divinities  (Fig.  206).  Leading  from 

1 The  three  great  chapters  of  history  on  the  Two  Rivers  are : 

1.  Early  Babylonia  (thirty-first  century  to  twenty-first  century  B.c.;  Sargon  I 
about  2750  B.C.,  Hammurapi  about  2100  B.c.).  See  Sections  14-17. 

2.  The  Assyrian  Empire  (about  750  to  612  B.c.).  See  Section  19. 

3.  The  Chaldean  Empire  (about  612  to  539  B.c.).  See  Section  20. 

With  the  exception  of  parts  of  the  first,  these  three  epochs  were  periods  of 
Semitic  pov/er.  To  these  we  might  in  later  times  add  a fourth  period  of  Semitic 
supremacy,  the  triumph  of  Islam  in  the  seventh  century  A.D.,  after  the  death  of 
Mohammed  (§  1154) 


The  I'.gyptian  art  of  covering  walls  with  decorative  designs  in  glazed  tile  or  brick  passed  over  to  Asia.  It  was  em- 
ployed with  magnificent  effect  on  the  walls  of  the  Assyrian  palaces  and  at  Babylon  (Fig.  184,  B)  in  the  Chaldean 
Age.  Nebuchadnezzar’s  festival  avenue  (§  235)  was  inclosed  on  either  side  with  walls  adorned  with  lines  of  lions 

like  this,  leading  up  to  the  Gate  of  Ishtar  (Fig.  no) 


The  Assyrians  and  Chaldeans 


165 


these  to  the  palace,  he  laid  out  a festival  avenue  which  passed 
through  an  imposing  gateway  called  the  ” Ishtar  Gate  ” (Fig. 
no),  for  it  was  dedicated  to  this  goddess.  Behind  it  lay 


the  vast  imperial  palace  and  the  offices  of  government,  while 
high  over  all  towered  the  temple-mount  which  rose  by  the 
Marduk  temple  as  a veritable  "Tower  of  Babel”  (see  § 152). 
Masses  of  rich  tropical  verdure,  rising  in  terrace  upon  terrace, 


Ancient  Times 


1 66 


236.  Extent 
and  modem 
excavation  of 
Chaldean 
Babylon 


forming  a lofty  garden,  crowned  the  roof  of  the  imperial  palace 
and,  overlooking  the  Ishtar  Gate,  enhanced  the  brightness  of 


Fig.  1 10.  The  Ishtar  Gate  of  the 
Palace  Quarter  of  Babylon  in 
the  Chaldean  Empire  (Sixth 
Century  b.c.) 

This  gate,  recently  excavated  by  the 
Germans  (cf.  Fig.  1 1 1),  is  the  most  im- 
portant building  still  standing  in  Baby- 
lon. It  is  not  a restoration  like  Fig.  206. 
The  towers  rising  on  either  side  of  the 
gate  are  adorned  with  the  figures  of 
animals  in  splendidly  colored  glazed 
tile,  as  used  also  in  the  Assyrian  pal- 
aces (Plate  II,  p.  164).  Behind  this  gate 
rose  the  sumptuous  palace  of  Nebu- 
chadnezzar, crowned  by  the  beautiful 
roof  gardens  known  as  the  Hanging 
Gardens  of  Babylon  (§  235) 


its  colors.  Here  in  the  cool 
shade  of  palms  and  ferns, 
inviting  to  luxurious  ease, 
the  great  king  might  enjoy 
an  idle  hour  with  the  ladies 
of  his  court  and  look  down 
upon  the  splendors  of  his 
city.  These  roof  gardens 
of  Nebuchadnezzar’s  pal- 
ace were  the  mysterious 
Hanging  Gardens  of  Baby- 
lon, whose  fame  spread 
far  into  the  West  until 
they  were  numbered  by 
the  Greeks  among  the 
Seven  Wonders  of  the 
World.  Babylon  thus  be- 
came a monumental  city 
like  those  of  Assyria  and 
Egypt  (§  1 13). 

For  the  first  time  Baby- 
lonia saw  a very  large  city. 
It  was  immensely  extended 
by  Nebuchadnezzar,  and 
enormous  fortified  walls 
were  built  to  protect  it,  in- 
cluding one  (above  the 
city)  that  extended  entirely 
across  from  river  to  river. 
It  is  this  Babylon  of  Nebu- 
chadnezzar whose  marvels 
over  a century  later  so  im- 
pressed Herodotus  (§  567), 


The  Assyrians  and  Chaldeans 


167 


as  is  shown  in  the  description  of  the  city  which  he  has  left  us. 
This,  too,  is  the  Babylon  which  has  become  familiar  to  all 
Christian  peoples  as  the  great  city  of  the  Hebrew  captivity 
(Section  31).  Of  all  the  glories  which  made  it  world  renowned 
in  its  time,  little  now  remains.  The  excavations  in  the  city 


Fig.  III.  Begix.xixg  of  the  Excavation  of  Ancient  Babylon 
ON  March  26,  1899 


The  mounds  shown  are  the  rubbish  covering  the  palace  of  Nebuchad- 
nezzar (§  235).  The  palms  in  the  background  fringe  the  Euphrates. 
The  Arab  workmen  in  the  foreground  have  just  uncovered  part  of 
the  pavement  of  Nebuchadnezzar’s  splendid  Festival  Street,  or  pro- 
cessional avenue,  which  connected  the  palace  and  the  Ishtar  Gate 
(Fig.  no)  with  one  of  the  great  temples.  Beneath  all  these  works  of 
Chaldeayt  Babylon  (Section  20)  should  lie  the  remains  of  old  Babylon 
of  Hammurapi’s  age  (Section  17) ; but  Sennacherib’s  destruction  of  the 
city  (§  214)  swept  away  the  older  Babylon.  Since  the  first  day’s  work 
shown  above,  eighteen  years  of  excavation  at  Babylon  have  uncovered 
almost  nothing  older  than  the  city  of  Nebuchadnezzar 

(Fig.  Ill),  which  continued  from  1899  to  1917,  slowly  revealed 
one  building  after  another,  the  scanty  wreckage  of  the  ages. 
These  excavations  revealed  the  Festival  Street  and  the  Ishtar 
Gate  (Fig.  no),  but  the  Ishtar  Gate  is  almost  the  only  build- 
ing in  all  Babylonia  of  which  any  impressive  remains  survive. 
Elsewhere  the  broken  fragments  of  dingy  sun-baked-brick  walls 
suggest  little  of  the  brilliant  life  which  once  ebbed  and  flowed 
through  these  streets  and  public  places. 


i68 


Ancient  Times 


237.  Civili- 
zation of 
Chaldean 
Babylon 


238.  Rise  of 
astronomy 
and  astrology 


239.  Origin 
of  names  of 
the  planets 


The  Chaldeans  seem  to  have  absorbed  the  civilization  of 
Babylonia  in  much  the  same  way  as  other  earlier  Semitic 
invaders  of  this  ancient  plain  (§§  167,  175).  Commerce  and 
business  flourished,  the  arts  and  industries  were  highly  devel- 
oped, religion  and  literature  were  cultivated  and  their  records 
were  put  into  wedge-writing  on  clay  tablets  as  of  old. 

Science  made  notable  progress  in  one  important  branch  — 
astronomy.  The  Babylonians  continued  the  ancient  practice 
of  trying  to  discover  the  future  in  the  heavenly  bodies  (see 
§ 192).  This  art,  which  we  call  "astrology,”  was  now  very 
systematically  pursued  and  was  really  becoming  astronomy. 
The  equator  was  divided  into  360  degrees,  and  for  the  first 
time  the  Chaldean  astrologers  laid  out  the  twelve  groups  of 
stars  which  we  call  the  " Twelve  Signs  of  the  Zodiac.”  Thus 
for  the  first  time  the  sky  and  its  worlds  were  being  mapped  out. 

The  five  planets  then  known  (Mercury,  Venus,  Mars,  Jupiter, 
and  Saturn)  were  especially  regarded  as  the  powers  controlling 
the  fortunes  of  men,  and  as  such  the  five  leading  Babylonian 
divinities  were  identified  with  these  five  heavenly  bodies.  The 
names  of  these  Babylonian  divinities  have  descended  to  us  as 
the  names  of  the  planets.  But  on  their  way  to  us  through 
Europe,  the  ancient  Babylonian  divine  names  were  translated 
into  Roman  forms.  So  the  planet  of  Ishtar,  the  goddess  of 
love,  became  Venus,  while  that  of  the  great  god  Marduk 
became  Jupiter,  and  so  on.  The  celestial  observations  made 
by  these  Chaldean  " astrologers,”  as  we  call  them,  slowly  be- 
came sufficiently  accurate,  so  that  the  observers  could  already 
foretell  an  eclipse.  These  observations  when  inherited  by  the 
Greeks  formed  the  basis  of  the  science  of  astronomy,  which 
the  Greeks  carried  so  much  further  (§  492).  The  practice  of 
astrology  has  survived  to  our  own  day;  we  still  unconsciously 
recall  it  in  such  phrases  as  " his  lucky  star  ” or  an  " ill-starred 
undertaking.” 

We  can  discern  in  the  new  architecture  of  Babylon  how  this 
Chaldean  Age  brought  Babylonia  up  to  the  new  and  higher 


The  Assyrians  and  Chaldeans 


169 


level  of  civilization  attained  by  Assyria.  Nevertheless,  the 
Chaldeans  themselves  fancied  that  they  were  restoring  the 
civilization  of  the  old  Babylonia  of  Hammurapi.  The  scribes 
loved  to  employ  an  ancient  style  of  writing  and  out-of-date 
forms  of  speech ; the  kings  tunneled  deep  under  the  temple 
foundations  and  searched  for  years  that  they  might  find  the 
old  foundation  records  buried  (like  our  corner-stone  documents) 
by  kings  of  ancient  days  (§  160). 

This  dependence  upon  the  past  meant  decline.  After  the 
death  of  Nebuchadnezzar  (561  b.c.),  whose  reign  was  the  high- 
water  mark  of  Chaldean  civilization,  the  old  civilized  lands  of 
the  Orient  seemed  to  have  lost  most  of  their  former  power  to 
go  forward  and  to  make  fresh  discoveries  and  new  conquests 
in  civilization,  such  as  they  had  been  making  during  three  great 
ages  on  the  Nile  and  three  similar  ages  on  the  Two  Rivers. 
Indeed  the  leadership  of  the  Semitic  peoples  in  the  early  world 
was  drawing  near  its  close,  and  they  w'^ere  about  to  give  way 
before  the  advance  of  new  peoples  of  the  Indo-European  race 
(Section  21).  The  nomads  of  the  southern  desert  were  about 
to  yield  to  the  hardy  peoples  of  the  northern  and  eastern  moun- 
tains, and  to  these  we  must  now  turn. 

QUESTIONS 

Section  18.  Where  does  the  second  chapter  of  history  on  the 
Two  Rivers  carry  us?  Describe  the  region  about  Assur.  Who 
founded  Assur,  and  when  ? Whence  did  they  gain  the  beginnings  of 
civilization?  Was  Assur  also  exposed  to  influences  from  the  North? 
What  was  the  result?  Who  were  the  Western  rivals  of  Assur?  Tell 
about  the  Arameans  and  what  they  accomplished.  • What  important 
thing  did  they  carry  throughout  Western  Asia?  What  prevented 
Assyria  from  reaching  the  Mediterranean  ? What  had  Assyrian  civili- 
zation achieved  by  this  time  ? What  has  recent  excavation  discovered 
under  the  palace  of  Assur  ? 

Section  19.  What  city  had  chiefly  prevented  Assyria  from  con- 
quering the  West?  When  was  Damascus  captured  by  Assyria?  What 
was  the  result  in  the  West?  Who  was  the  founder  of  the  leading 


240.  The 
oriental 
revival  of 
the  past 


241.  Decline 
of  the  old 
oriental 
lands 


I/O 


Ancient  Times 


line  of  Assyrian  emperors?  Describe  his  new  city.  What  was  the 
extent  of  the  Assyrian  Empire?  How  was  its  government  carried 
on  ? What  can  you  say  about  Assyrian  warfare  ? about  architecture 
and  sculpture?  Was  all  this  of  Assyrian  origin?  What  can  you  say 
of  the  reign  of  Sennacherib  in  war,  building,  or  any  other  important 
matters?  What  can  you  tell  of  Assurbanipal?  What  dangers  within 
and  without  caused  the  fall  of  Assyria?  What  peoples  destroyed 
Nineveh,  and  when?  What  became  of  the  ruins  of  the  city?  What 
progress  resulted  from  the  rule  of  the  Assyrian  Empire  ? 

Section  20.  What  empire  formed  the  third  chapter  of  history 
on  the  Two  Rivers?  Who  founded  it,  and  when?  Whence  did  they 
come?  Who  was  the  greatest  Chaldean  king?  What  did  he  accom- 
plish in  war?  What  people  did  he  carry  away  captive?  Describe 
his  buildings  at  Babylon.  Had  there  been  any  large  cities  in  Baby- 
lonia before  his  time  ? Whence  did  he  borrow  much  in  the  architec- 
ture of  his  palace?  What  has  become  of  his  buildings?  In  wbat 
science  did  the  Chaldeans  make  great  progress  ? What  astronomical 
names  have  descended  to  us  from  them?  Could  they  predict  an 
eclipse?  To  what  race  did  the  Chaldeans  belong?  What  race  was 
to  follow  them  in  oriental  leadership  ? 

Note.  The  following  sketch  shows  us  a temple  of  the  Assyrians  at  Assur  as 
restored  by  the  excavators.  Behind  the  temple  court  is  the  holy  of  holies,  and  on 
each  side  of  it  rises  a temple  tower  with  a winding  ascent,  after  the  old  Babylonian 
manner  (§  152).  It  was  from  such  towers  that  the  tower  architecture  of  the 
early  world  arose,  eventually  producing  our  own  church  spires,  of  which  the 
Babylonian  temple  tower  was  the  ancestor  (see  Fig.  272). 


CHAPTER  VI 

THE  MEDO-PERSIAN  EMPIRE 

Section  21.  The  Indo-European  Peoples  and 
THEIR  Dispersion  ^ 

We  have  seen  that  the  Arabian  desert  has  been  a great 
reservoir  of  unsettled  population,  w’hich  was  continually  leaving 
the  grasslands  on  the  margin  of  the  desert  and  shifting  over 
into  the  towns  to  begin  a settled  life  (§  135).  Corresponding 
to  these  grasslands  of  the  Soicth,  there  are  similar  grasslands 
in  the  North  (Fig.  1 12).  These  Northern  grasslands  stretch  from 
the  lower  Danube  eastward  along  the  north  side  of  the  Black 
Sea  through  southern  Russia  and  far  into  Asia  north  and  east 

Note.  The  headpiece  above  shows  ancient  fire  altars  still  surviving  in  Persia. 
Near  by  are  the  tombs  of  the  great  Persian  kings  (Fig.  itS)  not  far  from  Persep- 
olis  (Fig.  116),  the  capital  of  Persia,  and  these  kings  doubtless  often  worshiped 
before  the  fires  blazing  on  these  altars. 

1 Section  21  should  be  carefully  worked  over  by  the  teacher  with  the  class 
before  the  class  is  permitted  to  study  it  alone.  The  diagram  (Fig.  112)  should 
be  put  on  the  blackboard  and  explained  in  detail  by  the  teacher,  and  the  class 
should  then  be  prepared  to  put  the  diagram  on  the  board  from  memory.  This 
should  be  done  again  when  the  study  of  the  Greeks  is  begun  (§  370),  and  a 
third  time  when  Italy  and  the  Romans  are  taken  up. 

171 


242.  The 
N orthem 
grasslands 


1/2 


Ancient  Times 


243.  The  two 
lines  — Indo- 
European 
and  Semitic 


244.  The 
struggle  be- 
tween the  two 
lines  — Indo- 
European 
and  Semitic 


of  the  Caspian  (see  map,  p.  678).  In  ancient  times  they  always 
had  a wandering  shepherd  population,  and  time  after  time,  for 
thousands  of  years,  these  Northern  nomads  have  poured  forth 
over  Europe  and  Western  Asia,  just  as  the  desert  Semites  of 
the  South  have  done  over  the  Fertile  Crescent  (§  135). 

These  nomads  of  the  North  were  from  the  earliest  times  a 
great  white  race,  which  we  call  Indo-Eu7-opean.  We  can  perhaps 
best  explain  this  term  by  saying  that  these  Indo-Europeans 
were  the  ancestors  of  the  present  peoples  of  Europe.  As  our 
forefathers  came  from  Europe,  the  Indo-European  nomads 
were  also  our  own  ancestors.  These  nomads  of  the  NortJm'n 
grasslands,  our  ancestors,  began  to  migrate  in  very  ancient 
times,  moving  out  along  diverging  routes.  They  at  last  ex-  C 
tended  in  an  imposing  line  from  the  frontiers  of  India  on  the 
east,  westward  across  all  Europe  to  the  Atlantic,  as  they  do 
to-day  (Fig.  112).  This  great  northern  line  was  confronted  on 
the  south  by  a similar  line  of  Semitic  peoples,  extending  from 
Babylonia  on  the  east,  through  Phoenicia  and  the  Hebrews  west- 
ward to  Carthage  and  similar  Semitic  settlements  of  Phoenicia 
in  the  western  Mediterranean  (§  135,  and  map,  p.  288). 

The  history  of  the  ancient  world,  as  we  are  now  to  follow  it, 
was  largely  made  up  of  the  struggle  between  this  southern  Se7nitic 
line,  which  issued  from  the  Southern  grasslands,  and  the  7iorther7i 
Indo-European  line,  which  came  forth  from  the  Northern  grass- 
lands to  confront  the  older  civilizations  represented  in  the  south- 
ern line.  Thus  as  we  look  at  the  diagram  (Fig.  112)  we  see 
the  two  great  races  facing  each  other  across  the  Mediterranean 
like  two  vast  armies  stretching  from  Western  Asia  westward  to 
the  Atlantic.  The  later  wars  between  Rome  and  Carthage 
(Sections  78,  79)  represent  some  of  the  operations  on  the 
Semitic  left  wing ; while  the  triumph  of  Persia  over  Chaldea 
(Section  23)  is  a similar  outcome  on  the  Semitic  right  wing. 

The  result  of  the  long  conflict  was  the  complete  triumph  of 
our  ancestors,  the  Indo-European  line,  which  conquered  along 
the  center  and  both  wings  and  finally  gained  unchallenged 


NORTHERN  GRASSLANDS 
(Indo-l'liiropean  ParoU  People) 


Indo-European  Line 


Semitic  Line 


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evidently  not  originally  so  in  blood  (§  376) 


174 


Ancient  Ti77tes 


245.  Tri- 
umph of  the 
European 
end  of 
the  Indo- 
European 
line 


246.  The 
Indo- 
European 
parent  people 
and  their 
original  home 


247.  Civili- 
zation of 
the  Indo- 
European 
parent  people 


supremacy  throughout  the  Mediterranean  world  under  the 
Greeks  and  Romans  (Sections  37-98).  This  triumph  was  ac- 
companied by  a long  struggle  for  the  mastery  between  the  mem- 
bers of  the  northern  line  themselves.  Among  them  the  victory 
moved  from  the  east  end  to  the  west  end  of  the  northern  line, 
as  first  the  Persians,  then  the  Greeks,  and  finally  the  Romans, 
gained  control  of  the  Mediterranean  and  oriental  world. 

Let  us  now  turn  back  to  a time  before  the  Indo-European 
people  had  left  their  original  home  on  the  grasslands.  Modern 
study  has  not  yet  determined  with  certainty  the  region  where 
the  parent  people  of  the  Indo-European  nomads  had  their 
home.  The  indications  now  are  that  this  original  home  was 
on  the  great  grassy  steppe  in  the  region  east  and  northeast  of 
the  Caspian  Sea.  Here,  then,  probably  lived  the  parent  peo- 
ple of  all  the  later  Indo-European  race.  At  the  time  when  they 
were  still  one  people,  they  were  speaking  one  and  the  same 
tongue.  From  this  tongue  have  descended  all  the  languages 
later  spoken  by  the  civilized  peoples  of  modern  Europe,  includ- 
ing, of  course,  our  own  English,  as  we  shall  see. 

Before  they  dispersed,  the  parent  people  were  stiU  in  the 
Stone  Age  for  the  most  part,  though  copper  was  beginning  to 
come  in,  and  the  time  must  therefore  have  been  not  later  than 
2500  B.  c.  Divided  into  numerous  tribes,  they  wandered  at  will, 
seeking  pasture  for  their  flocks,  for  they  already  possessed 
domestic  animals,  including  cattle  and  sheep.  But  chief  among 
their  domesticated  beasts  was  the  horse,  which,  as  we  recall, 
was  still  entirely  unknown  to  the  civilized  oriental  nations 
until  after  Hammurapi’s  time  (see  § 197).  They  employed 
him  not  only  for  riding  but  also  for  drawing  their  wheeled 
carts.  The  ox  already  bore  the  yoke  and  drew  the  plow,  for 
some  of  the  tribes  had  adopted  a settled  mode  of  life,  and 
cultivated  grain,  especially  barley.  Being  without  writing,  they 
possessed  but  little  government  and  organization.  But  they 
were  the  most  gifted  and  the  most  highly  imaginative  people 
of  the  ancient  world. 


The  Medo-Pcrsiaii  Empire 


175 


As  their  tribes  wandered  farther  and  farther  apart  they  lost 
contact  with  each  other.  Local  peculiarities  in  speech  and  cus- 
toms became  more  and  more  marked,  until  wide  differences 
resulted.  While  at  first  the  different  groups  could  doubtless 
understand  one  another  when  they  met,  these  differences  in 
speech  gradually  became  so  great  that  the  widely  scattered 
tribes,  even  if  they  happened  to  meet,  could  no  longer  make 
themselves  understood,  and  finally  they  lost  all  knowledge 
of  their  original  kinship.  This  kinship  has  only  been  redis- 
covered in  ver\'  recent  times.  The  final  outcome,  in  so  far  as 
speech  was  concerned,  was  the  languages  of  modern  civilized 
Europe  ; so  that,  beginning  with  England  in  the  West  and  going 
eastward,  we  can  trace  more  than  one  common  word  from 
people  to  people  entirely  across  Europe  into  northern  India. 
Note  the  following : 


248.  The 
dispersion  of 
the  Indo- 
European 
parent  people 


WEST 

>■ 

EAST 

English 

German 

Latin 

Greek 

Old  Persian 
and  Avestan 

East  Indian 
(Sanskrit) 

brother 

bruder 

frater 

phrater 

bratar 

bhratar 

mother 

mutter 

mater 

meter 

matar 

matar 

father 

voter 

pater 

pater 

pitar 

pitar 

In  the  West  these  wanderers  from  the  Northern  grasslands  had 
already  crossed  the  Danube  and  were  far  down  in  the  Balkan 
peninsula  by  2000  B.c.  Some  of  them  had  doubtless  already 
entered  Italy  by  this  time  (§  775),  illustrating  what  we  learned 
in  stud}ing  Stone  Age  Europe,  about  the  shifting  habits  of 
shepherd  or  nomad  peoples,  as  they  drive  their  flocks  from 
pasture  to  pasture  (§  35).  These  Western  tribes  were,  of  course, 
the  ancestors  of  the  Greeks  and  Romans.  We  shall  later  join 
them  and  follow  them  in  their  conquest  of  the  Mediterranean 
(Sections  37—98).  Before  doing  so,  however,  we  have  to  watch 
the  eastern  wing  of  the  vast  Indo-European  line  as  it  swings 
southward  and  comes  into  collision  with  the  right  wdng  of  the 
Semitic  line. 


176 


Ancient  Times 


249.  The 
Aryans ; the 
advance  of 
the  eastern 
wing  of 
the  Indo- 
European 
line 


250.  Sanskrit- 
speaking 
tribes  in 
India 


251.  Medes 
and  Persians 
further  west 
toward  the 
Fertile 
Crescent 


Section  22.  The  Aryan  Peoples  and  the  Iranian 
Prophet  Zoroaster 

It  is  now  an  established  fact  that  the  easternmost  tribes  of  the 
Indo-European  line,  having  left  the  parent  people,  were  pastur- 
ing their  herds  in  the  great  steppe  on  the  east  of  the  Caspian  by 
about  2000  B.  c.  Here  they  formed  a people  properly  called  the 
Aryans  ^ (see  Fig..  1 12),  and  here  they  made  their  home  for  some 
time.  The  Aryan  people  had  no  writing,  and  they  have  left  no 
monuments.  Nevertheless,  the  beliefs  of  their  descendants  show 
that  the  Aryan  tribes  already  possessed  a high  form  of  religion, 
which  summed  up  conduct  as  " good  thoughts,  good  deeds.” 
Fire  occupied  an  important  place  in  this  faith,  and  they  had  a 
group  of  priests  whom  they  called  " fire-kindlers.” 

When  the  Aiyans  broke  up,  perhaps  about  1800  b.c.,  they 
separated  into  two  groups.  The  Eastern  tribes  wandered  south- 
eastward and  eventually  arrived  in  India.  In  their  sacred  books, 
which  we  call  the  Vedas,  written  in  Sanskrit,  there  are  echoes 
of  the  days  of  Aryan  unity,  and  they  furnish  many  a hint  of  the 
ancient  Aryan  home  on  the  east  of  the  Caspian. 

The  other  group,  whose  tribes  kept  the  name  " Aryan  ” in  the 
form  " Iran,”  ^ also  left  this  home  and  pushed  westward  and 
southwestward  into  the  mountains  bordering  our  Fertile  Crescent 
(§  133)-  We  call  them  Iranians,  and  among  them  were  two 

1 The  Indo-European  parent  people  apparently  had  no  common  name  for 
all  their  tribes  as  a great  group.  The  term  " Aryan  ” is  often  popularly  applied  to 
the  parent  people,  but  this  custom  is  incorrect.  "Aryan”  (from  which  " Iran”  and 
" Iranian”  are  later  derivatives)  designated  a group  of  tribes,  a fragment  of  the 
parent  people,  which  detached  itself  and  found  a home  for  some  centuries  just 
east  of  the  Caspian  Sea.  When  we  hear  the  term  " Aryan  ” applied  to  the  Indo- 
European  peoples  of  Europe,  or  when  it  is  said  that  we  ourselves  are  descended 
from  the  Aryans,  we  must  remember  that  this  use  of  the  word  is  historically  in- 
correct, though  very  common.  The  Aryans,  then,  were  Eastern  descendants  of 
the  Indo-European  parent  people,  as  we  are  Western  descendants  of  the  parent 
people.  The  Aryans  are  our  distant  cousins  but  not  our  ancestors. 

2 They  have  given  their  name  to  the  great  Iranian  plateau,  which  stretches 
from  the  Zagros  Mountains  eastward  to  the  Indus  River.  This  whole  region  was 
known  in  Greek  and  Roman  days  as  Ariana,  which  (like  " Iran  ”)  is,  of  course, 
derived  from  " Aryan  ” (see  map,  p.  434). 


The  Medo-Persian  Empire 


177 


powerful  tribes,  the  Medes  and  the  Persians.^  We  recall  how, 
in  the  days  of  Assyria’s  imperial  power  the  Medes  descended 
from  the  northern  mountains  against  Nineveh  (§  230).  This 
southern  advance  of  the  Indo-European  eastern  wing  was  thps 
overwhelming  the  Semitic  right  wing  (Fig.  112)  occupying  the 
Fertile  Crescent. 

By  600  B.C.,  after  the  fall  of  Assyria  (§  231),  the  Medes  had 
established  a powerful  Iranian  empire  in  the  mountains  east  of 
the  Tigris.  It  extended  from  the  Persian  Gulf,  where  it  included 
the  Persians,  northwestward  in  the  general  line  of  the  mountains 
to  the  Black  Sea  region.  The  front  of  the  Indo-European  east- 
ern wing  was  thus  roughly  parallel  with  the  Tigris  at  this  point, 
but  its  advance  was  not  to  stop  here.  Nebuchadnezzar  (§  234) 
and  the  Chaldean  masters  of  Babylon  looked  with  anxious 
eyes  at  this  dangerous  Median  power.  The  Chaldeans  on  the 
Euphrates  represented  the  leadership  of  men  of  Semitic  blood 
from  the  sotithern  pastures.  Their  leadership  was  now  to  be 
followed  by  that  of  men  of  Indo-European  blood  from  the 
northern  pastures  (§  242).  As  we  see  the  Chaldeans  giving 

a 

way  before  the  Medes  and  Persians  (§  261),  let  us  bear  in 
mind  that  we  are  watching  a great  racial  change,  and  remember 
that  these  new  Iranian  masters  of  the  East  were  our  kindred ; 
for  both  we  and  they  have  descended  from  the  same  wander- 
ing shepherd  ancestors,  the  Indo-European  parent  people,  who 
once  dwelt  in  the  far-off  pastures  of  inner  Asia,  probably  five 
thousand  years  ago. 

All  of  these  Iranians  possessed  a beautiful  religion  inherited 
from  old  Aryan  days  (see  § 249).  Somewhere  in  the  east- 
ern mountains,  as  far  back  as  1000  b.c.,  an  Iranian  named 
Zoroaster  began  to  look  out  upon  the  life  of  men  in  an  effort 
to  find  a new  religion  which  would  meet  the  needs  of  man’s 
life.  He  watched  the  ceaseless  struggle  between  good  and  evil 


252.  The 

Median 

(Indo- 

European) 

Empire 

threatens 

Chaldean 

(Semitic) 

Babylonia 


253.  The 
religion  of 
the  Iranians 


1 About  2100  B.C.,  in  the  age  of  Hammurapi,  long  before  the  Iranians  reached 
the  Fertile  Crescent,  their  coming  was  announced  in  advance  by  the  arrival  of 
the  horse  in  Babylonia  (see  § 197). 


178 


Ancient  Times 


254-  Judg- 
ment here- 
after 


255.  Zoroas- 
ter preaches 
his  new 
religion 


which  seemed  to  meet  him  wherever  he  turned.  To  him  it 
seemed  to  be  a struggle  between  a group  of  good  beings  on  the 
one  hand  and  of  evil  powers  on  the  other.  The  Good  became 
to  him  a 'divine  person,  whom  he  called  Mazda,  or  Ahura- 
mazda,  which  means  " Lord  of  Wisdom  ” and  whom  he  re- 
garded as  God.  Ahuramazda  was  surrounded  by  a group  of 
helpers  much  like  angels,  of  whom  one  of  the  greatest  was  the 
Light,  called  " Mithras.”  Opposed  to  Ahuramazda  and  his 
helpers  it  was  finally  believed  there  was  an  evil  group  led  by 
a great  Spirit  of  Evil  named  Ahriman.  It  was  he  who  later 
was  inherited  by  Jews  and  Christians  as  Satan. 

Thus  the  faith  of  Zoroaster  grew  up  out  of  the  struggle  of 
life  itself,  and  became  a great  power  in  life.  It  was  one  of  the 
noblest  religions  ever  founded.  It  called  upon  every  man  to 
stand  on  one  side  or  the  other;  to  fill  his  soul  with  the  Good 
and  the  Light  or  to  dwell  in  the  Evil  and  the  Darkness.  What- 
ever course  a man  pursued,  he  must  expect  a judgment  here- 
after. This  was  the  earliest  appearance  in  Asia  of  belief  in  a last 
judgment.  Zoroaster  maintained  the  old  Aryan  veneration  of  fire 
(§  249)  as  a visible  symbol  of  the  Good  and  the  Light,  and  he 
preserved  the  ancient  fire-kindling  priests  (headpiece,  p.  171). 

Zoroaster  went  about  among  the  Iranian  people,  preaching  his 
new  religion,  and  probably  for  many  years  found  but  little 
response  to  his  efforts.  We  can  discern  his  hopes  and  fears 
alike  in  the  little  group  of  hymns  he  has  left,  probably  the  only- 
words  of  the  great  prophet  which  have  survived.  It  is  charac- 
teristic of  the  horse-loving  Iranians  that  Zoroaster  is  said  to 
have  finally  converted  one  of  their  great  kings  by  miraculously  ' 

healing  the  king’s  crippled  horse.  The  new  faith  had  gained  a 1 

firm  footing  before  the  prophet’s  death,  however,  and  before  j 

700  B.c.  it  was  the  leading  religion  among  the  Medes  in  the  1 

mountains  along  the  Fertile  Crescent. '■  Thus  Zoroaster  became 
the  first  great  founder  of  a religious  faith.  j 

As  in  the  case  of  Mohammed,  it  is  probable  that  Zoroaster  I; 
could  neither  read  nor  write,  for  the  Iranians  possessed  no 


The  Medo-Persian  Empire 


179 


system  of  writing  in  his  day  (see  § 266).  Besides  the  hymns 
mentioned  above,  fragments  of  his  teaching  have  descended  to 
us  in  writings  put  together  in  the  early  Christian  centuries,  over 
a thousand  years  after  the  prophet’s  death.  They  form  a book 
known  as  the  Avesta.  This  we  may  call  the  Bible  of  the  Persians. 

Section  23.  Rise  of  the  Persian  Empire  : Cyrus 

No  people  became  more  zealous  followers  of  Zoroaster  than 
the  group  of  Iranian  tribes  known  as  the  Persians.  Through 
them  a knowledge  of  him  has  descended  to  us.  At  the  fall  of 
Nineveh  (612  b.  c.)  (§  231)  they  were  already  long  settled  in 
the  region  at  the  southeastern  end  of  the  Zagros  Mountains, 
just  north  of  the  Persian  Gulf.  Its  shores  are  here  little  better 
than  desert,  but  the  valleys  of  the  mountainous  hinterland  are 
rich  and  fertile.  Here  the  Persians  occupied  a district  some 
four  hundred  miles  long.  They  were  a rude  mountain  peasant 
folk,  leading  a settled  agricultural  life,  with  simple  institutions, 
no  art,  no  writing  or  literature,  but  with  stirring  memories  of 
their  past.  As  they  tilled  their  fields  and  watched  their  flocks 
they  told  many  a tale  of  their  Aiy^an  ancestors  and  of  the 
ancient  prophet  whose  faith  they  held. 

They  acknowledged  themselves  vassals  of  their  kinsmen  the 
Medes,  who  ruled  far  to  the  north  and  northwest  of  them. 
One  of  their  tribes  dwelling  in  the  mountains  of  Elam  (see 
map,  p.  102),  a tribe  known  as  Anshan,  was  organized  as  a 
little  kingdom.  About  sixty  years  after  the  fall  of  Nineveh  this 
little  kingdom  of  Anshan  wa§  ruled  over  by  a Persian  named 
Cyrus.  He  succeeded  in  uniting  the  other  tribes  of  his  kindred 
Persians  into  a nation.  Thereupon  Cyrus  at  once  rebelled 
against  the  rule  of  the  Medes.  He  gathered  his  peasant 
soldiery,  and  within  three  years  he  defeated  the  Median  king 
and  made  himself  master  of  the  Median  territory.  The  ex- 
traordinary career  of  Cyrus  was  now  a spectacle  upon  which 
all  eyes  in  the  West  were  fastened  with  wonder  and  alarm. 


256.  The 

Avesta,  the 
Persian  Bible 


257.  The 
emergence  of 
the  Persians ; 
their  land  and 
traditions 


258.  Cyrus 
of  Anshan 
organizes 
the  Persian 
tribes  into  a 
nation  and 
conquers 
the  Medes 


i8o 


Ancient  Times 


259.  The 
Persian  army 


260.  Cyrus 
conquers 
the  West 


The  overflowing  energies  of  the  new  conqueror  and  his 
peasant  soldiery  proved  irresistible.  The  Persian  peasants  seem 
to  have  been  remarkable  archers.  The  mass  of  the  Persian 


Fig.  1 13.  Persian  Soldiers 

Although  carrying  spears  when  doing  duty 
as  palace  guards,  these  men  were  chiefly 
archers  (§  259),  as  is  shown  by  the  size  of 
the  large  quivers  on  their  backs.  The  bow 
hangs  on  the  left  shoulder.  The  royal  body- 
guard may  also  be  seen  wielding  their  spears 
around  the  Persian  king  at  the  battle  of 
Issus  (Fig.  202).  Notice  the  splendid  robes 
worn  by  these  palace  guards.  The  figures 
are  done  in  brightly  colored  glazed  brick  — ■ 
an  art  borrowed  by  the  Persians  (see  Plate  II, 
p.  164)  and  employed  to  beautify  the  palace 
walls.  The  restoration  in  Fig.  204  shows 
such  a frieze  of  archers  in  position  along 
the  wall  of  the  palace  court 


army  was  made  up 
of  bowmen  (Fig.  1 1 3), 
whose  storm  of  arrows 
at  long  range  over- 
whelmed the  enemy 
long  before  the  hand- 
to-hand  fighting  be- 
gan. Bodies  of  the 
skillful  Persian  horse- 
men, hovering  on 
either  wing,  then  rode 
in  and  completed  the 
destruction  of  the  foe. 
'These  arrangements 
were  taken  by  the 
Persians  from  the  As- 
syrians, the  greatest 
soldiers  the  East  had 
ever  seen. 

The  great  states 
Babylonia  (Chaldea) 
and  Egypt,  Lydia  un- 
der King  Croesus  in 
western  Asia  Minor 
(§  497),  and  even 
Sparta  in  Greece 
(§  426)  formed  a 
powerful  combination 
against  this  sudden 
menace,  which  had 
risen  like  the  flash 
of  a meteor  in  the 


The  Medo-Persian  Empire 


l8l 


eastern  sky.  Without  an  instant’s  delay  Cyrus  struck  at  Croesus 
of  Lydia,  the  chief  author  of  the  hostile  combination.  One 
Persian  victory  followed  after  another.  By  546  b.c.  Sardis, 
the  Lydian  capital  (Fig.  173),  had  fallen,  and  Croesus,  the 
Lydian  king,  w’as  a prisoner  in  the  hands  of  Cyrus.  Cyrus  at 
once  gained  also  the  southern  coasts  of  Asia  Minor.  Within 
five  years  the  power  of  the  little  Persian  kingdom  in  the 
mountains  of  Elam  had  swept  across  Asia  Minor  to  the  Mediter- 
ranean and  had  become  the  leading  state  in  the  oriental  world. 


Fig.  1 14.  Barrel-Shaped  Clay  Record  of  the  Capture  of 
Babylon  by  Cyrus  (539  b.c.) 

It  tells  how  " without  battle  and  without  fighting  Marduk  [God  of 
Babylon]  made  him  [Cyrus]  enter  into  his  city  of  Babylon ; he  spared 
Babylon  tribulation,  and  Nabonidus  the  [Chaldean]  king  who  feared 
him  not,  he  delivered  into  his  hand.”  Nabonidus,  the  Chaldean  king  of 
Babylon,  was  not  in  favor  with  the  priests,  and  they  assisted  in  deliver- 
ing the  city  to  Cyrus 

Turning  eastward  again,  Cyrus  had  no  trouble  in  defeating  261.  Cyrus 
the  Chaldean  army  led  by  the  young  crown  prince  Belshazzar,  B°abyyonia 
whose  name  in  the  Book  of  Daniel  (see  Dan.  v)  is  a household  (Chaldea) 
word  throughout  the  Christian  world.  In  spite  of  the  vast  walls 
erected  by  Nebuchadnezzar  to  protect  Babylon  (§  236),  the 
Persians  entered  the  great  city  in  539  b.c.,  seemingly  without 
resistance  (Fig.  114). 

Thus  only  seventy-three  years  after  the  fall  of  Nineveh  (§231) 
had  opened  the  conflict  between  the  former  dwellers  in  the 
Northern  and  the  Southern  grasslands,  the  Semitic  East 


i82 


Ancient  Times 


262.  Collapse 
of  the  Semitic 
East  before 
the  Indo- 
European 
assault 


263.  Cam- 
byses  con- 
quers Egypt ; 
Persia  rules 
whole  civi- 
lized East 


264.  Persian 
kings  at 
Babylon 
absorb  civili- 
zation of  the 
East  they 
rule 


completely  collapsed  before  the  advance  of  the  Indo-European 
power.  Some  ten  years  later  Cyrus  fell  in  battle  (528  b.c.) 
as  he  was  fighting  with  the  nomads  in  northeastern  Iran.  His 
body  was  reverently  laid  away  in  a massive  tomb  of  impressive 
simplicity  at  Pasargadae  (Fig.  115),  where  Cyrus  himself  had 
established  the  capital  of  Persia.  Thus  passed  away  the  first 
great  conqueror  of  Indo-European  blood. 

All  Western  Asia  was  now  subject  to  the  Persian  king ; but 
in  525  B.C.,  only  three  years  after  the  death  of  Cyrus,  his  son 
Cambyses  conquered  Egypt.  This  conquest  of  the  only  remain- 
ing ancient  oriental  power  rounded  out  the  Persian  Empire  to 
include  the  whole  civilized  East  from  the  Nile  Delta,  around 
the  entire  eastern  end  of  the  Mediterranean  to  the  JEgean, 
and  from  this  western  boundary  eastward  almost  to  India. 
The  great  task  had  consumed  just  twenty-five  years  since  the 
overthrow  of  the  Medes  by  Cyrus.  It  was  an  achievement  for 
which  the  Assyrian  Empire  had  prepared  the  way,  and  the 
Persians  were  now  to  learn  much  from  the  great  civilizations 
which  had  preceded  them. 

Section  24.  The  Civilization  of  the  Persian 
Empire  (about  530  to  330  b.c.) 

The  Persians  found  Babylon  a great  and  splendid  city,  with 
the  vast  fortifications  of  Nebuchadnezzar  stretching  from  river 
to  river  and  his  sumptuous  buildings  visible  far  across  the  Baby- 
lonian plain  (§§  235-236).  The  city  was  the  center  of  the 
commerce  of  Western  Asia  and  the  greatest  market  in  the  early 
oriental  world.  Along  the  Nile  the  Persian  emperors  now  ruled 
the  splendid  cities  whose  colossal  monuments  we  have  visited. 
These  things  and  the  civilized  life  which  the  Persians  found 
along  the  Nile  and  the  Euphrates  soon  influenced  them  greatly, 
as  we  shall  see. 

Aramaic,  the  speech  of  the  Aramean  merchants  who  filled 
the  busy  market  places  of  Babylon,  had  by  that  time  become 


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The  Medo-Persian  Empire 


183 


the  language  of  the  whole  Fertile  Crescent.  Business  docu- 
ments were  now  written  in  Aramaic  with  pen  and  ink  on 
papyrus,  and  clay  tablets  bearing  cuneiform  writing  were  slowly 
disappearing.  The  Persian  officials  were  therefore  obliged  to 
carry  on  their  government  business,  like  the  collection  of  taxes, 
in  the  Aramaic  tongue  throughout  the  western  half  of  the  Per- 
sian Empire.  Even  as  far  as  the  Nile  and  western  Asia  Minor, 
they  sent  out  their  government  documents  in  Aramaic,  this 
universal  language  of  business  (Fig.  13 1). 

The  government  of  the  Persian  kings,  like  that  of  the 
Assyrian  Empire,  was  thus  "bilingual”  (§  206),  by  which  we 
mean  that  it  employed  two  languages  — Aramaic  and  the 
old  Persian  tongue.  Even  in  writing  Persian,  the  Persians 
often  employed  Aramaic  letters,  as  we  write  English  with 
Roman  letters.  At  the  same  time,  having  probably  gained 
from  Aramaic  writing  the  idea  of  an  alphabet,  the  Persian 
scribes  devised  another  alphabet,  of  thirty-nine  cuneiform  signs, 
which  they  employed  for  writing  Persian  on  clay  tablets. 
They  also  used  it  when  they  wished  to  make  records  on  large 
monuments  of  stone  (Pig.  ny).  Thus  the  Persians,  who  had 
been  so  long  entirely  without  writing,  began  to  make  enduring 
written  records  after  they  entered  the  Fertile  Crescent.  These 
monuments  are  the  earliest  Persian  documents  which  have 
descended  to  us. 


265.  Ara- 
maic becomes 
the  language 
of  Persian 
administra- 
tion in  the 
West 


266.  Persians 
devise  a 
cuneiform 
alphabet 


* This  royal  stairway,  the  finest  surviving  from-  the  ancient  world, 
was  laid  out  by  Darius  and  finished  by  Xerxes.  A proud  inscription  of 
Darius  cut  in  cuneiform  on  the  wall  of  the  stairway  looks  down  upon 
the  visitor.  It  reads  : " Darius  the  king  saith : ' This  land  of  Persia, 
which  Ahuramazda  has  entrusted  to  me,  the  land  that  is  beautiful,  that 
hath  good  people  and  fine  horses, — by  the  will  of  Ahuramazda  and  my 
will,  it  fears  no  enemy.’  ” The  terrace  wall  is  from  30  to  50  feet  high, 
but  the  steps  of  the  grand  stairway  are  so  low  that  a horse  may  be 
easily  ridden  up  the  steps  to  the  terrace.  Leading  from  the  stairway  is 
the  magnificent  gate  built  by  Xerxes,  guarded  on  either  hand  by  huge 
winged  bulls,  an  art  symbol  borrowed  by  Persia  from  Assyria.  Beyond 
the  gate  still  rise  two  splendid  columns  of  the  imposing  colonnade 
erected  by  Xerxes  to  adorn  this  entrance. 


P'lG.  1 1 7.  Triumphal  Monument  of  Darius  the  Great,  the 
Rosetta  Stone  of  Asia,  on  the  Cliff  of  Behistun 

This  impressive  monument  is  the  most  important  historical  document 
surviving  in  Asia.  It  is  made  up  of  four  important  parts  : the  relief 
sculptures  (A)  and  the  three  inscriptions  (B,  C,  D).  B is  a great  inscrip- 
tion, in  columns  some  1 2 feet  high,  recording  the  triumph  of  Darius  over 
ail  his  enemies  in  the  extensive  revolts  which  followed  his  coronation. 
It  is  in  the  Persian  language,  written  with  the  new  cuneiform  alphabet  of 
thirty-nine  letters  which  the  Persians  devised  (§  266).  The  other  two  in- 
scriptions (C  and  B)  are  translations  of  the  Persian  {B).  C therefore 
contains  the  same  record  as  the  Persian  (B) ; but  it  is  in  the  Babylonian 
language  and  is  written  in  Babylonian  cuneiform  with  its  several  hun- 
dred wedge;signs  (§  149).  D,  the  third  inscription,  is  also  cuneiform, 
in  the  language  of  the  region  of  Susa,  and  hence  is  called  Suslan.  Thus 
the  Great  King  published  his  triumph  in  the  three  most  important 
languages  of  this  eastern  region  and  placed  the  record  overlooking  a 
main  road  at  Behistun  (see  map,  p.  434)  where  the  men  of  the  caravans 
passing  between  Babylon  and  the  Iranian  Plateau  would  look  up  300  feet 
and  see  the  splendid  monument  25  feet  high  and  50  feet  wide.  To  reach 
it  requires  a dangerous  climb,  and  it  was  on  this  lofty  cliff,  at  the  risk 
of  his  life,  that  Sir  Henry  Rawlinson  copied  all  three  of  these  cunei- 
form inscriptions  (1835-1847).  By  the  use  of  these  copies  Rawlinson 
succeeded  in  deciphering  the  ancient  Babylonian  cuneiform  (§§  282- 
283) ; and  this  great  monument  of  Darius  therefore  enabled  modern 
historians  to  recover  the  lost  language  and  history  of  Babylonia  and 
Assyria.  It  did  for  Western  Asia  what  the  Rosetta  Stone  did  for  Egypt. 

(Drawn  from  photographs  of  the  British  Museum  Expedition) 

184 


N 


Sequence  Map  showing  Expansion  of  the  Oriental  Empires  for  a Thousand  Years  (from  about 
1500  TO  500  B.C.).  In  Four  Parts.  (See  Map  III  and  Map  IV  following) 


SEQUENCE  Map  showing  Expansion  of  the  Oriental  Empires  for  a Thousand  Years  (from  arout 
1500  TO  500  li.c.).  In  f’ouR  Parts.  (See  Map  I and  Map  II  preceding) 


The  Medo-Persian  Empire 


185 


The  organization  of  such  a vast  empire,  stretching  from  the 
Indus  River  to  the  ^gean  Sea  (almost  as  long  as  the  United 
States  from  east  to  west)  and  from  the  Indian  Ocean  to  the 
deserts  of  the  Caspian,  was  a colossal  task.  It  demanded  an 
effort  of  organization  on  a greater  scale  than  any  ruler  had  eVer 
attempted  before.  It  was  much  too  great  an  undertaking  to  be 
completed  by  Cyrus.  Begun  by  him,  it  was  carried  through  by 
Darius  the  Great  (521-485  b.  c.),  and  his  organization  remains/^ 
one  of  the  most  remarkable  achievements  in  the  history  of  the 
ancient  Orient,  if  not  of  the  world.  The  rule  of  Darius  was  just, 
humane,  and  intelligent,  but  the  subject  peoples  had  of  course 
no  voice  in  government.  All  that  the  Great  King  decreed  was 
law,  and  all  the  peoples  bowed  to  his  word.  Darius  says  in  the 
Behistun  inscription  (Fig.  117),  " By  the  grace  of  Ahuramazda 
these  lands  have  conformed  to  my  decree ; even  as  it  was  com- 
manded unto  them  by  me,  so  was  it  done.”  Let  us  therefore 
notice  an  important  fact  here  revealed : this  system  was  not 
only  attempting  government  on  a larger  scale  than  the  world 
had  ever  seen  before,  but  it  was  government  controlled  by  one 
man.  The  ancient  world  never  forgot  the  example  of  the  vast 
Persian  Empire  controlled  by  one-man  power. 

Darius  did  not  desire  further  conquests,  but  he  planned  to  268.  The 

PciTSiSLIl 

maintain  the  Empire  as  he  had  inherited  it.  He  caused  himself  provincial 
to  be  made  actual  king  in  Eg^'pt  and  in  Babylonia,  but  the 
rest  of  the  Empire  he  divided  into  twenty  provinces,  each 
called  a " satrapy,”  each  province  being  under  a governor 
called  a "satrap,”  who  was  appointed  by  the  Great  King,  as 
the  Persian  sovereign  came  to  be  called.  These  arrangements, 
while  similar  to  those  of  the  Chaldean,  Assyrian,  and  Egyptian 
empires,  were  a further  development  of  provincial  rule  under 
governors.  Indeed  the  Persian  Empire  was  the  first  example 
of  a fully  organized  group  of  subject  peoples  and  nations  ruled 
as  provinces,  an  arrangement  which  we  may  call  a provincial 
system.  The  subject  nations,  or  provinces  under  Persian  rule, 
enjoyed  a good  deal  of  independence  in  local  matters  of  their 


267.  Organi- 
zation of  the 
Persian 
Empire  by 
Darius 


Ancient  Times 


1 86 


269.  Lands, 
tribute,  and 
coinage 


270.  Darius 
turns  to  the 
sea 


own  government,  as  long  as  they  paid  regular  tribute  and 
furnished  recruits  for  the  Great  King’s  army.  To  discover  and 
prevent  local  rebellion,  the  revolt  of  a governor  or  people  against 
the  Persian  government,  the  Great  King  kept  officials  residing 
in  each  subject  state,  who  were  called,  after  an  old  Egyptian 
custom,  the  King’s  Ears  or  the  King’s  Eyes,  and  whose  duty 
was  to  report  all  insubordination.  All  this  was  an  advance  upon 
the  rule  of  the  Assyrian  Empire. 

Farm  lands  were  divided  into  vast  domains  held  by  powerful 
nobles  and  other  great  landowners.  There  were  few  small 
land-owning  farmers.  All  paid  dues  to  help  make  up  the  tribute 
collected  from  all  parts  of  the  Empire.  In  the  East  it  was  paid, 
as  of  old,  in  produce  (§§75  and  189).  In  the  West,  chiefly  Lydia 
and  the  Greek  settlements  in  western  Asia  Minor  (§  375),  the 
coinage  of  metal  was  common  by  600  B.c.  (§  458),  and  there 
this  tribute  was  paid  in  coined  money.  The  Eastern  countries  — 
Egypt,  Babylonia,  and  Persia  herself  — were  not  quick  to  adopt 
this  new  convenience.  Darius,  however,  began  the  coinage  of 
gold  and  permitted  his  satraps  to  coin  silver.  The  rate  was 
about  thirteen  to  one,  that  is  to  say,  gold  was  worth  about 
thirteen  times  as  much  as  silver.  Thus  the  great  commercial 
convenience  of  coined  money  issued  by  the  State  began  to 
come  into  the  Orient  during  the  Persian  period. 

Nothing  shows  the  wise  statesmanship  of  Darius  the  Great 
more  clearly  than  his  remarkable  efforts  to  make  Persia  a 
great  sea  power.  It  was  no  easy  task  for  an  inland  nation 
of  shepherds  and  peasants  like  the  Persians,  separated  from 
the  water  by  desert  shores,  to  gain  control  of  the  sea.  The 
endeavors  of  Darius  in  this  direction  may  be  compared  with 
the  policy  of  the  German  emperor  in  building  up  a strong 
navy.  Unlike  Emperor  William,  however,  Darius  was  obliged 
to  employ  foreign  navigators.  He  dispatched  a skillful  Medi- 
terranean sailor  named  Scylax  to  explore  the  course  of  the 
great  Indus  River  in  India.  Then  Darius  ordered  him  to  sail 
along  the  coast  of  Asia  from  the  mouth  of  the  Indus  westward 


The  Medo-Persiati  Empire 


187 


to  the  Isthmus  of  Suez.  Scyla.x  was  the  first  Western  sailor 
known  to  have  sailed  along  this  south  coast  of  Asia,  so  little 
known  at  that  time  (about  500  b. c.). 

At  Suez,  Darius  restored  the  ancient  but  long  filled-up  canal 
of  the  Egyptians  connecting  the  Nile  with  the  Red  Sea  (§  104). 
Along  the  ancient  route  of  this  canal  have  been  found  frag- 
ments of  great  stone  tablets  erected  by  Darius  (see  map,  p.  36). 
They  bear  an  account  of  the  restoration  of  the  canal,  in  which 
we  find  the  words  of  Darius : "I  commanded  to  dig  this  canal, 
from  the  stream  flowing  in  Egypt,  called  the  Nile,  to  the  sea 
[Red  Sea]  which  stretches  from  Persia.  Then  this  canal  was 
dug  as  I commanded,  and  ships  sailed  from  Egypt  through  this 
canal  to  Persia,  according  to  my  will.”  Darius  evidently  cherished 
what  proved  to  be  a vain  hope,  that  the  south  coast  of  Persia 
might  come  to  share  in  the  now  growing  commerce  between 
India  and  the  Mediterranean  world.  As  Persia  was  now  lacking 
in  small  landowners,  so  also  was  she  lacking  in  small  and  enter- 
prising merchants,  who  might  have  become  great  promoters 
of  commerce. 

Unlike  the  Assyrians,  Darius  treated  the  Phoenician  cities 
with  kindness,  and  succeeded  in  organizing  a great  Phoenician 
war  fleet.  We  shall  find  that  Darius’  son  Xerxes  could  depend 
upon  many  hundreds  of  ships  for  warfare  and  transportation 
in  the  eastern  Mediterranean  (§§  501,  510).  Thus  the  more 
enlightened  Persian  kings  accomplished  what  the  Assyrian 
emperors  never  achieved,  and  Persia  became  the  first  great 
sea  power  in  Asia. 

The  Persian  emperors  maintained  communication  by  excel- 
lent roads  from  end  to  end  of  the  vast  Empire.  On  a smaller 
scale  these  roads  must  have  done  for  the  Persian  Empire  what 
railroads  do  for  us.  Royal  messengers  maintained  a much  more 
complete  postal  system  than  had  already  been  introduced  under 
the  Assyrian  Empire  (§  218).  These  messengers  were  surpris- 
ingly swift,  although  merchandise  required  about  as  much  time 
to  go  from  Susa  to  the  ^Egean  Sea  as  we  now  need  for  going 


271.  Darius 
links  East 
and  West  by 
a Suez  canal 


272.  Persia 
becomes  the 
earliest  great 
sea  power 
in  Asia 


273.  System 
of  roads  and 
communi- 
cation 


i88 


Ancietit  Times 


around  the  world.  A good  example  of  the  effect  of  these  roads 
was  the  incoming  of  the  domestic  fowl,  which  we  commonly 
call  the  chicken.  Its  home  was  in  India  and  it  was  unknown 


Fig.  ii8.  Tombs  of  the  Earlier  Kings  of  Persia  a Few 
Miles  from  the  Ruins  of  Persepolis 


After  Cyrus  and  his  son  Cambyses  had  passed  away,  the  Persian  kings, 
beginning  with  Darius,  excavated  their  tombs  in  the  face  of  this  cliff, 
about  six  miles  from  their  palaces  at  Persepolis  (Fig.  ii8).  Here  then 
are  the  tombs  of  Darius  I (the  Great)  (third  from  the  left),  Xerxes  (at 
the  far  end),  Darius  II  and  Artaxerxes  I (first  and  second  from  the  left). 
Of  the  first  six  great  kings  of  Persia  we  thus  have  the  tombs  of  five 
(tomb  of  Cyrus,  Fig.  1 1 5),  leaving  out  Cambyses  the  conqueror  of  Egypt, 
whose  tomb  has  never  been  found.  The  remaining  three  royal  tombs 
belonging  to  the  last  three  kings  of  the  Achaemenian  line  (the  line  of 
Darius)  (Artaxerxes  II,  Artaxerxes  III,  and  Darius  III)  are  cut  in  the 
cliff  behind  the  palaces  of  Persepolis  (Fig.  116).  The  square  above  the 
colonnade  in  each  tomb  front  shows  a sculptured  picture  of  the  king  wor- 
shiping Ahuramazda  before  a fire  altar.  All  of  these  tombs  were  broken 
open  and  robbed  in  ancient  times,  like  the  tomb  of  Cyrus  (Fig.  115). 
Inside,  in  niches,  are  the  massive  stone  coffins  in  which  Darius,  Xerxes, 
and  the  other  kings  and  their  families  were  buried 

in  the  Mediterranean  until  Persian  communications  brought  it 
from  India  to  the  ^gean  Sea.  Thus  the  Persians  brought  to 
Europe  the  barnyard  fowl  so  familiar  to  us. 


The  Medo-Persian  Empire 


189 


The  ancient  Elamite  city  of  Susa,  in  the  Zagros  Mountains 
(see  map,  p.  102),  was  the  chief  residence  and  capital  (Fig.  204). 
The  mild  air  of  the  Babylonian  plain,  however,  attracted  the 
sovereign  during  the  colder  months,  when  he  went  to  dwell  in 
the  palaces  of  the  vanished  Chaldean  Empire  at  Babylon.  In 
spite  of  its  remoteness  the  earlier  kings  had  made  an  effort  to 
live  in  their  old  Persian  home.  Cyrus  built  a splendid  palace  near 
the  battlefield  where  he  had  defea^-ed  the  Medes  at  Pasargadae 
(see  map,  p.  434),  and  Darius  also  established  a magnificent 
residence  at  Persepolis  (Fig.  116),  some  forty  miles  south  of 
the  palace  of  Cyrus.  Near  the  ruins  of  these  buildings  the 
tombs  of  Cyrus,  Darius,  Xerxes,  and  the  other  Persian  em- 
perors still  stand  in  their  native  Persia  (Fig.  118). 

The  Persian  architects  had  to  learn  architecture  from  the 
old  oriental  peoples  now  subject  to  Persia.  The  enormous 
terraces  (Fig.  116)  on  which  the  Persian  palaces  stood  were 
imitated  from  Babylonia.  The  winged  bulls  at  the  palace 
gates  (Fig.  1 1 6)  were  copied  from  those  of  Assyria  and  the 
West.  The  vast  colonnades  (Fig.  1 1 6)  stretching  along  the 
front  and  filling  the  enormous  halls  — the  earliest  colonnades 
of  Asia  — had  grown  up  over  two  thousand  years  earlier  on 
the  Nile  (Fig.  56).  Likewise  the  gorgeously  colored  palace 
walls  of  enameled  brick  (Figs.  113,  204,  and  Plate  II,  p.  164) 
reached  Persia  from  the  Nile  by  the  way  of  Assyria  and  the 
West.^  Thus  the  great  civilizations  which  made  up  the  Empire 
were  merged  together  in  the  life  of  the  Persian.  Empire. 

Section  25.  Persian  Documents  and  the  ^ 
Decipherment  of  Cuneiform 

The  adoption  by  the  Persians  of  the  mixed  oriental  civili- 
zation which  they  found  on  the  Fertile  Crescent  has  been 
of  the  greatest  scientific  importance.  It  was  the  documents 

1 It  is  veiy  noticeable  that  the  Persian  architects  did  not  adopt  the  arch  from 
Babylonia.  On  the  contrary,  each  door  in  the  palace  of  Darius  (Fig.  204)  is 
topped  with  a horizontal  block  of  stone,  copied  from  Egyptian  doors. 


274.  Capital 
and  roy^ 
residences 


275.  Archi- 
tecture 


276.  The 
value  and 
place  of 
Persian  docu- 
ments in  the 
decipher- 
ment of 
cuneiform 


Ancient  Times 


277.  Cunei- 
form writing 
ceases;  Baby- 
lonia and 
Assyria  are 
forgotten 


278.  Grote- 
fend  recovers 
the  sounds 
of  the  first 
Persian  signs 
(1802) 


279.  Rawlin- 
son’s  de- 
cipherment 
of  Old  Persian 
cuneiform 


(1847) 


190 

produced  by  the  Persians  when  they  learned  to  write  cuneiform 
there,  which  first  enabled  us  to  read  the  cuneiform  inscriptions 
of  Western  Asia  (§  160).  Without  the  documents  left  us  by 
the  Persians,  modern  scholars  would  still  be  unable  to  read  the 
thousands  of  clay  tablets  which  we  discussed  in  our  study  of 
Babylonia  and  Assyria  (Figs.  79,  92,  109,  and  126). 

When  Aramaic  had  displaced  the  Babylonian  and  Assyrian 
languages  (§  265),  there  came  a time  when  no  one  wrote  any 
more  clay  tablets  or  other  records  in  the  ancient  wedge-writing.^ 
Nearly  two  thousand  years  ago  the  last  man  who  could  read 
a cuneiform  tablet  had  passed  away.  The  history  of  Babylonia 
and  Assyria  was  consequently  lost  under  the  city  mounds 
(§§  158-161)  along  the  Tigris  and  Euphrates. 

Before  1800  a.d.  travelers  in  Persia  had  brought  back  to 
Europe  a number  of  copies  of  cuneiform  inscriptions  which 
they  had  found  engraved  on  the  ruined  walls  of  the  Persian 
palaces  (Fig.  116).  These  inscriptions  were  observed  to  con- 
tain a very  limited  number  of  cuneiform  signs,  and  hence  there 
seemed  to  be  some  possibility  of  learning  their  meaning.  In 
1802  a German  schoolmaster  at  Gottingen  named  Grotefend 
identified  and  read  the  names  of  Darius  and  Xerxes  and  some 
other  words  and  names  in  these  Persian  inscriptions.  He  was 
finally  able  to  read  two  short  Persian  inscriptions  in  cuneiform 
(Fig.  1 19).  These  were  the  first  Persian  inscriptions  to  be 
read  in  modern  times,  but  they  were  so  short  that  they  were 
far  from  including  all  the  cuneiform  signs  in  the  Persian 
alphabet,  and  Persian  cuneiform  writing  was  still  by  no 
means  deciphered. 

A number  of  other  interested  European  scholars  were  able 
to  discover  the  sounds  of  nearly  all  the  other  signs  in  the 
Persian  cuneiform  alphabet.  Meantime  a gifted  British  officer, 
Sir  Henry  Rawlinson,  while  he  was  stationed  in  Persia,  had  suc- 
ceeded in  collecting  far  more  Persian  inscriptions  than  were  avail- 
able in  Europe.  Among  them  was  the  great  Behistun  inscription 
1 The  latest  cuneiform  document  known  is  dated  68  b.  c. 


ifT  m 3T  K--  >T^<Tf  ^ ^ m T<T  TT 

3>Tg  H gf  v4«TT  ^ fn  Tf  1<s  TT  T<--  <^«TT  W~ 

K T<f  Tf  Kr  m ::<  m ►Tt!  \6«n  ^ m K-^KT  TT  K*  a 

<:<  K-  <rT  t<  m -M  ^8rT  Tf  <<  ?!»T  YTT  ^ 4< 

m <tT  H v^o<K  «TT  m ::<  m ^ n T<-  \ii  <K 

K-  ’^Tf  -TtT  ^TtT  n>  £T  -W  <t  (tT^ <rT  << 

E 


U<il  <<  K-  m rT  ^ m v^<TT  ^ m Tf  Kt  h K-  H ST 

T::  <^«n  ^ m K-  KT  ?f  K"  ^^«TT  i<  m T<-  KT  tf  !<■-  W 

><  m MtT  \^!T  fn  gy  Y<r  -fS-  <^<  <fT  ^ ■vr«TT  ^ m K-  T<  T 

Tr  K-<K  K-  m ^^ff  <n  n \Q(g<  «vr  m -TfT  K’t!'  <<  ff  K-  ^ 

F 

Fig.  1 19.  The  Two  Old  Persian  Inscriptions  which  were 
FIRST  deciphered  AND  READ  (§  278) 

The  Persian  scribes  separated  the  words  in  their  inscriptions  by  insert- 
ing an  oblique  wedge  between  all  words.  The  above  Arabic  numbers 
are  here  added  in  order  to  be  able  to  refer  to  the  different  words.  It  will 
be  seen  that  these  numbers  (except  i)  always  stand  where  the  oblique 
w'edge  shows  a new  word  begins.  Grotefend  (§  278)  noticed  that  the 
same  word  is  repeated  a number  of  times  in  each  of  these  inscriptions. 
In  E compare  Nos.  2,  4, 5,  and  d,  and  they  will  be  recognized  as  the 
same  word.  In  A"  it  occurs  also  four  times  (Nos.  2, 4?,  j,  and  7).  As  these 
inscriptions  were  found  above  the  figures  of  Persian  kings,  Grotefend 
therefore  suspected  that  this  frequent  word  must  be  the  Persian  word 
for  " king.”  Moreover,  as  it  occurs  in  both  inscriptions  as  No.  a,  the 
preceding  word  (No.  i)  would  probably  be  the  name  of  the  king,  the 
two  words  being  arranged  thus  : " Darius  [the]  king.”  Grotefend  then 
found  that  the  words  for  the  titles  of  the  kings  of  Persia  were  known 
in  later  Persian  documents.  Guided  by  the  known  titles,  he  attempted 
the  following  guess  as  to  the  arrangement  and  meaning  of  the  words : 

1 2 3 4 

unknown  name  of  [tbe]  king  [the]  great  king 
a Persian  king 

5 6 7 8 

of  kings,  of  king  unknown  name  of  the  son 
a Persian  king 

etc.  (6,  7,  and  8 meaning  "the  son  of  King  So-and-so”).  He  next  ex- 
perimented with  the  known  names  of  the  kings  of  Persia,  and  judg- 
ing from  their  length,  he  found  that  the  probable  name  for  No.  1 
in  E was  "Darius,”  and  for  No.  i in  A' was  "Xerxes.”  The  result 
may  be  seen  in  Fig.  120 


192 


Ancient  Times 


280.  Value 
of  Persian 
cuneiform  in 
deciphering 
Babylonian 
cuneiform 


of  Darius  (Fig.  117).  In  1847  Rawlinson  published  a complete 
alphabet  of  the  Old  Persian  cuneiform,  containing  thirty-nine 
phonetic  signs.  Along  with  this  alphabet  he  published  also  a 

complete  transla- 
tion of  the  Persian 
portion  of  the  long 
Behistun  inscrip- 
tion (.5 in  Fig.  1 17). 


Kh 


sha 


r - sha  - 


«TT  X 

Fig.  120.  The  Name  of  Xerxes  in  Old 
Persian  Cuneiform 


This  is  the  first  word  in  Fig.  119,  supposed  by 
Grotefend  to  be  " Xerxes.”  Now,  just  as  our 
" Charles  ” is  an  imperfect  form  of  the  ancient 
name  "Carolus,”  so  the  name  we  call  " Xerxes  ” 
waspronouncedbythe  o\d'Pei:s\3.nsJChskayars/ia. 
The  above  seven  signs  therefore  should  be 
read : Kh-sha-y-a-r-sha-a.  Grotefend  in  this 
way  learned  the  sounds  for  which  these  signs 
stood.  Now  some  of  these  signs  appear  in  the 
word  Grotefend  thought  was  "king”  in  Per- 
sian. Hence  it  was  now  possible  for  Grotefend 
to  see  if  he  could  find  out  how  to  pronounce 
the  ancient  Persian  word  for  " king.”  And  the 
reader  can  do  the  same.  Let  him  copy  on  a slip 
of  paper  the  first  three  signs  in  the  word  sup- 
posedly meaning  "king”;  for  example,  use 
word  2 in  Fig.  119.  Now  take  these  three 
signs  and  compare  them  with  the  signs  in 
" Xerxes  ” (Fig.  1 20) . The  student  will  find  that 
the  three  signs  he  has  copied  are  the  same  as 
the  first,  second,  and  seventh  signs  in  the  word 
"Xerxes”  (Fig.  120).  Let  us  write  down  in  a 
row  the  sounds  of  these  three  signs  (first,  second, 
and  seventh),  and  we  find  we  have  Kh-sha-a. 
The  ancient  Persian  word  for  " king”  must  have 
begun  with  the  sounds  Kh-sha-a.  When  we 
compare  this  with  " shah,”  the  title  of  the 
present  king  of  Persia,  it  is  evident  that  Grote- 
fend was  on  the  right  road  to  decipher  Old 
Persian  cuneiform 


This  showed  that 
he  had  completed 
the  decipherment 
of  the  Old  Persian 
cuneiform  — a feat 
all  the  more  re- 
markable on  the 
part  of  Rawlinson 
because  he  worked 
in  the  Orient,  al- 
most entirely  in  ig- 
norance of  parallel 
work  by  scholars 
in  Europe. 

Scholars  were 
now  able  for  the 
first  time  to  read 
Old  Persian  inscrip- 
tions, and  much 
valuable  informa- 
tion was  gained, 
especially  from  a 
study  of  the  great 
Behistun  monu- 


ment (Fig.  1 1 7).  But  the  number  of  Persian  inscriptions  sur- 
viving is  very  small.  The  chief  value  of  the  ability  to  read 
ancient  Persian  cuneiform  records  lay  in  the  fact  that  this 


The  Medo-Persia7i  E^npire 


193 


Persian  writing  might  form  a bridge  leading  over  to  an  under- 
standing of  ancient  Babylonian  cuneiform. 

Scholars  had  early  discovered  that  the  inscription  C on  the 
Behistun  monument  was  written  with  the  same  cuneiform  signs 
which  were  also  observable  on  many  of  the  older  clay  tablets 
(Figs.  So  and  92)  and  stone  monuments  found  in  Babylonia. 
Meantime  the  museums  of  London  and  Paris  were  receiving 
great  sculptured  slabs  of  alabaster  (Figs.  loi,  105,  and  106) 
from  Nineveh  and  the  palace  of  Sargon  (Fig.  104),  bearing 
many  inscriptions,  all  in  the  language  and  writing  of  inscription 
C on  the  Behistun  monument  (Fig.  117).  Scholars  therefore 
perceived  that  if  they  could  decipher  inscription  C at  Behistun, 
they  would  be  able  to  read  all  the  ancient  documents  of  Baby- 
lonia and  Assyria,  reaching  back  to  a far  greater  age  than  the 
few  sur\-iving  Persian  inscriptions. 

Every  indication  led  to  the  conclusion  that  inscription  C at 
Behistun  was  a Babylonian  translation  of  the  Persian  portion, 
already  translated  by  Rawlinson.  The  Behistun  monument 
might  therefore  become  the  Rosetta  Stone  of  Western  Asia, 
and  enable  scholars  to  read  the  ancient  Babylonian  language, 
as  the  Rosetta  Stone  had  enabled  them  to  read  the  ancient 
Egyptian  language.  W'e  can  diagram  this  situation  thus : 


281.  Dis- 
covery that 
one  of  the 
Behistun 
inscriptions 
v.  as  in  the 
same  lan- 
guage and 
writing  as 
those  of 
Babylonia 
and  Assyria 


282.  Behis- 
tun monu- 
ment, the 
Rosetta 
Stone  of 
Western  Asia 


Rosetta  Stone 


Behistun  Monument 


Containing : 


Containing : 


1.  Egyptian  inscription 
deciphered  by  scholars  by 
comparison  with 

2.  The  Greek  translation 
understood  by  scholars 


1.  Babylonian  Cuneiform  inscrip- 
tion to  be  deciphered  by  scholars 
by  comparison  with 

2.  The  Persian  translation  under- 
stood by  scholars  (since  Rawlin- 
son’s  translation,  § 279) 


Many  scholars  attacked  the  problem,  but  they  found  it  far 
more  difficult  than  the  decipherment  of  the  Persian  had  been ; 
for  the  Persian  cuneiform  had  contained  only  forty  signs,  while  the 
Babylonian  was  found  to  use  over  five  hundred  (see  § 209). 


283.  Rawlin- 
son’s  de- 
cipherment 
of  Babylonian 
(1850) 


194 


Ancient  Times 


284.  The 
modem 
science  of 
Assyriology 


285.  Decline 
of  Persia 


286.  Charac- 
ter of  the 
Persian  kings 
and  their  rule 


It  was  again  Rawlinson,  however,  who  accomplished  the  task. 
In  1850  he  published  his  results.  They  were  followed  the 
next  year  by  a full  translation  of  the  Babylonian  portion  of 
the  Behistun  inscription. 

The  city-mounds  of  Babylonia  and  Assyria  at  once  began 
to  speak  and  to  tell  us,  piece  by  piece,  the  three  great  chapters 
of  history  along  the  Two  Rivers  (Sections  14-20)  — some- 
thing over  twenty-five  hundred  years  of  the  story  of  man  in 
Western  Asia,  of  which  the  world  before  had  been  entirely 
ignorant.  A group  of  scholars  arose  who  devoted  themselves 
to  the  study  of  the  vast  body  of  cuneiform  documents  on  clay 
and  stone  which  was  then  coming  and  still  continues  to  come 
from  the  ruined  cities  of  Assyria  and  Babylonia  (Fig.  84).  We 
call  such  scholars  Assyriologists.  Thus  it  happened  that  we 
owe  to  documents  left  us  by  the  Persian  kings  the  creation  of 
a new  and  wonderful  branch  of  knowledge  and  the  recovery 
of  the  ancient  history  of  Western  Asia. 

Section  26.  The  Results  of  Persian  Rule 
AND  ITS  Religious  Influence 

For  the  oriental  world  as  a whole,  Persian  rule  meant 
about  two  hundred  years  of  peaceful  prosperity  (ending  about 
333  B.C.).  The  Persian  kings,  however,  as  time  went  on,  were 
no  longer  as  strong  and  skillful  as  Cyrus  and  Darius.  They 
loved  luxury  and  ease  and  left  much  of  the  task  of  ruling  to 
their  governors  and  officials.  This  meant  corrupt  and  ineffective 
government ; the  result  was  weakness  and  decline. 

The  later  world,  especially  the  Greeks,  often  represented 
the  Persian  rulers  as  cruel  and  barbarous  oriental  tyrants. 
This  unfavorable  opinion  is  not  wholly  justified.  The  Persian 
emperors  felt  a deep  sense  of  obligation  to  give  just  govern- 
ment to  the  nations  of  the  earth.  Darius  the  Great  in  the 
Behistun  Inscription  (Fig.  117)  says:  "On  this  account  Ahu- 
ramazda  brought  me  help,  . . . because  I was  not  wicked, 


The  Medo-Persian  Empire 


195 


nor  was  I a liar,  nor  was  I a tyrant,  neither  I nor  any  of  my 
line.  I have  ruled  according  to  righteousness.”  There  can  be 
no  doubt  that  the  Persian  Empire,  the  largest  the  ancient  world 
had  thus  far  seen,  enjoyed  a government  far  more  just  and 
humane  than  any  that  had  preceded  it  in  the  East. 

INIany  such  statements  as  that  of  Darius  just  quoted  show 
that  the  Persian  rulers  were  devoted  followers  of  Zoroaster’s 
teaching.  Their  power  carried  this  noble  faith  throughout 
^^'estem  Asia  and  especially  into  Asia  Minor.  Elere  Mithras, 
regarded  by  Zoroaster  as  ^a  helper  of  Ahuramazda  (§  253), 
appeared  a.s  a hero  of  light,  and  finally  as  a Sun-god,  who 
gradually  outshone  Ahuramazda  himself.  Prom  Asia  Minor 
Mithras  passed  into  Europe,  and,  as  we  shall  see,  the  faith 
in  the  mighty  Persian  god  spread  far  and  wide  through  the 
Roman  Empire,  to  become  a dangerous  competitor  of  Chris- 
tianity (§  1064). 

In  matters  of  religion,  as  in  many  other  things,  the  Persian 
Empire  completed  the  breakdown  of  national  boundaries  and 
the  beginning  of  a long  period  when  the  leading  religions  of 
the  East  were  called  upon  to  compete  in  a great  contest  for  the 
masteiy  among  all  the  nations.  The  most  important  of  the  re- 
ligions which  thus  found  themselves  thrown  into  a world  struggle 
for  chief  place  under  the  dominion  of  Persia  was  the  religion 
of  the  Hebrews.  While  we  leave  the  imperial  family  of  Persia 
to  suffer  that  slow  decline  which  always  besets  a long  royal 
line  in  the  Orient,  we  may  glance  briefly  at  the  little  Hebrew 
kingdom  among  the  Persian  vassals  in  the  West,  which  was 
destined  to  influence  the  history  of  man  more  profoundly  than 
any  of  the  great  empires  of  the  early  world. 


287.  Spread 
of  Persian 
religion 


268.  Far- 
reaching 
competition 
among  orien- 
tal religions 


QUESTIONS 

Section  21.  What  great  race  inhabited  the  northern  grasslands? 
How  did  their  migrations  finally  distribute  them  ? What  rival  line 
confronted  them  on  the  south  ? Describe  the  life  and  dispersion  of 
the  Indo-European  parent  people.  Where  are  their  descendants  now  ? 


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Ancient  Times 


Section  22.  From  whom  did  the  Aryan  people  come  forth? 
What  became  of  them  when  they  left  their  first  home  ? What  great 
tribes  of  the  Aryans  came  toward  the  Fertile  Crescent?  Who  was 
their  great  prophet,  and  what  did  he  teach  ? When  did  he  probably 
live  ? 

Section  23.  What  can  you  say  of  rhe  rise  and  conquests  of 
Cyrus?  What  race  did  he  subdue  on  t!  ^ Fertile  Crescent?  What 
race  thus  became  the  leaders  ? What  was  he  extent  of  the  Persian 
Empire?  How  long  had  it  taken  to  conquv  'it?  Give  dates. 

Section  24.  Did  the  Persians  posses:  aviVizai-on.  'like  those 

which  they  found  in  Babylonia  and  Egyp.  ^ Describe  the  organi- 
zation of  the  Empire  by  Darius,  and  his  r What  was  the  land 
system  like?  What  can  you  say  about  his  '■  for  commerce  by 
sea  and  land?  Where  was  the  capital?  Ho  Persian  architec- 
ture arise?  Give  examples. 

Section  25.  Can  you  write  the  three  signs  ’ .lihe.  ancient 

Persians  began  their  word  for  " king  ”?  What : .nodern  Persian 

word  for  ''  king  ” ? What  monument  became  ti  Rosetta  Stone  of 
Western  Asia?  Can  you  explain  how ? What  was  the  result ? 

Section  26.  How  long  did  the  Persian  Empire  last?  Give  dates. 
What  can  you  say  about  the  character  of  the,  Persian  kings  ? What 
was  happening  among  the  religions  of  the  East?  ^hat  great  reli- 
gion was  involved  in  this  struggle  ? 

Note.  The  sketch  below  shows  the  ruins  of  Persepolis  (cf.  Pig.  ii6). 


CHAPTER  VII 


THE  HEBREWS  AND  THE  DECLINE  OF  THE  ORIENT 

Section  27.  Palestine  and  the  Predecessors  of 
THE  Hebrews  there 


The  home  of  the  Hebrews  was  on  the  west  end  of  the 
Fertile  Crescent  (§  132),  in  a land  now  called  Palestine^  It 
is  the  region  lying  along  the  southeast  corner  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean — a narrow  strip  between  desert  and  sea ; for  while  the 
sea  limits  it  on  the  west,  the  wastes  of  the  desert-bay  (§  133) 
sweep  northward,  forming  the  eastern  boundary  of  Palestine 
(see  map,  p.  102).  It  was  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles 
long,  and  less  than  ten  thousand  square  miles  are  included 
uathin  these  limits ; that  is,  Palestine  was  somewhat  larger 
than  the  state  of  Vermont. 

]\Iuch  of  this  area  is  unproductive,  for  the  desert  intrudes 
upon  southern  Palestine  and  rolls  northward  in  gaunt  and 
arid  limestone  hills,  even  surrounding  Jerusalem  (Fig.  127). 
The  valleys  of  northern  Palestine,  however,  are  rich  and 


289.  Situ- 
ation and 
extent  of 
Palestine,  the 
home  of  the 
Hebrews 


290.  Char- 
acter of 
Palestine 


Note.  The  above  headpiece  shows  us  a caravan  of  Canaanites  trading  in 
Egj'pt  about  1900  B.c.  as  they  appeared  on  the  estate  of  a feudal  baron  in  Egypt 
(§  99).  The  Egyptian  noble  had  this  picture  of  them  painted  with  others  in  his 
tomb  (Fig.  57),  where  it  still  is.  Observe  the  shoes,  sandals,  and  gay  woolen 
clothing,  the  costume  of  the  Palestinian  towns,  worn  by  these  Canaanites ; observe 
also  the  metal  weapons  which  they  carry.  The  manufacture  of  these  things 
created  industries  which  had  begun  to  flourish  among  the  towns  in  Syria  and 
Palestine  by  this  time.  Notice  also  the  type  of  face,  with  the  prominent  nose, 
which  shows  that  Hittite  blood  was  already  mixed  with  the  Semitic  blood  of 
these  early  dwellers  in  Palestine  (Fig.  146). 

1 On  the  origin  of  the  name  see  § 379. 

197 


198 


Ancient  Times 


productive.  The  entire  land  is  without  summer  rains  and  is 
dependent  upon  a rainy  season  (the  winter)  for  moisture. 
There  is  no  opportunity  for  irrigation,  and  the  harvest  is 
therefore  scantier  than  in  lands  enjoying  summer  rains.  Only 


Fig.  1 21.  Ancient  Egyptian  Painting  of  a Brickyard  with 
Asiatic  Captives  engaged  in  Brickmaking 
Century  b.c.) 

The  Hebrew  slaves  working  in  the  Egyptian  brickyards  (see  Exod.  i, 

14  and  V,  6-19)  must  have  looked  like  this  when  Moses  led  them  forth  / 

into  Asia  (§  293).  At  the  left  below,  the  soft  clay  is  being  mixed  in  ? 

two  piles;  one  laborer  helps  load  a basket  of  clay  on  the  shoulder  of  J 

another,  who  carries  it  to  the  brick-molder,  at  the  right  above.  Here  a j 

laborer  empties  the  clay  from  his  basket,  while  the  molder  before  him  i 

fills  with  clay  an  oblong  box,  which  is  the  mold.  He  has  already  I 

finished  three  bricks.  At  the  left  above,  a molder  spreads  out  the  f 

soft  bricks  with  spaces  between  for  the  circulation  of  air  to  make  f 

them  dry  quickly  in  the  sun.  The  overseer,  staff  in  hand,  sits  in  the  \ 

upper  right-hand  corner,  and  below  him  we  see  a workman  carrying  j 

away  the  dried  bricks,  hanging  from  a yoke  on  his  shoulders.  Thus  , d 
were  made  the  bricks  used  for  thousands  of  years  for  the  buildings  J 

forming  so  large  a part  of  the  cities  of  the  ancient  world,  from  the  \ 

Orient  to  Athens  and  Rome  (§  548) 


(Fifteenth 

r 


the  northern  end  of  the  Palestinian  coast  has  any  harbors 
(Fig.  159),  but  these  were  early  seized  by  the  Phoenicians 
(Sections  39-40).  Palestine  thus  remained  cut  off  from  the 
sea.  In  natural  resources  it  was  too  poor  (Fig.  129)  ever  to 
develop  prosperity  or  political  power  like  its  great  civilized 
neighbors  on  the  Nile  and  Euphrates  or  in  Syria  and  Phoenicia. 


The  Hebrews  and  the  Declme  of  the  Orient  1 99 


Here  at  the  west  end  of  the  Fertile  Crescent,  as  at  the  east 
end,  the  Semitic  nomads  from  the  desert-bay  (reread  Section  13) 
mingled  with  the  dwellers  in  the  northern  mountains.  The 
Northerners,  chiefly  Hittites  from  Asia  Minor  (§§  351-360),  left 
their  mark  on  the  Semites  of  Palestine.  The  prominent  aquiline 
nose,  still  considered  to  be  the  mark  of  the  Semite,  especially 
of  the  Jew,  was  really  a feature  belonging  to  the  (non-Semitic) 
Hittites,  who  intermarried  with  the  people  of  Palestine  and 
gave  them  this  Hittite  type  of  face  (see  Fig.  146).  Strange 
faces  from  many  a foreign  clime  therefore  crowded  the  market 
places  of  Palestine,  amid  a babel  of  various  dialects.  Here 
the  rich  jewelry,  bronze  dishes,  and  ivory  furniture  of  the  Nile 
craftsmen  (Fig.  73)  mingled  with  the  pottery  of  the  Higean 
Islands  (Fig.  136),  the  red  earthenware  of  the  Hittites,  or  the 
gay  woolens  of  Babylonia.  The  donkeys  (headpiece,  p.  197), 
which  lifted  their  complaining  voices  above  the  hubbub  of  the 
market,  had  grazed  along  the  shores  of  both  Nile  and  Euphrates, 
and  their  masters  had  trafficked  beneath  the  Babylonian  temple 
towers  (Fig.  104)  as  well  as  under  the  shadow  of  the  Theban 
obelisks  (Fig.  65).  We  recall  how  traffic  with  Babylonia  had 
taught  these  Western  Semites  to  write  the  cuneiform  hand 
(§  187).  Palestine  was  the  entrance  to  the  bridge  between 
Asia  and  Africa  — a middle  ground  where  the  civilizations  of 
Egypt  and  Babylonia,  of  Phoenicia,  the  ^gean,  and  Asia  Minor, 
all  represented  by  their  wares,  met  and  commingled  as  they  did 
nowhere  else  in  the  early  Orient. 

Just  as  the  merchandise  of  the  surrounding  nations  met  in 
peaceful  competition  in  the  markets  of  Palestine,  so  the  armies 
of  these  nations  also  met  there  in  battle.  The  situation  of 
Palestine,  between  its  powerful  neighbors  on  the  Nile  and  on  the 
Euphrates,  made  it  the  battleground  where  these  great  nations 
fought  for  many  centuries  (§  213).  Over  and  over  again  un- 
happy Palestine  went  through  the  experience  of  little  Belgium 
in  the  conflict  between  Germany  and  France  in  1914.  Egypt 
held  Palestine  for  many  centuries  (§  108).  Later  we  recall 


291.  Mixture 
of  races  and 
civilization 
in  Palestine 
before  the 
Hebrews 
possessed  it ; 
Babylonian 
writing 


292.  Pales- 
tine, the 
great  battle- 
ground of  the 
early  Orient 


200 


Aytcient  Times 


293.  The 
Hebrew 
invasion  of 
Palestine 
(about  1400- 
1200  B,c.) 


how  Assyria  conquered  it  (§§  2 12-2 14).  Chaldea  also  held 
it  (§  234),  and  we  finally  found  it  in  the  power  of  Persia 
(§  263).  When,  therefore,  the  Hebrews  originally  took  pos- 
session of  the  land,  there  was  little  prospect  that  they  would 
ever  long  enjoy  freedom  from  foreign  oppression. 

Section  28.  The  Settlement  of  the  Hebrews  in 
Palestine  and  the  United  Hebrew  Kingdom 

The  Hebrews  were  all  originally  men  of  the  Arabian  desert, 
wandering  with  their  flocks  and  herds  and  slowly  drifting  over 

into  their  final 
home  in  Pales- 
tine (read  §§133- 
141).  For  two 
centuries  (about 
1400  to  1206 
B.c.)  their  move- 
ment from  the 
desert  into  Pal- 
estine continued. 
Another  group  of 
their  tribes  had 
been  slaves  in 
Egypt,  where  they 
had  suffered  much 
hardship  (Figs. 
12 1 and  122) 
under  a cruel  Pha- 
raoh (Fig.  123). 
They  were  successfully  led  out  of  Egypt  by  their  heroic  leader 
Moses,  a great  national  hero  whose  achievements  they  never 
forgot.  On  entering  Palestine  the  Hebrews  found  the  Ca- 
naanites  (§  141)  already  dwelling  there  in  flourishing  towns 
protected  by  massive  walls  (Figs.  124  and  125).  The  Hebrews 


Fig.  122.  Brick  Storehouse  Rooms 

THOUGHT  TO  HAVE  BEEN  BUILT  BY  HE- 
BREW Slaves  in  Egypt  (Thirteenth 
Century  b.c.) 

This  storehouse  is  in  the  city  of  Pithom  on 
the  east  of  the  Nile  Delta.  It  was  built  by 
Ramses  II,  whose  face  we  see  in  Fig.  123. 
The  making  of  the  brick  for  such  buildings 
may  be  seen  in  Fig.  121 


Th(  Hebrews  ajid  the  Decline  of  the  Orie^it  20 1 


were  able  to  capture  only  the  weaker  Canaanite  towns  (Fig.  126). 
As  the  rough  Hebrew  shepherds  looked  across  the  highlands  of 
north  Palestine  they  beheld  their  kindred  scattered  over  far- 
stretching  hilltops,  with  the  frowning  walls  of  many  a Canaanite 
stronghold  (Fig. 

127)  rising  between 
them.  Even  Jeru- 
salem in  the  Judean 
highlands  (Fig.  127) 
for  centuries  defied 
the  assaults  of  the 
Hebrew  invaders 
(Fig.  126). 

Let  us  remember 
that  these  uncon- 
quered Canaanite 
towns  now  possessed 
a civilization  fifteen 
hundred  years  old, 
with  comfortable 
houses,  government, 
industries,  trade,  writ- 
ing, and  religion  — 
a civilization  which 
the  rude  Hebrew 
shepherds  were  soon 
adopting ; for  they 
could  not  avoid  inter- 
course wdth  the  un- 
subdued Canaanite 

towns,  as  trade  and  business  threw  them  together.  This  min- 
gling with  the  Canaanites  produced  the  most  profound  changes 
in  the  life  of  the  Hebrews.  Most  of  them  left  their  tents  (head- 
piece,  p.  100)  and  began  to  build  houses  like  those  of  the  Ca- 
naanites (Fig.  125);  they  put  off  the  rough  sheepskin  they  had 


See  § 125  for  account  of  the  preservation  of 
the  bodies  of  the  kings  of  Egypt.  Ramses  II 
died  about  1225  B.C.,  that  is,  over  thirty-one  hun- 
dred years  ago.  He  was  about  ninety  years  old. 
It  was  probably  he  who  treated  the  Hebrews 
so  cruelly,  as  told  in  Exodus  v,  6-19  (§  293) 


Fig.  1 23.  Mum.my  of  Ramses  II,  commonly 

THOUGHT  TO  BE  THE  PHARAOH  WHO  EN- 
SLAVED THE  Hebrews 


294.  The 
Hebrews 
adopt 
Canaanite 
civilization 
and  acquire 
Hittite  type 
of  face 


202 


Ancient  Times 


295.  Differ- 
ences in  life 
and  customs 
among  the 
Hebrews ; 
antagonism 
between 
North  and 
South 


296.  Foun- 
dation of  the 
Hebrew 
nation ; Saul, 
the  first  king 


worn  in  the  desert,  and  they  put  on  fine  Canaanite  raiment  of 
gayly  colored  woven  wool  (headpiece,  p.  197).  After  a time,  in 
appearance,  occupation,  and  manner  of  life  the  Hebrews  were 
not  to  be  distinguished  from  the  Canaanites  among  whom  they 
now  lived.  In  short,  they  had  adopted  Canaanite  civilization, 
just  as  newly  arrived  immigrants  among  iis  soon  adopt  our 
clothing  and  our  ways.  Indeed,  as  the  Hebrews  intermarried 
with  the  Canaanites,  they  received  enough  Hittite  blood  to 
acquire  the  Hittite  type  of  face  (Fig.  146). 

These  changes  did  not  proceed  everywhere  at  the  same  rate. 
The  Hebrews  in  the  less  fertile  South  were  more  attached  to 
the  old  desert  life,  so  that  many  would  not  give  up  the  tent 


Fig.  124.  The  Long  Mound  of  the  Ancient  City  of  Jericho 

The  walls  of  the  city  and  the  ruins  of  the  houses  (Fig.  125)  are  buried 
under  the  rubbish  which  makes  up  this  mound.  Many  of  the  ancient 
cities  of  Palestine,  as  old  as  2500  b.c.,  are  now  such  mounds  as  this 

and  the  old  freedom  of  the  desert.  The  wandering  life  of  the 
nomad  shepherd  on  the  Judean  hills  could  still  be  seen  from 
the  walls  of  Jerusalem.  Here,  then,  were  two  differing  modes 
of  life  among  the  Hebrews : in  the  fertile  North  of  Palestine  j 
we  find  the  settled  life  of  the  town  and  its  outlying  fields ; in 
the  South,  on  the  other  hand,  the  wandering  life  of  the  nomad 
still  went  on.  For  centuries  this  difference  formed  an  impor-  ^ 
tant  cause  of  discord  among  the  Hebrews.  | 

Fortunately  for  the  Hebrews,  Egypt  was  now  in  a state  01  j 
decline  (1100  b.c.)  (§  124)  and  Assyria  had  not  yet  conquered  ' 
the  West  (§  208).  But  a Mediterranean  people  called  Philistines 
(headpiece,  p.  252,  and  § 379)  had  at  this  time  migrated  from  i 
the  island  of  Crete  to  the  sea  plain  at  the  southwest  corner  of  ! 


The  Hebj'ezi’s  and  the  Decline  of  the  Orie7it  203 


Palestine  (see  map,  p.  196).  By  1100  b.c.  these  Philistines  formed 
a highly  civilized  and  warlike  nation,  or  group  of  city-kingdoms. 
Hard  pressed  by  the  Philistines,  the  Hebrew  local  leaders,  or 
judges,  as  they  were  called,  found  it  hard  to  imite  their  people 
into  a nation.  About  a generation  before  the  year  1000  B.c., 


Fig.  125.  Ruins  of  the  Houses  of  Ancient  Jericho 

Only  the  stone  foundations  of  these  houses  are  preserved.  The  walls 
were  of  sun-baked  brick,  and  the  rains  of  over  three  thousand  years  have 
washed  them  away ; for  these  houses  date  from  about  1 500  B.c.,  and 
in  them  lived  the  Canaanites,  whom  the  Hebrews  found  in  Palestine 
(§  293).  Here  we  find  the  potterj'  jars,  glass,  and  dishes  of  the  house- 
hold ; also  things  carved  of  stone,  like  seals,  amulets,  and  ornaments 
of  metal.  The  industries  of  these  people  were  clearly  learned  from 
EgJ’pt  (§  291).  Cuneiform  tablets  of  clay  found  in  these  ruins  show 
the  influence  of  Babylonian  business  (§§  187,  and  291) 

however,  a popular  leader  named  Saul  succeeded  in  gaining  for 
himself  the  office  of  king.  The  new  king  was  a Southerner  who 
still  loved  the  old  nomad  customs ; he  had  no  fixed  abode  and 
dwelt  in  a tent.  In  the  fierce  struggle  to  thrust  back  the  Philis- 
tines, Saul  was  disastrously  defeated,  and,  seeing  the  rout  of  his 
army,  he  fell  upon  his  own  sword  and  so  died  (about  1000  b.c.). 


204 


Ancient  Times 


297.  David 
(about  1000- 
960  B.c.) 


on  all  si(des  won  him 

Fig.  126.  Letter  of  the  Kgvptian  also  the  support  of 

Governor  of  Jerusalem  telling  of  prosperous 

THE  Invasion  of  Palestine  by  the  ,,  ,,  ... 

Tj  ,,,  „ . North.  Ihe  Philis- 

Hebrews  (Fourteenth  Century  b.c.) 

tines  were  now'  beaten 

The  letter  is  a clay  tablet  written  in  Baby- 
lonian cuneiform  by  the  terrified  Eg3'ptian 

governor,  tvho  begs  the  Pharaoh  for  help,  saying : " The  Khabiru 

[Hebrews]  are  taking  the  cities  of  the  king.  No  ruler  remains  to  the 

king,  my  lord  ; all  are  lost.”  The  king  of  Eg^-pt  to  whom  he  wrote 
thus  was  Ikhnaton,  at  a time  when  the  Egyptian  Empire  in  Asia  was 
falling  to  pieces  (§  122).  This  letter  is  one  of  a group  of  three  hun- 
dred such  cuneiform  letters  found  in  one  of  the  rooms  of  Ikhnaton’s 
palace  at  Tell  el-Amarna  (or  Amarna),  and  called  the  Amarna  Letters, 
the  oldest  body  of  international  correspondence  in  the  world.  We  find 
in  them  the  earliest  mention  of  the  Hebrews  (cf.  Fig.  92  and  see  § 187) 


The  Hebi'ezus  and  the  Decline  of  the  07-ient  205 


off,  and  David  ruled  over  an  extensive  Hebrew  kingdom.  He 
enjoyed  a long  and  prosperous  reigu,  and  his  people  never  forgot 
his  heroic  deeds  as  a warrior  nor  his  skill  as  a poet  and  singer. 


Fig.  127.  Glumfse  of  the  Walls  of  Jerusalem  fro.m  the 
Low  Valley  below  the  Old  Caxaaxite  Fortress 


The  houses  on  the  right  of  this  valley  belong  to  the  modern  village  of 
Siloam;  but  on  the  left  we  see  the  high  walls  of  Jerusalem  where  they 
pass  around  the  ancient  place  the  temple.  Here  above  us  at  the  left, 
looking  down  several  hundred  feet  into  this  valley,  was  the  Canaanite 
fortress  captured  by  David  (§  297),  but  it  long  ago  fell  into  ruin  and 
disappeared.  The  wall  We  see  here  is  of  a much  later  date.  The  Ca- 
naanite fortress  must  have  looked  very  much  like  the  castle  of  David’s 
northern  neighbor,  the  king  of  Samal  (Fig.  97).  (Drawn  from  photo- 
graph by  Underwood  & Lmderwood) 

David’s  son,  Solomon,  became,  like  Hammurapi,  one  of  the 
leading  merchants  of  the  East.  He  trafficked  in  horses  and 
launched  a trading  fleet  in  partnership  with  Hiram,  the  Phoenician 


206 


A7icie7it  Times 


298.  Solo- 
mon and  the 
division  of 
his  kingdom 
(about 
93°  B.c.) 


299.  The 
contrast  be- 
tween the  two 
Hebrew 
kingdoms 


300.  The 
effect  of  this 
contrast  upon 
religion 


king  of  Tyre.  His  wealth  enabled  him  to  many-  a daughter 
of  the  king  of  Eg)-pt,  and  he  delighted  in  oriental  luxury  and 
display.  He  removed  the  portable  tent  which  the  Hebrews  had 
thus  far  used  as  a temple,  and  with  the  aid  of  his  friend  Hiram, 
who  loaned  him  skilled  Phoenician  workmen,  he  built  a rich 
temple  of  stone  in  Jerusalem  (Fig.  127).  Such  splendor  de- 
manded a great  income,  and  to  secure  it  he  weighed  down 
the  Hebrews  with  heavy  taxes.  The  resulting  discontent  of  his 
subjects  was  so  great  that,  under  Solomon’s  son,  the  Northern 
tribes  withdrew  from  the  nation  and  set  up  a king  of  their 
own.  Thus  the  Hebrew  nation  was  divided  into  two  kingdoms 
before  it  was  a century  old. 

Section  29.  The  Two  Hebrew  Kingdoms 

There  was  much  hard  feeling  between  the  two  Hebrew  king- 
doms, and  sometimes  fighting.  Israel,  as  we  call  the  Northern 
kingdom,  was  rich  and  prosperous  ; its  market  places  were  filled 
with  industry  and  commerce ; its  fertile  fields  produced  plenti- 
ful crops.  Israel  displayed  the  wealth  and  success  of  town 
life.  On  -the  other  hand,  Judah,  the  Southern  kingdom,  was 
poor;  her  land  was  meager  (Fig.  128);  besides  Jerusalem  she 
had  no  large  towns ; many  of  the  people  still  wandered  with 
their  flocks. 

These  two  methods  of  life  came  into  conflict  in  many  ways, 
but  especially  in  religion.  Fveiy^  old  Canaanite  town  had  for 
centuries  its  local  town  god,  called  its  " baal,”  or  ” lord.”  The 
Hebrew  townsmen  found  it  veiy^  natural  to  worship  the  gods 
of  their  neighbors,  the  Canaanite  townsmen.  They  were  thus 
unfaithful  to  their  old  Hebrew  God  Yahveh  (or  Jehovah).^  To 
some  devout  Hebrews,  therefore,  and  especially  to  those  in  the 
South,  the  Canaanite  gods  seemed  to  be  the  protectors  of  the 
wealthy  class  in  the  towns,  with  their  luxury  and  injustice  to 

1 The  Hebrews  pronounced  the  name  of  their  God  "Yahveh.”  The  pro- 
nunciation " Jehovah  ” began  less  than  six  hundred  years  ago  and  was  due  to  a 
fnisunderstanding  of  the  pronunciation  of  the  word  " Yahveh.” 


The  Hebrews  and  the  Decline  of  the  Orient  207 


the  poor,  while  Yahveh  appeared  as  the  guardian  of  the  sim- 
pler shepherd  life  of  the  desert,  and  therefore  the  protector  of 
the  poor  and  needy. 

There  was  growing  reason  for  such  beliefs.  Less  than  a cen- 
tur)"  after  the  separation  of  the  two  kingdoms,  Ahab,  a king  of 
the  North,  had  had  Naboth,  one  of  his  subjects,  killed  in  order 
to  seize  a vineyard  belonging  to  Naboth,  and  thus  to  enlarge 


Fig.  128.  The  Stony  and  Unproductive  Fields  of  Judah 

Judah  is  largely  made  up  of  sterile  ridges  like  this  in  the  background. 
Note  the  scantiness  of  the  growing  grain  in  the  foreground 

his  palace  gardens.  Reports  of  such  wrongs  stirred  the  anger 
of  Elijah,  a Hebrew  of  old  nomad  habits,  who  lived  in  the 
desert  east  of  the  Jordan.  Still  wearing  his  desert  sheepskin, 
he  suddenly  appeared  before  Ahab  in  the  ill-gotten  vineyard 
and  denounced  the  king  for  his  seizure  of  it.  Thus  this  un- 
couth figure  from  the  desert  proclaimed  war  between  Yahveh 
and  the  injustice  of  town  life.  Elijah’s  followers  finally  slew  not 
only  the  entire  Northern  royal  family,  but  also  the  priests  of 


301.  Elijah 
and  the  vio- 
lence of  the 
older  ideas 
of  Yahveh 


208 


Ancient  Times 


302.  The 

earliest 

historical 

writing 

among  the 

Hebrews 


303.  Amos, 
and  the 
peaceful 
methods  of 
reformer  and 
prophet 
(750  B.c.) 


304.  Amos 
denounces 
the  corrupt 
living  of  the 
Northern 
kingdom 


the  Canaanite  gods  (or  baals).  Such  violent  methods,  however, 
could  not  accomplish  lasting  good.  They  were  the  methods 
of  Hebrews  who  thought  of  Yahveh  only  as  a war  god. 

Besides  such  violent  leaders  as  these,  there  were  also  among 
the  Hebrews  more  peaceable  men,  who  likewise  chafed  under 
the  injustice  of  town  life.  These  men  turned  fondly  back  to  the 
grand  old  days  of  their  shepherd  wanderings,  out  on  the  broad 
reaches  of  the  desert,  where  no  man  " ground  the  faces  of  the 
poor.”  This  point  of  view  is  picturesquely  set  forth  in  a simple 
narrative  history  of  the  Hebrew  forefathers  — a glorified  picture 
of  their  shepherd  life,  as  we  find  it  in  the  immortal  tales  of  the 
Hebrew  patriarchs,  of  Abraham  and  Isaac,  of  Jacob  and  Joseph. 
These  tales  belong  among  the  noblest  literature  which  has  sur- 
vived to  us  from  the  past  (see  Gen.  xxiv,  xxvii,  xxviii,  xxxvii, 
xxxix-xlvii,  12).  We  should  notice  also  that  they  are  the  earliest 
example  of  historical  writing  in  prose  which  we  have  inherited 
from  any  people. 

Another  century  passed,  and  about  750  b.c.  another  dingy 
figure  in  sheepskin  appeared  in  the  streets  of  Bethel,  where  the 
Northern  kingdom  had  an  important  temple.  It  was  Amos,  a 
shepherd  from  the  hills  of  Judah  in  the  south.  In  the  solitudes 
of  his  shepherd  life  Amos  had  learned  to  see  in  Yahveh  far 
more  than  a war  god  of  the  desert.  To  him  Yahveh  seemed  to 
be  a God  of  fatherly  kindness,  not  demanding  bloody  butchery 
like  that  practiced  by  Elijah’s  followers  (§  301),  but  neverthe- 
less a God  who  rebuked  the  selfish  and  oppressive  wealthy  class 
of  the  towns.  The  simple  shepherd  could  not  resist  the  inner 
impulse  to  journey  to  the  Northern  kingdom  and  proclaim  to 
the  luxurious  townsmen  there  the  evils  of  their  manner  of  life. 

We  can  imagine  the  surprise  of  the  prosperous  Northern 
Hebrews  as  they  suddenly  met  this  rude  shepherd  figure  clad 
in  sheepskin,  standing  at  a street  corner  addressing  a crowd 
of  townsmen.  He  was  denouncing  their  showy  clothes,  fine 
houses,  beautiful  furniture  (Fig.  100),  and,  above  all,  their  cor- 
rupt lives  and  hard-heartedness  toward  the  poor,  whose  lands 


The  Hebrews  and  the  Decline  of  the  Oriejit  209 


they  seized  for  debt  and  whose  labor  they  gained  by  enslaving 
their  fellow  Hebrews.  These  things  had  been  unknown  in  the 
desert.  By  such  addresses  as  these  Amos,  of  course,  endangered 
his  life,  but  he  thus  became  the  first  social  reformer  in  Asia. 
We  apply  the  term  " prophet  ” to  such  great  Hebrew  leaders 
who  pointed  out  the  way  toward  unselfish  living,  brotherly  kind- 
ness, and  a higher  type  of  religion.  The  same  kind  of  effort  to 
lead  men  to  show  justice  and  kindness  toward  all,  especially 
toward  the  poor,  had  long  been  known  in  Egypt  (§  100),  and  it 
is  possible  that  Amos  had  heard  of  such  Egyptian  teachings. 
Fearing  that  his  teachings  might  be  lost  if  they  remained  merely 
spoken  words,  Amos  finally  sat  down  and  put  his  sermons  into 
writing,  and  thus  they  have  survived  to  us  (§§  316-317). 

For  while  all  this  had  been  going  on,  the  Hebrews  had  been 
learning  to  write,  as  so  many  of  their  nomad  predecessors 
on  the  Fertile  Crescent  had  done  before  them  (§§  167  and 
201).  They  were  now  abandoning  the  clay  tablet  (Fig.  126), 
and  they  wrote  on  papyrus  with  the  Egyptian  pen  and  ink 
(Fig.  1 01).  They  borrowed  their  alphabet  from  the  Phoeni- 
cian and  Aramaean  merchants  (§  205).  There  is  no  doubt 
that  our  earliest  Hebrew  historian’s  admiration  for  the  noynad 
life  (§  302)  — although  the  nomads  were  without  writing  — did 
not  prevent  him  from  making  use  of  this  new  and  great  con- 
venience of  town  life ; that  is,  writing.  The  rolls  containing 
the  beautiful  tales  of  the  patriarchs,  or  bearing  the  teachings  of 
such  men  as  Amos,  were  the  first  books  which  the  Hebrews 
produced  — their  first  literature.  Such  rolls  of  papyrus  were 
exactly  like  those  which  had  been  in  use  in  Egypt  for  over  two 
thousand  years.  The  discovery  of  the  household  papers  of  a 
Hebrew  community  in  Egypt  has  shown  us  just  how  such  a 
page  of  Hebrew  or  Aramaic  writing  looked  (Fig.  13 1).  But 
literature  remained  the  only  art  the  Hebrews  possessed.  They 
had  no  painting,  sculpture,  or  architecture,  and  if  they  needed 
these  things  they  borrowed  from  their  great  neighbors  — Egypt, 
Phoenicia  (§  398),  Damascus,  or  Assyria. 


305.  The 
Hebrews 
learn  to  write 


210 


Ancient  Times 


1; 


306.  De- 
struction of 
the  Northern 
kingdom 
by  Assyria 
(722  B.c.) 


307.  Yahveh, 
the  God  of 
Palestine,  in 
conflict  with 
Assur,  god 
of  Assyria 


308.  Isaiah 
and  the  siege 
of  Jerusalem 
by  Sennach- 
erib 


Section  30.  The  Destruction  of  the  Hebrew  f 
Kingdoms  by  Assyria  and  Chaldea 

While  the  Hebrews  had  been  deeply  stirred  by  their  own  1 

conflicts  at  home,  such  men  as  Amos  had  also  perceived  and  : 

proclaimed  the  dangers  coming  from  abroad,  from  beyond  the  | 
borders  of  Palestine,  especially  Assyria.  Amos  indeed  announced  1 
the  coming  destruction  of  the  Northern  kingdom  by  Assyria, 
because  of  the  evil  lives  of  the  people.  As  Amos  had  foreseen, 
Assyria  first  swept  away  Damascus  (§§208  and  212).  The  king- 
dom of  Israel,  thus  left  exposed,  was  the  next  victim,  and  Samaria, 
its  capital,  was  captured  by  the  Assyrians  in  722  b.c.  (§  213). 
Many  of  the  unhappy  Northern  Hebrews  were  carried  away  as 
captives,  and  the  Northern  nation,  called  Israel,  was  destroyed 
after  having  existed  for  a little  over  two  centuries. 

The  national  hopes  of  the  Hebrews  were  now  centered  in 
the  helpless  little  kingdom  of  Judah,  which  struggled  on  for 
over  a century  and  a quarter  more,  in  the  midst  of  a great 
world  conflict,  in  which  Assyria  was  the  unchallenged  cham- 
pion. Thus  far  thoughtful  Hebrews  had  been  accustomed  to 
think  of  their  God  as  dwelling  and  ruling  in  Palestine  only. 
Did  he  have  power  also  over  the  vast  world  arena  where  all 
the  great  nations  were  fighting?  But  if  so,  was  not  Assur 
(Fig.  102),  the  great  god  of  victorious  Assyria,  stronger  than 
Yahveh,  the  God  of  the  Hebrews  ? And,  many  a despairing 
Hebrew,  as  he  looked  out  over  the  hills  of  Palestine,  wasted 
by  the  armies  of  Assyria  (Fig.  129),  felt  in  his  heart  that 
Assur,  the  god  of  the  Assyrians,  must  indeed  be  stronger  than 
Yahveh,  God  of  the  Hebrews. 

It  was  in  the  midst  of  somber  doubts  like  these,  in  the  years 
before  700  b.c.,  that  the  princely  prophet  Isaiah,  in  one  great 
oration  after  another,  addressed  the  multitudes  which  filled  the 
streets  of  Jerusalem.  The  hosts  of  Sennacherib  were  at  the 
gates  (Fig.  130),  and  the  terrified  throngs  in  the  city  were 
expecting  at  any  moment  to  hear  the  thunder  of  the  great 


The  Hebrews  and  the  Decline  of  the  Orient  2 1 1 


Assyrian  war  engines  (headpiece,  p.  140)  battering  down  the 
crumbling  walls  of  their  city,  as  they  had  crushed  the  walls  of 
Damascus  and  Samaria.  Then  the  bold  words  of  the  dauntless 
Isaiah  lifted  them  from  despair  like  the  triumphant  call  of  a 
trumpet.  He  told  them  that  Yahveh  ruled  a kingdom  far  larger 


Fig.  129.  Hebrews  paying  Tribute  to  the  King  of  Assyria 

The  Assyrian  king,  Shalmaneser  III,  stands  at  the  left,  followed  by  tw'O 
attendants.  Before  him  hovers  the  winged  sun-disk  (§  210  and  Fig.  102). 
His  appearance  in  the  middle  of  the  ninth  century  B.C.,  campaigning  in 
the  West  against  Damascus  (§  208),  so  frightened  the  Hebrews  of  the 
Northern  kingdom  that  their  king  (Jehu)  sent  gifts  to  the  Assyrian  king 
by  an  envoy  whom  we  see  here  bowing  down  at  the  king’s  feet.  Behind 
the  Hebrew  envoy  are  two  Assyrian  officers  who  are  leading  up  a line  of 
thirteen  Hebrews  (not  included  here)  bearing  gifts  of  silver,  gold,  etc. 
Although  it  was  over  a century  before  the  Assyrian  kings  succeeded  in 
capturing  Damascus  (§§208,  212,  and  213),  this  incident  showed  the 
Hebrews  what  they  might  expect.  The  scene  is  carved  on  a black  stone 
shaft  set  up  by  the  Assyrian  king  in  his  palace  on  the  Tigris,  where  the 
modern  excavators  found  it.  It  is  now  in  the  British  Museum 

than  Palestine  — that  He , controlled  the  great  world  arena, 
where  He,  and  not  Assur,  was  the  triumphant  champion.  If  the 
Assyrians  had  wasted  and  plundered  Palestine,  it  was  because 
they  were  but  the  lash  in  the  hands  of  Yahveh,  who  was  using 
them  as  a scourge  to  punish  Judah  for  its  wrongdoing.  Isaiah 
made  this  all  clear  to  the  people  by  vivid  oriental  illustrations, 
calling  Assyria  the  " rod  ” of  Yahveh’s  anger,  scourging  the 
Hebrews  (Isa.  x,  5-15). 


212 


Ancient  Times 


309.  De- 
struction of 
Sennacherib's 
army  and 
vindication 
of  Isaiah's 
teaching 


Fig.  130.  Sennacherib,  King  of  Assyria, 
RECEIVING  Captive  Hebrews 


310.  De- 
struction of 
the  Southern 
kingdom  by 
Chaldea 
(586  B.c.) 


The  artist,  endeavoring  to  sketch  the  stony 
hills  of  southern  Palestine,  has  made  the  sur- 
face of  the  ground  look  like  scales.  We  see  the 
Assyrian  king  seated  on  a throne,  while  ad- 
vancing up  the  hill  is  a group  of  Assyrian 
soldiers  headed  by  the  grand  vizier,  who  stands 
before  the  king,  announcing  the  coming  of  the 
Hebrew  captives.  At  the  left,  behind  the  sol- 
diers, appear  three  of  the  captives  kneeling  on 
the  ground  and  lifting  up  their  hands  to  appeal 
for  mercy.  The  inscription  over  the  vizier’s 
head  reads,  " Sennacherib,  king  of  the  world, 
king  of  Assyria,  seated  himself  upon  a throne, 
while  the  captives  of  Lachish  passed  before 
him.”  Lachish  was  a small  town  of  southern 
Palestine.  Sennacherib  captured  many  such 
Hebrew  towns  and  carried  off  over  two  hun- 
dred thousand  captives ; but  even  his  own  rec- 
ords make  no  claim  that  he  captured  Jerusalem 
(cf.  § 309).  The  scene  is  engraved  on  a large 
slab  of  alabaster,  which  with  many  others 
adorned  the  palace  of  Sennacherib  at  Nineveh 


Thus  while  the 
people  were  mo- 
mentarily expecting 
the  destruction  of 
Jerusalem,  Isaiah 
undauntedly  pro- 
claimed a great  and 
glorious  future  for 
the  Hebrews  and 
speedy  disaster  for 
the  Assyrians.  When 
at  length  a pestilence 
from  the  marshes 
of  the  eastern  Nile 
Delta  swept  away 
the  army  of  Sen- 
nacherib and  saved 
Jerusalem,  it  seemed 
to  the  Hebrews  the 
destroying  angel  of 
Yahveh  who  had 
smitten  the  Assyrian 
host  (see  2 Kings 
xix,  32—37).  Some 
of  the  Hebrews  then 
began  to  see  that 
they  must  think  of 
Yahveh  as  ruling  a 
larger  world  than 
Palestine. 

Nearly  a century 
after  the  deliverance 
from  Sennacherib 
they  beheld  and 
rejoiced  over  the 


The  Hebrews  and  the  Declme  of  the  Oriejit  213 

destruction  of  Nineveh  (612  b.c.,  § 231),  and  they  fondly 
hoped  that  the  fall  of  Assyria  meant  final  deliverance  from 
foreign  oppression.  But  they  had  only  exchanged  one  foreign 
lord  for  another,  and  Chaldea  followed  Assyria  in  control  of 
Palestine  (§  233).  Then  their  unwillingness  to  submit  brought 
upon  the  Hebrews  of  Judah  the  same  fate  which  their  kindred 
of  Israel  had  suffered  (§  306).  In  586  b.c.  Nebuchadnezzar, 
the  Chaldean  king,  destroyed  Jerusalem  and  carried  away  the 
people  to  exile  in  Babylonia.  The  Hebrew  nation  both  North 
and  South  was  thus  wiped  out,  after  having  existed  about 
four  and  a half  centuries  since  the  crowning  of  Saul. 


Section  31.  The  Hebrews  in  Exile  and  their 
Deliverance  by  the  Persians 


Some  of  the  fugitives  fled  to  Egypt.  Among  them  was  the 
melancholy  prophet  Jeremiah,  who  had  foreseen  the  coming 
destruction  of  Jerusalem  with  its  temple  of  Yahveh.  He  strove 
to  teach  his  people  that  each  must  regard  his  own  heart  as  a 
temple  of  Yahveh,  which  would  endure  long  after  His  temple 
In  Jerusalem  had  crashed  into  ruin.  Recent  excavation  has 
restored  to  us  the  actual  papers  of  a colony  of  Hebrews  in 
Egypt  at  Elephantine  (see  map,  p.  36,  and  Fig.  211).  These 
papers  (Fig.  13 1)  show  that  the  exiled  Hebrews  in  Egypt  had 
not  yet  reached  Jeremiah’s  ideal  of  a temple  of  Yahveh  in 
every  human  heart ; for  they  had  built  a temple  of  their  own, 
in  which  they  carried  on  the  worship  of  Yahveh. 

Similarly,  the  Hebrew  exiles  in  Babylonia  were  not  yet  con- 
vinced of  the  truth  of  the  teaching  they  had  heard  from  their 
great  leaders  the  prophets.  There  were  at  first  only  grief  and 
unanswered  questionings,  of  which  the  echo  still  reaches  us : 


311.  Jere- 
miah and  a 
temple  of  the 
Hebrews 
in  Egypt 


312.  Doubts 
of  the  exiled 
Hebrews  in 
Babylonia 
and  the  great 
prophet  of 
the  exile 


By  the  rivers  of  Babylon, 

There  we  sat  down,  yea  we  wept, 

When  we  remembered  Zion  [Jerusalem]. 
Upon  the  willows  in  the  midst  thereof 


214 


Aftcieiit  Times 


313.  Mono- 
theism 
reached  by 
the  Hebrews 
in  exile 


We  hanged  up  our  harps. 

How  shall  we  sing  Yahveh’s  song 

In  a strange  land.''  (Psalms  137,  1-4) 

Had  they  not  left  Yahveh  behind  in  Palestine?  And  then 
arose  a wonderful  teacher^  among  the  Hebrew  exiles,  and  out 
of  centuries  of  affliction  gave  them  the  answer.  In  a series  of 
triumphant  speeches  this  greatest  of  the  Hebrews  declared 
Yahveh  to  be  the  creator  and  sole  God  of  the  universe.  He 
explained  to  his  fellow  exiles  that  suffering  and  affliction  were 
the  best  possible  training  and  discipline  to  prepare  a people 
for  service.  He  announced  therefore  that  by  afflicting  them 
Yahveh  was  only  preparing  His  suffering  people  for  service  to 
the  world  and  that  He  would  yet  restore  them  and  enable  them 
to  fulfil  a great  mission  to  all  men.  He  greeted  the  sudden  rise 
of  Cyrus  the  Persian  (§  258)  with  joy.  All  kings,  he  taught, 
were  but  instruments  in  the  hands  of  Yahveh,  who  through 
the  Persians  would  overthrow  the  Chaldeans  and  return  the 
Hebrews  to  their  land. 

Thus  had  the  Hebrew  vision  of  Yahveh  slowly  grown  from 
the  days  of  their  nomad  life,  when  they  had  seen  him  only  as  a 
fierce  tribal  war  god,  having  no  power  beyond  the  corner  of  the 
desert  where  they  lived,  until  now  when  they  had  come  to  see 
that  He  was  a kindly  father  and  a righteous  ruler  of  all  the  earth. 
This  was  monotheism  (§  120),  a belief  which  made  Yahveh  the 
sole  God.  They  had  reached  it  only  through  a long  development, 
which  brought  them  suffering  and  disaster — a discipline  lasting 
many  centuries.  Just  as  the  individual  to-day,  especially  a young 
person,  learns  from  his  mistakes,  and  develops  character  as  he 
suffers  for  his  own  errors,  so  the  suffering  Hebrews  had  out- 
grown many  imperfect  ideas.  They  thus  illustrated  the  words 
of  the  greatest  of  Hebrew  teachers,  " First  the  blade,  then  the 

1 A great  poet-preacher,  a prophet  of  the  exile,  whose  addresses  to  his  fellow 
exiles  are  preserved  in  sixteen  chapters  imbedded  in  the  Old  Testament  book  of 
Isaiah  (chaps,  xl-lv,  inclusive). 


f.  ■.  ^iLp  ¥)^w<  wil^5  \*!^H-^  hvw  C‘<v/'*  ■«i-»?)v  -4-^ 

''  4 ,V^*  "jw  )vy 

i4,4  'l1i>>Jli.)'’>2^;^^'^ry/i 

r^A  s'j^V'^^  ^‘'  -H/sfv  V Cf-h  fM 

'if  -Wi.44j>'t  H# 

CM1Cv,^A>^v 

'S{t/^y|w‘4^<^i/*;(  »>  *f‘)vs’^  i<,\) 

l'3^i>®?4^‘''^‘»'  '*^)  P w^'  }*\3  \j \/,  j^'l ii  .;■' 

y " *‘^,?  '*)'<  tn^5 

j*^?  ’ j^/)  vr  ^?ij<  *)»^-fl)<)''  ^sp 

•AV?W  J^*(i>/  'ihtlsi^  fA'>H^  yi^,‘^s 

ST^-Jh/A*  7^4t>. 


Fig.  131.  Ara.maic  Letter  written  by  a Hebrew  Community 
IN  Egypt  to  the  Persian  Governor  of  Palestine  in  the 
Fifth  Century  b.c. 


This  remarkable  letter  was  discovered  in  1907,  with  many  other  similar 
papers,  lying  in  the  ruins  of  the  town  of  Elephantine  (Fig.  21 1)  in  Upper 
Egypt.  Here  lived  a community  of  some  six  or  seven  hundred  Hebrews, 
some  of  whom  had  probably  migrated  to  Egypt  before  Nebuchadnezzar 
destroyed  Jerusalem  {§  310).  They  had  built  a temple  to  Yahveh 
(Jehovah)  on  the  banks  of  the  Nile.  This  letter  tells  how  the  jealous 
Egyptian  priests  formed  a mob,  burned  the  Hebrew  temple,  and  plun- 
dered it  of  its  gold  and  silver  vessels.  Thereupon  the  whole  Hebrew 
community  sat  down  in  mourning,  and  for  three  years  they  tried  in  vain 
to  secure  permission  to  rebuild.  Then  in  407  b.c.  their  leaders  wrote 
this  letter  to  Bagoas,  the  Persian  governor  of  Palestine,  begging  him  to 
use  his  influence  with  the  Persian  governor  of  Egypt,  to  permit  them 
to  rebuild  their  ruined  temple.  They  refer  by  name  to  persons  in 
Palestine  who  are  also  mentioned  in  the  Old  Testament.  The  letter  is 
written  with  pen  and  ink  on  papyrus,  in  the  Aramaic  language  (§  205 
and  Fig.  loi),  which  was  now  rapidly  displacing  Hebrew  (§  207).  This 
writing  used  the  Phoenician  letters  long  before  adopted  throughout 
AVestern  Asia  (§  205).  This  beautifully  written  sheet  of  papyrus,  about 
10  by  13  inches,  bearing  the  same  letters  which  the  Hebrews  used 
(§  305),  shows  us  exactly  how  a page  of  their  ancient  writings  in  the 
Old  Testament  looked.  They  read  the  stories  of  Abraham,  Isaac, 
Jacob,  and  Joseph  (§  305)  from  pages  like  this 
215 


2i6 


Ancietit  Times 


314.  Resto- 
ration of 
the  exiled 
Hebrews  by 
the  Persian 
kings 


315.  Jewish 
law  and  Ju- 
daism ; the 
restored 
Jewish  state 
a church 


316.  Editing 
of  Hebrew 
writings : the 
Prophets  and 
the  Psalms 


ear,  then  the  full  grain  in  the  ear.”  ^ By  this  rich  and  wonder- 
ful experience  of  the  Hebrews  in  religious  progress  the  whole  f 
world  was  yet  to  profit.  ! 

When  the  victorious  Cyrus  entered  Babylon  (§  261)  the  [ 
Hebrew  exiles  there  greeted  him  as  their  deliverer.  His  j 
triumph  gave  the  Hebrews  a Persian  ruler.  With  great  j 
humanity  the  Persian  kings  allowed  the  exiles  to  return  to  ' 
their  native  land.  Some  had  prospered  in  Babylonia  and  did 
not  care  to  return.  But  at  different  times  enough  of  them  went 
back  to  Jerusalem  to  rebuild  the  city  on  a very  modest  scale 
and  to  restore  the  temple. 

The  authority  given  by  the  Persian  government  to  the 
returned  Hebrew  leaders  enabled  them  to  establish  and  publish 
the  religious  laws  which  have  ever  since  been  revered  by  the 
Jews.  The  religion  thus  organized  by  the  returned  Hebrew 
leaders  we  now  call  Judaism,  the  religion  of  the  Jews.  Under 
it  the  old  Hebrew  kingship  was  not  revived.  In  its  place  a 
High  Priest  at  Jerusalem  became  the  ruler  of  the  Jews.  The 
Jewish  state  was  thus  a religions  organization,  a church  with  a 
priest  at  its  head. 

The  leaders  of  this  church  devoted  themselves  to  the  study  of 
the  ancient  writings  of  their  race  still  surviving  in  their  hands. 

A number  of  the  old  writings,  some  of  them  mentioned  in  the 
Old  Testament,  had  been  lost.  They  arranged  and  copied  the 
orations  and  addresses  of  the  prophets,  and  all  the  old  Hebrew 
writings  they  possessed.  As  time  went  on,  and  the  service  of 
the  restored  temple  developed,  they  arranged  a remarkable 
book  of  a hundred  and  fifty  religious  songs  — the  hymn  book  of 
the  second  temple,  known  to  us  as  the  Book  of  Psalms. 
For  a long  time,  indeed  for  centuries,  these  various  Hebrew 
books,  such  as  the  Law,  the  Prophets,  the  Psalms,  and  others, 
circulated  in  separate  rolls,  and  it  did  not  occur  to  anyone  to 
put  them  together  to  form  one  book. 


1 The  words  of  Jesus;  see  Mark  iv,  28. 


The  Hebrews  and  the  Decline  of  the  Orient  217 


It  was  not  until  Christian  times  that  the  Jewish  leaders  put 
all  these  old  writings  of  their  fathers  together  to  form  one 
book.  Printed  in  Hebrew,  as  they  were  originally  written, 
they  form  the  Bible  of  the  Jews  at  the  present  day.  These 
Hebrew  writings  have  also  become  a sacred  book  of  the 
Christian  nations.  When  translated  into  English,  it  is  called 
the  Old  Testament.  It  forms  to-day  the  most  precious  legacy 
which  we  have  inherited  from  the  older  Orient  before  the 
coming  of  Christ  (§  1067).  It  tells  the  story  of  how  a rude 
shepherd  folk  issued  from  the  wilds  of  the  Arabian  desert,  to 
live  in  Palestine  and  to  go  through  experiences  there  which 
made  them  the  religious  teachers  of  the  civilized  world.  And 
we  should  further  remember,  that,  crowning  all  their  history, 
there  came  forth  from  them  in  due  time  the  founder  of  the 
Christian  religion  (§1067).  One  of  the  most  important  things 
that  we  owe  to  the  Persians,  therefore,  was  their  restoration 
of  the  Hebrews  to  Palestine.  The  Persians  thus  saved  and 
aided  in  transmitting  to  us  the  great  legacy  from  Hebrew  life 
which  we  have  in  the  Old  Testament,  and  in  the  life  of  the 
Founder  of  Christianity. 


Section  32.  Decline  of  Oriental  Leadership; 
Estimate  of  Oriental  Civilization 

Persia  was  the  last  of  the  great  oriental  powers  and,  as  its 
decline  continued  after  400  b.c.,  it  gave  way  to  the  Greeks, 
another  Indo-European  people  who  arose  not  in  Asia  but  in 
Europe,  to  which  we  must  now  go.  Before  we  do  so,  however, 
let  us  look  back  over  oriental  civilization  for  a moment  and 
review  what  it  accomplished  in  over  thirty-five  hundred  years. 
We  recall  how  it  passed  from  the  discovery  of  metal  and  the 
invention  of  writing,  through  three  great  chapters  of  history 
on  the  Nile  (about  3000  to  1150  b.c.),  and  three  more  on 
the  Two  Rivers  (thirty-first  century  to  539  B.c.).  When  the 
six  great  chapters  were  ended,  the  East  finally  fell  under  the 


317.  The 
Old  Testa- 
ment and 
our  legacy 
in  Hebrew 
religion 


318.  Decline 
of  the  Orient 
and  end  of 
its  leadership 
of  the  ancient 
world  (fifth 
to  fourth  cen- 
turies B.c.) 


2I8 


Ancient  Times 


319.  The 
achievements 
of  the  Orient; 
inventions 


330.  The 

achievements 

of  the  Orient : 

earliest 

architecture, 

sculpture, 

alphabet, 

literature, 

calendar, 

science, 

government 


321.  The 
achievements 
of  the  Orient: 
religion 


rule  of  the  incoming  Indo-Europeans,  led  by  the  Persians 
(from  539  B.e.  on). 

What  did  the  Ancient  Orient  really  accomplish  for  the  human 
race  in  the  course  of  this  long  career?  It  gave  the  world  the 
first  highly  developed  practical  arts,  like  metal  work,  weaving, 
glassmaking,  paper-making,  and  many  other  similar  industries. 
To  distribute  the  products  of  these  industries  among  other 
peoples  and  carry  on  commerce,  it  built  the  earliest  seagoing 
ships.  It  first  was  able  to  move  great  weights  and  undeflake 
large  building  enterprises  — large  even  for  us  of  to-day.  The 
early  Orient  therefore  brought  forth  a great  group  of  inventions 
surpassed  in  importance  only  by  those  of  the  modern  world. 

The  Orient  also  gave  us  the  earliest  architecture  in  stone 
masonry,  the  colonnade,  the  arch,  and  the  tower  or  spire.  It 
produced  the  earliest  refined  sculpture,  from  the  wonderful 
portrait  figures  and  colossal  statues  of  Egypt  to  the  exquisite 
seals  of  early  Babylonia.  It  gave  us  writing  and  the  earliest 
alphabet.  In  literature  it  brought  forth  the  earliest  known 
tales  in  narrative  prose,  poems,  historical  works,  social  dis- 
cussions, and  even  a drama.  It  gave  us  the  calendar  we  still 
use.  It  made  a beginning  in  mathematics,  astronomy,  and 
medicine.  It  first  produced  government  on  a large  scale, 
whether  of  a single  great  nation  or  of  an  empire  made  up 
of  a group  of  nations. 

Finally,  in  religion  the  East  developed  the  earliest  belief  in 
a sole  God  and  his  fatherly  care  for  all  men,  and  it  laid  the 
foundations  of  a religious  life  from  which  came  forth  the 
founder  of  the  leading  religion  of  the  civilized  world  to-day. 
For  these  things,  accomplished — most  of  them — while  Europe 
was  still  undeveloped,  our  debt  to  the  Orient  is  enormous. 

Let  us  see,  however,  if  there  were  not  some  important 
things  which  the  East  had  not  yet  gained.  The  East  had 
always  accepted  as  a matter  of  course  the  rule  of  a king, 
and  believed  that  his  rule  should  be  kindly  and  just.  It  had 
never  occurred  to  anyone  there,  that  the  people  should  have 


The  Hebrews  and  the  Decline  of  the  Orient  219 


a voice  in  the  government,  and  something  to  say  about  how 
they  should  be  governed.  No  one  had  ever  gained  the  idea  of 
a free  citizen,  a man  feeling  what  we  call  patriotism,  and  under 
obligations  to  vote  and  to  share  in  the  government.  Liberty  as 
we  understand  it  was  unknown,  and  the  rule  of  the  people, 
which  we  call  " democracy,”  was  never  dreamed  of  in  the 
Orient.  Hence  the  life  of  the  individual  man  lacked  the 
stimulating  responsibilities  which  come  with  citizenship.  Such 
responsibilities,  — like  that  of  thinking  about  public  questions 
and  then  voting,  or  of  serving  as  a soldier  to  defend  the 
nation,  — these  duties  quicken  the  mind  and  force  men  to 
action,  and  they  were  among  the  strongest  influences  in  pro- 
ducing great  men  in  Greece  and  Rome. 

Just  as  the  Orientals  accepted  the  rule  of  kings  without 
question,  so  they  accepted  the  rule  of  the  gods.  It  was  a 
tradition  which  they  and  their  fathers  had  always  accepted. 
This  limited  their  ideas  of  the  world  about  them.  They  thought 
that  every  storm  was  due  to  the  interference  of  some  god,  and 
that  every  eclipse  must  be  the  angry  act  of  a god  or  demon. 
Hence  the  Orientals  made  little  inquiry  into  the  natural  causes 
of  such  things.  In  general,  then,  they  suffered  from  a lack  of 
freedom  of  the  mind  — a kind  of  intellectual  bondage  to  religion 
and  to  old  ideas. ^ Under  these  circumstances  natural  science 
could  not  go  very  far,  and  religion  was  much  darkened  by 
superstition,  while  art  and  literature  lacked  some  of  their 
greatest  sources  of  stimulus  and  inspiration.  - 

There  were,  therefore,  still  boundless  things  for  mankind 
to  do  in  government,  in  thought  about  the  natural  world,  in 
gaining  deeper  views  of  the  wonders  and  beauties  of  nature, 
as  well  as  in  art,  in  literature,  and  in  many  other  lines.  This 
future  progress  was  to  be  made  in  Europe  — that  Europe 


322.  Lack 
of  political 
freedom, 
democratic 
government, 
and  citizen- 
ship in  the 
Ancient 
Orient 


323.  Lack  of 
freedom  of 
mind  from 
religious  tra- 
dition in  the 
Ancient 
Orient 


324.  Limita- 
tions caused 
by  lack  of 
political  and 
intellectual 
freedom ; 
transition 
to  Europe 


1 Intellectual  freedom  from  tradition  was  earliest  shown  by  the  great  Egyp- 
tian king  Ikhnaton  (§§  118-120)  and  by  the  Hebrew  prophets  (§  304).  Perhaps 
we  could  also  include  Zoroaster;  but  complete  intellectual  freedom  was  first 
attained  by  the  Greeks. 


220 


Ancient  Times 


which  we  left  at  the  end  of  our  first  chapter  in  the  Late  Stone 
Age.  To  Europe,  therefore,  we  must  now  turn,  to  follow  across 
the  eastern  Mediterranean  the  course  of  rising  civilization,  as 
it  passed  from  the  Orient  to  our  forefathers  in  early  Europe 
four  to  five  thousand  years  ago. 

QUESTIONS 

Section  27.  Describe  the  situation  and  character  of  the  land 
of  the  Hebrews.  What  can  you  say  about  the  character  of  its 
civilization.?  Was  it  likely  to  offer  a tranquil  home?  Why? 

Section  28.  Where  was  the  original  home  of  the  Hebrews  ? 
Where  did  some  of  them  suffer  bondage?  What  was  the  result  of 
their  living  among  the  Canaanites?  Did  all  the  Hebrews  adopt  the 
settled  life?  When  did  they  gain  their  first  king  and  who  was  he? 
Who  was  their  leading  enemy?  Describe  the  reign  of  David;  of 
Solomon.  What  happened  to  the  kingdom  after  Solomon? 

Section  29.  What  were  the  relations  between  the  two  Hebrew 
kingdoms?  Contrast  the  two  kingdoms.  How  did  this  contrast 
affect  religion?  What  work  did  Elijah  do?  Were  there  more  peace- 
ful men  of  similar  opinions  ? What  can  you  say  of  the  tales  of  the 
patriarchs?  Tell  the  story  of  Amos.  What  was  the  work  of  a 
prophet?  Whence  did  the  Hebrews  learn  to  write  and  what  were 
their  first  books  ? 

Section  30.  What  danger  threatened  the  Hebrews  from  abroad? 
What  happened  to  the  Northern  kingdom?  Did  the  Hebrews  be- 
lieve Yahveh  to  be  stronger  than  Assur?  What  can  you  say  of  the 
work  of  Isaiah?  Tell  about  Sennacherib’s  campaign  against  Jerusa- 
lem. Describe  the  destruction  of  the  Southern  kingdom. 

Section  31.  What  became  of  the  Hebrews  of  Judah?  What 
did  they  think  about  Yahveh?  Who  taught  them  better  and  what 
was  his  teaching?  Did  the  Hebrews  reach  their  highest  ideas  about 
Yahveh  all  at  once  or  were  such  ideas  a gradual  growth?  What  did 
the  returned  Hebrews  accomplish  and  by  what  authority  ? 

Section  32.  What  were  the  most  important  things  which  the 
Orient  contributed  to  human  life?  Did  the  people  there  ever  have 
any  voice  in  government?  Were  there  any  citizens?  What  was  the 
attitude  of  the  Orientals  toward  the  gods  ? What  was  the  effect  upon 
science?  To  what  region  do  we  now  follow  the  story  of  early  man? 


PART  III.  THE  GREEKS 

CHAPTER  VIII 

THE  DAWN  OF  EUROPEAN  CIVILIZATION  AND  THE  RISE 
OF  THE  EASTERN  MEDITERRANEAN  WORLD 

Section  33.  The  Dawn  of  Civilization  in  Europe 

We  have  already  studied  the  life  of  earliest  man  in  Europe, 
where  we  followed  his  progress  step  by  step  through  some  fifty 
thousand  years  (Sections  1-4).  At  that  point  we  were  obliged 
to  leave  him  and  to  pass  over  from  Europe  to  the  Orient,  to 
watch  there  the  birth  and  growth  of  civilization,  while  all  Europe 
remained  in  the  barbarism  of  the  Late  Stone  Age.  Meantime 

Note.  The  above  drawing  shows  us  the  upper  part  of  a stone  vase  carved 
by  a Cretan  sculptor.  The  lower  part  is  lost.  The  scene  depicts  a procession  of 
Cretan  peasants  with  wooden  pitchforks  over  their  shoulders.  Among  them  is  a 
chorus  of  youths  with  wide-open  mouths,  lustily  singing  a harvest  song,  doubtless 
in  honor  of  the  great  Earth  Mother  (§  357h  to  whom  the  peasants  believed 
they  owed  the  fertility  of  the  earth.  The  music  is  led  by  a priest  with  head 
shaven  after  the  Egyptian  manner,  and  he  carries  upraised  before  his  face  a 
sistrum,  a musical  rattle  which  came  from  Egypt.  The  work  is  so  wonderfully 
carved  that  we  seem  to  feel  the  forward  motion  of  the  procession. 


325.  Late 
Stone  Age 
Europe  and 
its  future 


221 


222 


Ancient  Times 


326.  The 
wares  dis- 
tributed in 
Late  Stone 
Age  Europe 
by  traders 
from  the 
Mediter- 
ranean 


327.  The 
oriental 
source  of  the 
European 
trader’s  wares 


328.  Europe 
nears  of  the 
earliest  ships 
in  the  far- 
away Nile 


the  towns  and  villages  of  the  Late  Stone  Age  men  had  stretched 
far  across  Europe.  The  smoke  of  their  settlements  rose  through 
the  forests  and  high  over  the  lakes  and  valleys  of  Switzerland. 
Their  roofs  dotted  the  plains  and  nestled  in  the  inlets  of  the 
sea,  whence  they  were  thickly  strewn  far  up  the  winding  val- 
leys of  the  rivers  into  inner  Europe.  In  southeastern  Europe 
these  men  had  finally  reached  the  dawn  of  the  Age  of  Metal, 
about  three  thousand  years  before  Christ.^ 

The  occasional  visits  of  the  traders  from  the  coast  settle- 
ments along  the  Mediterranean  were  welcome  events.  Such 
a trader’s  wares  were  eagerly  inspected.  Some  bargained  with 
him  for  a few  decorated  jars  of  pottery,  while  others  pre- 
ferred glittering  blue-glaze  beads.  Great  was  the  interest, 
too,  when  the  trader  exhibited  a few  shining  beads  or  neck 
rings  of  a strange,  heavy,  gleaming,  reddish  substance,  so 
beautiful  that  the  villagers  trafficked  eagerly  for  them.  Most 
desired  of  all,  however,  was  the  dagger  (Fig.  132)  or  ax  head 
made  of  the  same  unknown  substance.  Such  ax  heads,  though 
they  were  much  thinner,  did  not  break  like  stone  axes,  and 
they  could  be  ground  to  a better  edge  than  the  ground  stone 
ax  ever  gained. 

To  the  communities  of  inner  Europe,  the  trader  brought  also 
vague  rumors  of  the  lands  from  which  his  wares  had  come, 
of  great  peoples  who  dwelt  beyond  the  wide  waters  of  the 
Mediterranean  Sea.  Whereupon  some  of  the  Late  Stone  Age 
villagers  of  Europe  perhaps  recalled  a dim  tradition  of  their 
fathers  that  grain  and  flax,  and  even  cattle  and  sheep,  first 
came  to  them  from  the  same  wonderlands  of  the  Far  East. 

With  rapt  attention  and  awe-struck  faces  they  listened  to  the 
trader’s  tales,  telling  of  huge  ships  (Fig.  41)  which  made  the 
rude  European  dugouts  (Fig.  14)  look  like  tiny  chips.  They 


1 As  we  shall  see,  the  Stone  Age  was  only  very  gradually  succeeded  by  the 
Copper  or  Bronze  Age.  Metal  reached  southeastern  Europe  not  long  after 
3000  B.C.,  but  in  western  and  northern  Europe  it  was  almost  2000  B.c.  before 
the  beginning  of  the  Copper  Age,  which  soon  became  the  Bronze  Age. 


The  Dawn  of  European  Civilization  223 

had  many  oarsmen  on  each  side,  and  mighty  fir  trunks  were 
mounted  upright  in  the  craft,  carrying  huge  sheets  of  linen  to 
catch  the  favoring  wind,  which  thus  drove  them  swiftly  from 
land  to  land.  They  came  out  of  the  many  mouths  of  the  vast 
river  of  Egypt,  greater  than  any  river  in  the  world,  said  the 
trader,  and  they  bore  heavy  cargoes  across  the  Mediterranean 


A 

Egypt 


BCD 
Italy  Jura  Mountains  Denmark 


Fig.  132.  Series  of  Four  Dagger  Blades  of  Copper  and 
Bronze,  showing  Influence  from  Egypt  to  Denmark 

The  lost  handles  were  of  wood,  bone,  or  ivory,  and  the  rivet  holes  for 
fastening  them  can  still  be  seen.  We  see  in  this  series  how  the  early 
Egyptian  form  (A)  passed  from  Egypt  across  Europe  to  the  Scandina- 
vian countries.  The  later  swords  of  western  Europe  were  simply  the 
old  Egyptian  dagger  elongated 


to  the  islands  and  coasts  of  southeastern  Europe  or  neighbor- 
ing Asia.  Thus  at  the  dawn  of  history,  barbarian  Europe 
looked  across  the  Mediterranean  to  the  great  civilization  of 
the  Nile,  as  our  own  North  American  Indians  fixed  their 
wondering  eyes  on  the  first  Europeans  who  landed  in  America, 
and  listened  to  like  strange  tales  of  great  and  distant  peoples. 

Slowly  Europe  learned  the  use  of  metal  (Fig.  133  and  p.  222, 
footnote).  In  spite  of  much  progress  in  craftsmanship  and  a 


224 


Aficieiit  Times 


329.  Back- 
wardness of 
the  continent 
of  Europe 
after  receiv- 
ing metal 
(3000- 

2000  B.c.) 


more  civilized  life  in  general,  the  possession  of  metal  did  not 
enable  the  peoples  of  Europe  to  advance  to  a high  type  of 
civilization.  They  still  remained  without  writing,  without  archi- 
tecture in  hewn-stone  masonry,  and  without  large  sailing  ships 
for  commerce.^  The  failure  to  make  progress  in  architecture 
beyond  such  rough  stone  structures  as  Stonehenge  (Fig.  20) 


Fig.  133.  Chariot  made  by  the  Mechanics  of  Bronze  Age 

Europe 

This  chariot  shows  us  what  good  woodwork  the  Bronze  Age  craftsmen 
could  do  with  bronze  tools.  It  is  also  an  evidence  of  the  far-reaching 
commerce  of  the  Bronze  Age ; for  it  was  transported  across  the 
Mediterranean  to  Egypt,  where  it  was  placed  in  a cliff-tomb,  to  be 
used  by  some  wealthy  Egyptian  after  death.  There  it  has  survived  in 
perfect  condition  to  our  day.  It  is  built  of  elm  and  ash,  with  bindings 
of  birch  fiber.  The  birch  does  not  grow  south  of  the  Mediterranean, 
and  hence  the  chariot  must  have  been  made  on  the  north  of  the 
Mediterranean  (§  329) 

is  an  illustration  of  this  backwardness  of  western  and  northern  1 
Europe.  It  clearly  proves  the  failure  of  Bronze  Age  Europe  j 
to  bring  forth  a high  civilization,  such  as  we  have  found  in 
the  Orient.  It  was  naturally  in  that  portion  of  Europe  nearest 
Egypt  that  civilization  developed  most  rapidly ; namely,  around  ! 
the  ^Egean  Sea. 

1 In  this  matter  the  Norsemen  were  the  leaders  in  northern  Europe,  and 
seem  to  have  developed  considerable  skill  in  navigation  by  1500  B.c. 


The  Dawn  of  Eiir ope  an  Civilization 


225 


Section  34.  The  ^gean  World  : the  Islands 


The  ^Tlgean  Sea  is  like  a large  lake,  almost  completely  en- 
circled by  the  surrounding  lands  (see  map,  p.  252).  Around  its 
west  and  north  sides  stretches  the  mainland  of  Europe,  on  the 
east  is  Asia  Minor,  while  the  long  Island  of  Crete  on  the  south 
lies  like  a breakwater,  shutting  off  the  Mediterranean  from  the 
^gean  Sea.  From  north  to  south  this  sea  is  at  no  point  more 
than  four  hundred  miles  in  length,  while  its  width  varies  greatly. 
It  is  a good  deal  longer  than  Lake  Michigan,  and  in  places 
over  twice  as  wide.  Its  coast  is  deeply  indented  with  many 
bays  and  harbors,  and  it  is  so  thickly  sprinkled  with  hundreds 
of  islands  that  it  is  often  possible  to  sail  from  one  island  to 
another  in  an  hour  or  two.  Indeed  it  is  almost  impossible  to 
cross  the  AEgean  without  seeing  land  all  the  way,  and  in  a 
number  of  directions  at  the  same  time.  Just  as  Chicago,  Mil- 
waukee, and  other  towns  around  Lake  Michigan  are  linked 
together  by  modem  steamboats,  so  we  shall  see  incoming  civi- 
lization connecting  the  shores  of  the  zEgean  by  sailing  ships. 
This  sea,  therefore,  with  its  islands  and  the  fringe  of_  shores 
around  it,  formed  a region  by  itself,  which  we  may  call  the 
zEgean  world. 

It  enjoys  a mild  and  sunny  climate ; for  this  region  of  the 
Mediterranean  lies  in  the  belt  of  rainy  winters  and  dry  summers. 
Here  and  there,  along  the  bold  and  broken,  but  picturesque  and 
beautiful,  shores  (Plate  III,  p.  278),  river  valleys  and  small 
plains  descend  to  the  water’s  edge.  Here  wheat  and  barley, 
grapes  and  olives,  may  be  cultivated  without  irrigation.  Hence 
bread,  wine,  and  oil  were  the  chief  food,  as  among  most  Medi- 
terranean peoples  to  this  day.  Wine  is  their  tea  and  coffee,  and 
oil  is  their  butter.  So  in  the  Homeric  poems  (§§408-411) 
bread  and  wine  are  spoken  of  as  the  food  of  all,  even  of  the 
children.  The  wet  season  clothes  the  uplands  with  rich  green 
pastures,  where  the  shepherds  may  feed  the  flocks  which  dot 
the  hillsides  far  and  near.  Few  regions  of  the  world  are 


330.  The 
Aigean  Sea 
and  the 
JEgean  world 


331.  Climate 
and  products 
of  the  Atgean 
world 


226 


Ancient  Times 


332.  The 
^gean  world 
and  its  near- 
ness to  the 
Orient 


3.  The 


/Egean 
Islands  out- 
posts of  the 
Orient;  prog- 
ress of  these 
islands  and 
backwardness 
of  the  main- 
land 


334.  The 
people  of  the 
jEgean  world 


better  suited  to  be  the  home  of  happy  and  prosperous  com- 
munities, grateful  to  the  gods  for  all  their  plentiful  gifts  by 
land  and  sea. 

A map  of  the  Mediterranean  (p.  678)  shows  us  that  the 
ALgean  world  is  the  region  where  Europe  thrusts  forward  its 
southernmost  and  easternmost  peninsula  (Greece),  with  its  island 
outposts,  especially  Crete,  reaching  far  out  into  the  oriental 
waters  so  early  crossed  and  recrossed  by  Egyptian  ships 
(§  77).  The  map  thus  shows  us  why  the  earliest  high  civi- 
lization on  the  north  side  of  the  Mediterranean  appeared  on 
the  Island  of  Crete.  At  the  same  time  we  should  notice  that 
the  Aigean  world  is  touched  by  Asia,  which  here  throws  out 
its  westernmost  heights  (Asia  Minor),  so  that  Asia  and  Europe 
face  each  other  across  the  waters  of  the  ^Egean.  Asia  _Minor 
with  its  trade  routes  was  a link  which  connected  the  Aegean 
world  with  the  Fertile  Crescent. 

We  see  here,  then,  that  the  older  oriental  civilizations  con- 
verged upon  the  ^Egean  by  two  routes : first  and  earliest  by 
ship  across  the  Mediterranean  from  Egypt ; second  by  land 
through  Asia  Minor  from  the  Euphrates  world.  Thus  the 
vEgean  islands  became  a bridge  connecting  the  Orient  and 
Europe.  Already  in  the  Late  Stone  Age  the  Aegean  islands 
had  unavoidably  become  outposts  of  the  great  oriental  civili- 
zations which  we  have  found  so  early  on  the  Nile  and  the 
Euphrates.  It  was  on  the  yEgean  islands  and  not  on  the 
mainland  of  Europe  that  the  earliest  high  civilization  on 
the  north  side  of  the  Mediterranean  grew  up. 

We  call  the  earliest  inhabitants  of  the  AEgean  world  ^Egeans. 
They  were  inhabiting  this  region  when  civilization  dawned  there 
(about  3000  B.C.),  and  they  continued  to  live  there  for  many 
centuries  before  the  race  known  to  us  as  the  Greeks  entered 
the  region.  These  ^Egeans,  the  predecessors  of  the  Greeks 
in  the  northern  Mediterranean,  belonged  to  a great  and  gifted 
white  race  having  no  connection  with  the  Greeks.  They  were, 
and  their  descendants  still  are,  widely  extended  along  the 


The  Dawn  of  Etiropean  Civilisation 


227 


northern  shores  of  the  Mediterranean.^  We  call  them  the 
Mediterranean  race,  but  their  origin  and  their  relationships 
with  other  peoples  are  as  yet  little  understood.  At  a time  far 
earlier  than  any  of  our  written  records,  they  had  occupied  not 
only  the  mainland  of  Greece  and  the  islands  of  the  Aigean,  but 
they  had  also  settled  on  the  neighboring  shores  of  Asia  Minor. 

From  the  beginning  the  leader  in  this  island  civilization  of 
the  AEgeans  was  Crete.  This  large  island  lies  so  far  out  in  the 
Mediterranean  that  one  is  almost  in  doubt  whether  it  belongs 
to  Europe  or  to  Africa  (see  map,  p.  252).  At  the  dawn  of 
civilization  " Crete  was  as  much  a part  of  the  East  ...  as 
Constantinople  is  to-day.”  ^ Even  in  ancient  ships  the  mariners 
issuing  from  the  mouths  of  the  Nile  and  steering  northwest- 
ward would  sight  the  Cretan  mountains  in  a few  days.  Thus 
Crete  was  the  link  between  Eg)'pt  on  the  south  and  the  zEgean 
Sea  on  the  north  (see  map,  p.  252). 

The  little  sun-dried-brick  villages,  forming  the  Late  Stone 
Age  settlements  of  Crete,  received  copper  from  the  ships  of  the 
Nile  by  3000  B.C.,  as  we  have  seen  (§  326).  Somewhat  later 
the  Cretan  metal  workers  received,  probably  from  mines  in  the 
northern  Mediterranean,  supplies  of  copper  mixed  with  tin, 
giving  them  the  hard  mixture  we  call  bronze,  which  is  much 
harder  than  copper.  Thus  began  the  Bronze  Age  in  Crete 
after  3000  b.c.  For  a thousand  years  afterward  their  progress 
was  slow,  but  it  gained  for  them  some  very  important  things. 
\^Tile  the  great  pyramids  of  Egypt  were  being  built,  the  Cretan 
craftsmen  learned  from  their  Egyptian  neighbors  the  use  of  the 
potter’s  wheel  and  the  closed  oven  (Fig.  48).  They  could  then 
shape  and  bake  much  finer  clay  jars  and  vases.  By  copying 
Egyptian  stone  vessels  they  learned  also  to  hollow  out  hard 
varieties  of  stdhe  and  to  make  beautifully  wrought  stone  vases, 
bowls,  and  jars  (Eig.  134).  For  some  time  the  Cretans  had  been 

1 It  has  been  thought  that  this  race  had  its  home  in  North  Africa  and  that 
they  spread  entirely  around  the  Mediterranean.  The  Egyptians  and  Semites 
may  be  branches  of  it.  2 Burrows,  The  Discoveries  in  Crete. 


335.  Crete 
the  link  be- 
tween the 
rEgean  and 
the  Nile 


336.  Rise  of 
Cretan  civili- 
zation under 
Egyptian 
influence 
(3000- 
2000  B.c.) 


228 


Ancient  Times 


337.  Rise  of 
the  sea-kings 
of  Crete 
(2000  B.C.) 


employing  rude  picture  records  like  Figs.  26  and  32.  Under 
the  influence  of  Egypt  these  picture  signs  now  gradually  de- 
veloped into  real  phonetic  writing  (Figs.  135  and  137),  the 
earliest  writing  in  the  ^Egean  world  (about  2000  b.c.). 

By  2000  B.c.  the  Cretans  had  become  a highly  civilized 
people.  Near  the  coast,  for  convenient  access  to  ships,  were 


Fig.  134.  Early  Stone  Vases  of  Crete  and  the  Egyptian 
Originals  from  which  they  were  copied 


The  earlier  vases  from  Egypt  (on  the  left)  compared  with  those  of  Crete 
(on  the  right)  show  that  the  Cretan  craftsmen  copied  the  Egyptian  forms 
(§  336)  in  the  latter  part  of  the  Pyramid  Age  (about  2700-2600  B.c.) 


the  manufacturing  towns,  with  thriving  industries  in  pottery 
and  metal  work,  enabling  them  to  trade  with  other  peoples. 
Farther  inland  the  green  valleys  of  the  island  must  have  been 
filled  with  prosperous  villages  cultivating  their  fields  of  grain  and 
pasturing  their  flocks.  At  Cnossus,  not  far  from  the  middle  of 
the  northern  coast  (see  map,  p.  252),  there  grew  up  a kingdom 
which  may  finally  have  included  a large  part  of  the  island.  The 


The  Dawn  of  Eiir ope  an  Civilization 


229 


Late  Stone  Age  town  at  Cnossus  had  long  since  fallen  to  ruin 
and  been  forgotten.  Over  a deep  layer  of  its  rubbish  a line  of 
splendid  Cretan  kings  now  built  a fine  palace  arranged  in  the 
Eg}'ptian  manner,  with  a large  cluster  of  rooms  around  a central 
court.  Farther  inland  toward  the  south  shore  arose  another 
palace  at  Phasstus,  perhaps  another  residence  of  the  same 
royal  family,  or  the  capital  of  a second  kingdom. 


Egypti.^x 


Cretan 


Sign  of  Life 


Fig.  135.  Cretan  Hieroglyphs  and  the  Egyptian  Signs 
FROM  WHICH  they  WERE  TAKEN.  (AFTER  SiR  ARTHUR  EvANS) 

These  examples  show  us  in  the  first  column  the  Egyptian  originals 
from  which  the  Cretan  hieroglyphic  signs  shown  in  the  second  column 
were  taken  (see  § 336) 


These  palaces  were  not  fortified  castles,  for  peither  they  nor 
the  towns  connected  with  them  possessed  any  protecting  walls. 
But  the  Cretan  kings  were  not  without  means  of  defense.  They 
already  had  their  palace  armories,  where  brazen  armor  and 
weapons  were  stored.  Hundreds  of  bronze  arrowheads,  with 
the  charred  shafts  of  the  arrows,  along  with  written  lists  of 
weapons  and  armor  and  chariots,  have  been  found  still  lying  in 
the  ruins  of  the  armory  rooms  in  the  palace  at  Cnossus  (§  340). 
The  troops  who  used  these  weapons  were  of  course  not  lacking. 
Moreover,  the  Cretan  kings  were  also  learning  to  use  ships  in 


338.  Power 
of  the  sea- 
kings  of 
Crete 


230 


Ancient  Times 


339.  Expan- 
sion of  Cretan 
commerce 
and  industry 


340.  Devel- 
opment of 
Cretan  linear 
writing  and 
records 


warfare,  and  it  has  become  a modem  habit  to  call  them  the 
" sea-kings  of  Crete.”  ^ 

Cretan  industries  henceforth  flourished  as  never  before.  The 
potters  of  Cnossus  began  to  produce  exquisite  cups  as  thin  and  ^ 
delicate  as  modem  porcelain  teacups.  These  and  their  pottery 
jars  and  vases  they  painted  in  bright  colors  with  decorative  de-  j 
signs,  which  made  them  the  most  beautiful  ware  to  be  had  in  ’ 
the  East  (Fig.  136,  A').  Such  ware  was  in  demand  in  the  houses  I 
of  the  rich  as  far  away  as  the  Nile,  just  as  fine  French  table  j 
porcelain  is  widely  sold  outside  of  France  at  the  present  day. 
The  new  many-colored  Cretan  vases  were  so  highly  prized  by 
the  Egyptian  nobles  of  the  Feudal  Age  that  they  even  placed 
them  in  their  tombs  for  use  in  the  next  world.  In  these  Egyp- 
tian tombs  modern  excavators  have  recovered  them,  to  tell  us 
the  story  of  the  wide  popularity  of  Cretan  industrial  art  in  the 
nineteenth  and  twentieth  centuries  b.  c.  Egyptian  ships,  common 
in  the  eastern  Mediterranean  since  the  thirtieth  century  b.c., 
must  have  been  frequent  visitors  in  the  Cretan  harbors.  At 
the  same  time  the  prevailing  north  wind  of  summer  easily  car- 
ried the  galleys  which  the  Cretans  had  learned  to  build,  across 
to  the  mouths  of  the  Nile.  There  were  many  things  in  Egypt 
which  the  Cretans  needed.  Hence  commerce  between  Crete 
and  the  Nile  was  constant  (see  map,  p.  252). 

Cretan  business  now  required  much  greater  speed  and  con- 
venience in  writing  than  was  possible  in  using  the  old  picture 
signs  (Fig.  135).  These  pictures  were  therefore  much  abbre- 
viated and  reduced  to  simpler  forms,  each  picture  consisting  of 
only  a few  lines.  This  more  rapid  hand,  called  linear  writing 
(Fig.  137),  was  scratched  on  clay  tablets.  The  chests  of  arms 
and  weapons  in  the  palace  armory  had  each  a clay-tablet  label 
hanging  in  front  of  it.  Great  numbers  of  clay  tablets  stored  in 


1 The  sea  power  of  the  Cretans  has  been  much  exaggerated  by  recent  writers. 
One  of  the  old  Cretan  sea  kings,  according  to  later  tradition,  was  named  Minos. 
For  this  reason  early  Cretan  civilization  has  been  called  Minoan,  and  this  is  now 
the  most  common  term  applied  to  it.  We  use  the  term  "jEgean”  ; for  the  term 
" Mycenaean,”  see  § 347. 


A B 

Fig.  136.  Two  Cretan  Vases  showing  Progress  in  the  Art 
OF  Decoration 

The  first  vase  (A)  is  an  example  of  the  earlier  pottery,  painted  on  a 
dark  background  with  rich  designs  in  " white,  orange,  crimson,  red  and 
yellow.”  The  potters  who  made  such  vases  were,  together  with  the 
seal-cutters,  the  first  really  gifted  decorative  artists  to  arise  in  Crete. 
They  flourished  from  2000  B.c.  onward,  in  the  days  of  the  first  palace 
of  Cnossus  (§  337).  We  should  notice  that  their  designs  do  not  picture 
carefully  anything  in  nature,  like  flowers  or  animals  (even  though  a 
hint  of  a lotus  flower  appears  in  the  angle  of  the  spiral) ; but  the  fig- 
ures are  almost  purely  htiaghiative  and  drawn  from  Egyptian  art.  The 
second  vase  {B),  however  (some  five  hundred  years  later  than  the  first), 
shows  how  the  artists  of  the  Grand  Age  had  learned  from  Egyptian 
decorative  art  to  take  their  decorative  figures  from  the  7iatural  world, 
for  we  see  that  the  design  consists  chiefly  of  Egyptian  lotus  flowers 
(§  341).  Such  designs  were  no  longer  in  many  colors;  on  this  jar, 
indeed,  they  are  molded  in  relief.  This  jar  [B)  is  nearly  4 feet  high 
and  much  larger  then  the  first  example  (A).  Stone  and  metal  vases 
of  the  Grand  Age  were  sometimes  superbly  decorated  with  carved 
bands  of  human  figures  in  action.  See  the  fine  examples  of  this  style 
in  Eig  140,  and  the  headpiece,  p.  221 

231 


232 


Ancient  Times 


341.  The 
Grand  Age 
in  Crete  and 
its  art  (1600- 
1500  B.c.) 


chests  seem  to  have  contained  the  records,  invoices,  and  book- 
keeping lists  necessary  in  conducting  the  affairs  of  a large  royal 
household.  Masses  of  these  have  been  found  covered  by  the 
rubbish  and  ruins  of  the  fallen  palace.  In  spite  of  much  study, 
scholars  are  not  yet  able  to  read  these  precious  records,  the 
earliest-known  writing  on  the  borders  of  the  European  world. 

The  Cretan  kings,  how- 
ever, did  not  erect 
large  stone  monuments 
engraved  with  written 
records  of  their  build- 
ings, their  victories,  and 
their  great  deeds,  like 
those  we  have  found  in 
the  Orient. 

A few  centuries  of 
such  development  as 
this  carried  Cretan  civ- 
ilization to  its  highest 
level,  and  the  Cretans 
entered  upon  what  we 
may  call  their  Grand 
Age  (1600-1500  B.C.). 
As  the  older  palace  of 
Cnossus  gave  way  to  a 
larger  and  more  splen- 
did building  (Fig.  138), 
the  life  of  Crete  began 
to  unfold  in  all  directions.  The  new  palace  itself,  with  its  colon- 
naded hall,  its  fine  stairways  (Fig.  138),  and  its  impressive  open 
areas,  represented  the  first  real  architecture  in  the  northern 
Mediterranean.  The  palace  walls  were  painted  with  fresh  and 
beautiful  scenes  from  daily  life,  all  aquiver  with  movement  and 
action  ; or  by  learning  the  Egyptian  art  of  glassmaking  the  Cre- 
tans adorned  them  with  glazed  figures  attached  to  the  surface 


Fig.  137.  Clay  Tablet  bearing  a 
Record  in  the  Rapid  Cretan  Hand- 
writing OFTEN  CALLED  LINEAR 


This  writing  is  a later  stage  of  the  hiero- 
glyphs in  Fig.  135  (see  also  § 340) 


The  Dawn  of  Etiropean  Civilization  233 

of  the  wall.  The  pottery  painters  had  by  this  time  given  up  the 
use  of  many  colors.  They  now  employed  one  dark  tone  on  a 
light  background,  or  they  modeled  the  design  in  relief.  Noble 
vases  (Fig.  136,  ..5)  were  painted  in  grand  designs  drawn  from 
plant  life  or  often  from  the  life  of  the  sea,  where  the  Cretans 
were  now  more  and  more  at  home.  This  wonderful  pottery 
shows  the  most 
powerful,  vigor- 
ous, and  impres- 
sive decorative  art 
of  the  early  orien- 
tal world.  Indeed, 
it  belongs  among 
the  finest  works 
of  decorative  art 
ever  produced  by 
any  people. 

The  method  of 
use  and  the  execu- 
tion of  the  work 
everywhere  show 
that  this  art  was 
developing  under 
suggestion  from 
— Egypt ; for  exam- 
ple, walls  covered 
with  colored  glazed 
tiles  were  in  use 
in  Egypt  nearly  two  thousand  years  earlier  than  in  Crete.  But 
in  spite  of  this  fact  the  Cretan  artist  did  not  follow  slavishly 
the  Egyptian  model.  A growing  plant  painted  on  an  Egyp- 
tian wall  seems  sometimes  so  rigid  and  stiff  that  it  looks  as  if 
done  with  a stencil.  The  Cretan  artist  drew  the  same  plant 
with  such  free  and  splendidly  curving  lines  (Fig.  136,  .5)  that 
we  seem  to  hear  the  wind  swaying  the  stems  and  giving  us 


Fig.  138.  Colonnaded  Hall  and  Stair- 
case IN  THE  Cretan  Palace  of  the 
Grand  Age  at  Cnossus 


The  columns  and  roof  of  the  hall  are  modern 
restorations.  This  hall  is  in  the  lower  portion 
of  the  palace,  and  the  stairway,  concealed  by 
the  balustrade  at  the  back  of  the  hall,  led  up  by 
five  flights  of  fifty-two  massive  steps  to  the 
main  floor  of  the  palace.  On-  the  painted  inte- 
rior decoration  of  this  palace  consult  § 341  and 
see  Fig.  139 


342.  Inde- 
pendence 
and  power 
of  Cretan 
artists  in  spite 
of  Egyptian 
influence 


234 


Ancient  Times 


343-  The 
life  of  the 
Cretans  in 
the  Grand 
Age : the 
common  folk 


344-  The 
nobles  about 
the  king 


"The  soft  eye-music  of  slow-moving  boughs”  (Wordsworth).* 
The  Cretan  sculptor  in  ivory,  too,  as  well  as  the  goldsmith  and 
worker  in  bronze  wrought  masterpieces  which  remain  to-day 
among  the  world’s  greatest  works  of  art  (Figs.  140  and  141). 

The  palace  of  Cnossus  looked  out  upon  a town  of  plain, 
sun-dried-brick  houses.  Here  must  have  lived  the  merchants  and 
traders,  the  potters,  metal  workers,  painters,  and  other  crafts- 
men, though  many  of  these  also  lived  and  worked  in  the  palace 


Fig.  139.  Cretan  Lords  and  Ladies  of  the  Grand  Age  on 
THE  Terraces  of  the  Palace  at  Cnossus.  (After  Durm) 

This  scene  was  painted  on  the  walls  of  the  palace  as  part  of  the  interior 
wall  decoration.  It  has  been  somewhat  restored,  as  shown  above,  but  it 
forms  a remarkable  example  of  the  Cretan  artist’s  ability  to  produce 
the  impression  of  an  animated  multitude  of  people  seen  from  a distance 
and  blending  into  a somewhat  confused  whole  (see  also  § 341) 


itself ; while  on  the  outskirts,  or  up  the  valley,  dwelt  the  peas- 
ants who  cultivated  the  fields.  On  one  occasion  we  see  the 
peasants  marching  in  joyous  procession,  probably  celebrating  a 
harvest  festival  (headpiece,  p.  221). 

Upon  such  celebrations  of  the  people  there  looked  down 
from  the  palace  a company  of  lords  and  ladies,  who  lived  an 
astonishingly  free  and  modern  life.  The  ladies,  wearing  cos- 
tumes (Fig.  1 41)  which  might  tastefully  appear  in  the  streets  of 
modern  New  York  or  Chicago,  crowded  the  palace  terraces  and 
watched  their  champions  struggling  in  fierce  boxing  matches,  iii 
which  the  contestants  wore  heavy  metal  helmets  (Fig.  139). 


I 


Fig.  140.  Wild  Bulls  pictured  by  a Cretan  Goldsmith 
AROUND  Two  Golden  Cups 

These  cups  were  found  at  Vaphio,  near  Sparta,  whither  they  were  im- 
ported from  Crete.  The  goldsmith  beat  out  these  marvelous  designs 
with  a hammer  and  punch  over  a mold,  and  then  cut  in  finer  details 
with  a graving  tool.  His  work  must  be  ranked  among  the  greatest 
works  of  art  produced  by  any  people 


Fig.  141.  Ivory  and  Gold  Statuette  of  a Cretan  Lady 
OF  THE  Grand  Age.  (Boston  Museum  of  Fine  Arts) 


The  proud  little  figure  stands  with  shoulders  thrown  far  back  and  arms 
extended,  each  hand  grasping  a golden  serpent,  which  coils  about  her 
arms  to  the  elbow.  She  wears  a high  tiara  perched  daintily  on  her 
elaborately  curled  hair.  Her  dress  consists  of  a flounced  skirt  and  a 
tight  bodice  tapering  to  her  slender  waist.  The  whole  forms  a costume 
so  surprisingly  modern  that  this  little  Cretan  lady  would  hardly  create 
any  comment  if  she  appeared  so  dressed  on  one  of  our  crowded  city 
streets  of  to-day.  The  figure  is  carved  in  ivory,  while  the  flounces  are 
edged  with  bands  of  gold  and  the  belt  about  the  waist  is  of  the  same 
metal.  She  represents  either  the  great  Cretan  mother  goddess  or  pos- 
sibly only  a graceful  snake-charmer  of  the  court.  In  any  case  the 
sculptor  has  given  her  the  appearance  of  one  of  the  noble  ladies  of  his 
time.  Even  the  Greek  sculptor  never  surpassed  the  vitality  and  the 
winsome  charm  which  passed  from  the  fingers  of  the  ancient  Cretan 
artist  into  this  tiny  figure 


The  Dawn  of  European  Civilizatio7i 


235 


Or  the  assembled  court  (Fig.  139)  cheered  the  plucky  bull- 
fighters tossed  on  the  horns  of  huge  wild  bulls  (Fig.  140), — 
the  same  huge  creatures  which  were  hunted  by  the  Late  Stone 
Age  men  of  Europe  a thousand  years  before  (Fig.  12).  These 
people  lived  in  com- 
fortable quarters  in 
the  palace,  where  they 
even  had  bathrooms 
and  sanitary  drainage 
(Fig.  142). 

From  the  palace  of 
Cnossus  the  Cretan 
king  could  issue  at 
the  North  Gate  and, 
mounting  his  chariot, 
ride  in  half  an  hour 
to  the  harbor,  three 
and  a half  miles  away. 

At  the  harbor  he 
looked  out  northward 
where  the  nearest 
islands  of  the  ^gean 
could  be  clearly  seen 
breaking  the  north- 
ern horizon  (see  map, 
p.  252).  Here  the 
trading  galleys  of  the 
Cretan  kings  were 
spreading  Cretan  art 
and  industries  far  and  wide  through  the  Mediterranean.  These 
Cretan  fleets  formed  the  earliest  naval  power  which  grew  up  in 
the  northern  Mediterranean,  and  the  student  should  contrast 
the  dugouts  of  the  Late  Stone  Age  (Fig.  14).  Nevertheless,  the 
kings  of  Crete  werq  nov/  vassals  of  the  Pharaoh.  An  Egyptian 
general  of  Thutmose  III  (§  in)  in  the  fifteenth  century  b.c.  bore 


Fig.  142.  Tile  Drainpipes  from  the 
Cretan  Palace  of  Cnossus 

These  joints  of  pottery  drainpipe  (2|  feet 
long  and  4 to  6 inches  across)  are  part  of 
an  elaborate  system  of  drainage  in  the 
palace,  the  oldest  drainage  system  in  the 
European  world.  The  oldest-known  system 
of  drainpipe  (copper)  is-  in  the  pyramid- 
temple  of  Abusir,  Egypt  (see  Fig.  56),  about 
a thousand  years  earlier  than  this  system 
at  Cnossus 


345.  Political 
and  commer- 
cial position 
of  Crete  in 
and  after  the 
Grand  Age 


236 


Ancient  Times 


the  title  of  " governor  of  the  islands  in  the  midst  of  the  sea,” 


as  the  Egyptians  called  the  islands  of  the  ^gean  (Fig.  143). 


346.  Crete  to 
be  regarded 
as  the  home 
of  the  third 
great  civili- 
zation in  the 
ancient  world 


Here,  then,  in  the  island  of  Crete,  there  had  arisen  a new 
world.  The  culture  of  the  gifted  Cretans,  stimulated  by  the 
magic  touch  of  riper  Egyptian  culture,  shook  off  the  Late  Stone 
^ ^ Age  lethargy  of  early  Europe 

and  sprang  into  a vigorous  life 
all  its  own.  Beside  the  two 
centers  of  civilization  on 

here  in  the  eastern  Mediterra- 
nean,  as  a third  great  civili- 
zation,  this  splendid  world  of 
^ Crete  and  the  .^gean  Sea. 

It  is  this  third  great  civiliza- 
tion which  forms  the  link  be- 
tween the  civilization  of  the 
Orient  and  the  later  progress 
of  man  in  Greece  and  western 


Fig.  143.  Golden  Dish  of 
THE  Egyptian  Governor  of 
THE  ^Egean  Islands  in  the 
Grand  Age 


347.  Cretan 
civilization 
reaches  the 
mainland  of 
Greece ; the 
Mycenaean 
Age 


This  golden  dish  was  given  by  the 
Pharaoh  Thutmose  III  (§  in)  to 
one  of  his  favorite  generals,  whom 
he  had  made  governor  of  the 
Aigean  islands.  The  dish  bears  an 
inscription  which  calls  him  " gov- 
ernor of  the  islands  in  the  midst 
of  the  sea,”  by  which  the  Egyp- 
tians meant  the  Aigean  islands 
and  coasts  of  Asia  Minor 


Europe. 

Section  35.  The  AEgean 
World  ; the  M.ainland 

As  yet,  the  mainland,  both 
in  Europe  and  in  Asia  Minor, 
had  continued  to  lag  behind 


the  advanced  civilization  of  the  islands.  Nevertheless,  the  fleets 


of  Egypt  and  of  Crete  maintained  commerce  with  the  main- 
land of  Greece.  I’hey  naturally  entered  the  southern  bays, 
and  especially  the  Gulf  of  Argos,  which  looks  southward  di- 
rectly tovvard  Crete  (see  map,  p.  252).  In  the  plain  of  Argos 
(Plate  III),  behind  the  sheltered  inlet,  massive  strongholds, 
with  heavy  stone  masonry  foundations  and  walls,  arose  at 


The  Dazvft  of  European  Civilization 


237 


Tin-ns  (Fig.  144) 
and  Mycenae  (Fig. 
145).  The  ^Figean 
princes  who  built 
such  strongholds  a 
little  after  1500  b.  c. 
imported  works  of 
Cretan  and  Eg\'p- 
tian  art  in  pottery 
and  metal  (Fig.  1 40). 
These  triumphs  of 
Cretan  art,  with 
fragments  of  Egyp- 
tian glaze  and  wall 
decorations,  still  sur- 
viving in  the  ruins 
of  palaces  and 
tombs,  are  to-day 
the  earliest  tokens 
of  a life  of  higher 
refinement  on  the 
continent  of  Europe. 
This  period  (about 
1500  to  1200  B.C.) 
is  commonly  known 
as  the  Mycenaean 
Age,  after  Mycenae, 
where  such  civiliza- 
tion was  first  discov- 
ered (Section  36). 

But  the  main- 
land still  lagged  be- 
hind the  islands, 
for  Cretan  w'riting 
seems  not  to  have 


Fig.  144.  Restoration  of  the  Castle 
AND  Palace  of  Tiryns.  (After  Lucken- 
bach) 


Unlike  the  Cretan  palaces,  this  dwelling  of 
an  ^gean  prince  is  massively  fortified.  A 
rising  road  [A)  leads  up  to  the  main  gate  (R), 
where  the  great  walls  are  double.  An  assault- 
ing party  bearing  their  shields  on  the  left  arm 
must  here  (C,  D)  march  with  the  exposed 
right  side  toward  the  city.  -By  the-  gate  {E) 
the  visitor  arrives  in  the  large  court  (A)  on 
which  the  palace  faces.  The  main  entrance 
of  the  palace  {G)  leads  to  its  forecourt  (H), 
where  the  excavators  found  the  place  of  the 
household  altar  of  the  king  (§  423).  Behind 
the  forecourt  {H)  is  the  main  hall  of  the 
palace  (/).  This  was  the  earliest  castle  in 
Europe  with  outer  walls  of  stone.  The  vil- 
lages of  the  common  people  clustered  about 
the  foot  of  the  castle  hill.  The  whole  formed 
the  nucleus  of  a city-state  (§  390)  in  the  plain 
of  Argos  (see  Plate  III,  p.  278) 


348.  Con- 
tinued back- 
wardness of 
the  European 
mainland 


238 


Ancient  Times 


349.  Asiatic 
mainland ; 
foundation  of 
Troy  (about 
3000  B.C.) 


Fig.  145.  The  Main  Entrance 
OF  THE  Castle  of  Mycenae, 
CALLED  THE  LlON  GATE 

This  shows  us  a good  example  of  the 
heavy  stone  masonry  with  which  were 
built  the  great  gates  of  the  two  cities 
of  the  ALgean  Grand  Age,  Tiryns  and 
Mycenae,  on  the  plain  of  Argos  (§  347). 
Above  the  gate  is  a large  triangular 
block  of  stone,  carved  to  represent  two 
lions  grouped  on  either  side  of  a cen- 
tral column.  The  whole  doubtless 
formed  the  emblem  of  the  city,  or  the 
arms  of  its  kings.  It  is  of  course  a 
descendant  of  the  two  Babylonian  lions 
of  Lagash,  showing  a similar  balanced 
arrangement  with  one  on  each  side  of 
the  center  (Fig.  85) 


tered  settlements  which 
had  advanced  but  little  be- 
yond Late  Stone  Age  civil- 
ization. Metal,  although 
known,  was  not  common 
in  Thessaly  until  about 
1500  B.C.,  and  the  cul- 
tured Cretans  had  little  in- 
fluence here  in  the  north. 

Along  the  Asiatic  side 
of  the  ^gean  Sea  we  find 
much  earlier  progress  than 
on  the  European  side,  al- 
though this  was  but  slightly 
due  to  the  commerce  from 
Crete,  which  seems  to  have 
had  little  effect  along  the 
shores  of  Asia  Minor.  In 
the  days  when  Crete  was 
first  receiving  metal  (after 
3000  B.C.),  there  arose  at 
the  northwest  corner  of 
Asia  Minor  a shabby  little 
Late  Stone  Age  village 
known  as  Troy.  It  was 
probably  built  by  traders 
attracted  by  the  profitable 
traffic. which  was  already 
crossing  back  and  forth  be- 
tween Asia  and  Europe  at 
this  point  (see  map,  p.  252). 


followed  Cretan  commerce,  and  there  was  as  yet  no  writing 
prevalent  on  the  continent  of  Europe.  Regions  of  northern 

Greece,  such  as  Thessaly, 
were  covered  with  scat- 


1 


The  Dawn  of  European  Civilization 


239 


By  2500  B.C.,  some  centuries  after  the  first  metal  had  been 
introduced,  the  rulers  of  Troy  were  wealthy  commercial  kings, 
and  their  castle  was  the  earliest  fortress  in  the  ^gean  world, 
for  it  was  a thousand  years  older  than  the  fortresses  at  Mycenas 
and  Tiryms.  During  this  thousand  years  (2500  to  1500  B.c.) 
Troy  was  rebuilt  several  times  (Fig.  150),  but  it  continued 
to  flourish,  and  it  finally  must  have  controlled  a kingdom  of 
considerable  extent  in  northwestern  Asia  Minor.  Thus  about 
1500  B.c.  the  splendid  and  cultivated  city  of  Troy  was  a power- 
ful stronghold  (Sixth  City),  which  had  grown  up  as  a northern 
rival  of  that  sumptuous  Cnossus  we  have  seen  in  the  south. 
The  two  rival  cities  faced  each  other  from  opposite  ends  of 
the  AEgean,  but  we  infer  that  Cnossus  was  superior  in  civiliza- 
tion, for  it  is  still  uncertain  whether  the  Trojans  of  this  age 
could  write. 

Inland  from  Troy  and  the  ./Dgean  world,  across  the  far- 
stretching  hills  and  mountains  of  Asia  Minor,  were  the  settle- 
ments of  a great  group  of  white  peoples  who  were  kindred  of 
the  Aigeans  in  civilization,  though  not  in  blood.  We  call  them 
Hittites.  Although  the  larger  part  of  their  land  lay  outside  of 
the  .^Egean  world,  nevertheless,  one  end  of  it  formed  the  eastern 
shores  of  the  .Aigean  Sea.  Asia  Minor,  their  land,  is  a vast  penin- 
sula from  six  hundred  and  fifty  to  seven  hundred  miles  long  and 
from  three  to  four  hundred  miles  wide,  being  about  as  large  as 
the  state  of  Texas.  The  interior  is  a lofty  table-land,  little  better 
than  a desert  in  its  central  region.  Around  mogt  of  this  table- 
land rise  mountain  ridges,  fringing  both  the  table-land  and  the 
sea.  On  both  sides  of  the  mountain  fringe  are  fertile  valleys 
and  plains,  producing  plentiful  crops.  The  seaward  slopes  of 
the  mountains,  especially  along  the  Black  Sea,  are  clad  with 
flourishing  forests.  The  northern  shores  of  Asia  Minor,  east  of 
the  Halys  River,  rise  into  ridges  containing  rich  deposits  of 
iron.  The  Hittites  thus  became  the  earliest  distributors  of  iron 
when  it  began  to  displace  bronze  in  the  Mediterranean  world 
and  the  East  (§  219). 


350.  Growth 
of  Troy 
(2500- 
1500  B.c.) 


351.  Asia 
Minor,  the 
land  of  the 
Hittites 


352.  The 
Hittites  a 
link  between 
the  Fertile 
Crescent  and 
the  .TLgean 


353-  The 
Hittites  in- 
fluence their 
neighbors 
both  in  east 
and  west 


240  Ancient  Times 

In  discussing  oriental  influences  in  the  ^gean,  we  have 
already  seen  (§  332)  how  Asia  Minor  formed  a link  between 
the  ^gean  and  the  world  of  the  Two  Rivers.  The  people  who 
made  it  such  a link  were  these  Hittites.  For  at  the  eastern 
end  of  their  land  they  passed  easily  down  the  upper  Euphrates 
to  the  Fertile  Crescent,  where  they  merged  with  the  peoples 

there  whose  his- 
tory we  have 
already  stud- 
ied. We  recall, 
for  example, 
how  they  held 
early  • Assur, 
in  competition 
with  Babylon 
(§  202).  We 
find  also  that 
the  Hittites 
early  borrowed 
the  old  Baby- 
lonian coat  of 
arms,  a lion- 
headed, or  some- 
times a double- 
headed, eagle. 
They  handed  it 
on  across  the 

JEgean  to  later  Europe,  from  which  it  passed  to  us  in  the  United 
States  as  the  "American”  eagle  (Fig.  85). 

Both  in  the  EEgean  and  in  the  Fertile  Crescent,  that  is,  at 
/wt/i  ends  of  their  land,  the  Hittites  left  their  mark  upon  their 
neighbors.  We  recall  the  prominent  aquiline  nose  of  the  Hit- 
tite  people  (Fig.  146).  The  same  feature  among  the  Hebrews 
shows  how  the  Hittites  drifted  down  the  west  end  of  the  Fer- 
tile Crescent,  until  they  reached  Palestine  (§  291)  in  sufficient 


Fig.  146.  An  Ancient  Hittite  and  his 
Modern  Armenian  Descendant 


At  the  left  is  the  head  of  an  ancient  Hittite  as 
carved  by  an  Egyptian  sculptor  on  the  wall  of  a 
temple  at  Thebes,  Egypt,  over  three  thousand  years 
ago.  It  strikingly  resembles  the  profile  of  the  Ar- 
menians still  living  in  the  Hittite  country,  as  shown 
in  the  modern  portrait  on  the  right.  The  strongly 
aquiline  and  prominent  nose  (§  146)  of  the  Hittites 
was  also  acquired  by  the  neighboring  Semites  along 
the  eastern  end  of  the  Mediterranean,  including  the 
Canaanites  (see  headpiece,  p.  197) 


The  Dawn  of  Europe a7i  Civilizatio7i 


241 


numbers  to  affect  the  Hebrew  type  of  face.  On  the  west  in  the 
same  way,  Hittite  life  greatly  influenced  the  cities  along  the 
yEgean  coast  of  Asia  Minor,  where  we  shall  And  that  even 
the  later  Greeks  still  bore  marks  of  Hittite  influence,  especially 
in  important  matters  of  business,  like  coinage  (§  458),  but  also 
in  religion  and  architecture. 

It  was  from  their  contact  with  the  Fertile  Crescent  that 
the  Hittites  received  the  first  influences  leading  to  a higher 
civilization.  The  most 
important  of  these  was 
writing.  The  Babylo- 
nian caravans,  passing 
up  the  Euphrates  in 
the  days  of  Hammurapi 
(§  187)  and  earlier, 
brought  into  Asia  Minor 
business  and  traffic,  with 
bills  and  other  commer- 
cial documents  in  cunei- 
form writing  on  clay 
tablets  (Fig.  79).  In 
this  way,  like  other  peo- 
ples in  the  West,  the 
Hittites  learned  cuneiform  by  2000  b.c.  or  earlier.  Excavation 
in  Asia  Minor  has  even  recovered  fragments  of  the  clay-tablet 
dictionaries  used  by  the  Hittites  in  learning  to  write  and  spell 
words  in  cuneiform.  It  was  probably  through  the  Hittites  that 
the  use  of  the  clay  tablet  passed  over  to  Crete  (Fig.  137). 

The  Hittites  profited  by  the  Eg^'ptian  civilization  also,  as  they 
received  it  through  the  cities  of  northern  Syria,  like  Samal 
(Fig.  97).  Here,  under  the  influence  of  Egyptian  hieroglyphic 
writing,  they  devised  a system  of  picture  signs  with  phonetic 
values  (Eig.  147).  With  these  hieroglyphic  signs  they  en- 
graved great  stone  records  like  those  of  Egypt.  These  records 
(Eig.  147),  cut  into  the  face  of  rocky  cliffs  or  masonry  walls. 


Fig.  147.  Ax  Inscription  in  Hittite 
Hieroglyphs 


This  example  shows  us  the  hieroglyphic 
writing  devised  by  the  Hittites  in  imitation 
of  the  Egyptian  (§  335).  It  was  found  at 
Carchemish  on  the  Euphrates.  The  same 
writing  may  also  be  seen  accompanying 
the  scene  in  Fig.  148 


i 


354.  Rise  of 
Hittite  civili- 
zation : Baby- 
lonian writing 


355.  Hittite 
hieroglyphic 
writing 

•Vr. 


242 


A7icient  Times 


still  look  down  upon  the  passing  traveler  throughout  a great 
part  of  Asia  Minor  from  the  ^gean  to  the  Euphrates,  and  new 
ones  ar^  constantly  being  found  by  excavation.  The  Hittites 
thus  used  two  methods  of  writing — cuneiform  and  hieroglyphic 
Unfortunately,  the  Hittite  records  written  in  hieroglyphs  carved 
on  stone  are  not  yet  deciphered.  Just  as  this  book  goes  to 
press  the  decipherment  of  the  Hittite  cuneiform  records  has 
been  accomplished  by  Hrozny,  an  Austrian  scholar.  When  all 
these  records  have  been  read,  like  those  of  Egypt,  Babylonia, 
and  Persia,  they  will  reveal  to  us  many  new  and  wonderful  facts 
in  the  story  of  the  ancient  world. 

356.  Hittite  At  the  same  time  the  Hittites  had  made  progress  in  building, 
tectoe  The  king’s  palace  front  consisted  of  a porch  in  the  middle,  with 
its  roof  supported  on  two  columns,  while  on  either  side  of  the 
porch  was  a square  tower  (Fig.  97,  W).  It  was  therefore  called 
a " house  of  two  towers.”  This  was  the  porch  adopted  from 
the  Hittites  by  the  great  Assyrian  emperors  (§  224).  It  finally 
reached  even  the  Persians.  It  was  adorned  with  great  sentinel 
lions  carved  in  stone  on  either  side  of  the  entrance,  an  idea 
suggested  by  the  Egyptian  sphinx.  From  the  Hittite  palaces  this 
idea  of  protecting  beasts  on  either  side  of  the  palace  entrance 
passed  also  to  Assyria.  The  Hittite  palace  porch  was  further- 
more adorned  with  a dado,  consisting  of  large  flat  slabs  of  stone 
carved  with  relief  pictures  (Fig.  148),  probably  suggested  by 
similar  Egyptian  arrangements  (Fig.  60).  This  idea,  too,  finally 
passed  by  way  of  the  Hittites  to  Assyria,  where  we  recall  the 
long  rows  of  stone  pictures  adorning  the  Assyrian  palaces 
(Figs.  105  and  106,  B).  The  Hittite  sculptors,  however,  had 
little  skill  with  the  chisel.  The  Assyrians  far  surpassed  them, 
and  under  Assyrian  influence  the  Hittites  improved  somewhat. 
f|if.  Hittite  In  these  scenes  we  find  also  evidences  of  religious  influences 
religion  from  both  Egypt  and  Babylonia,  as  we  note  among  them  the 
Babylonian  eagle  already  mentioned  and  the  winged  sun-disk 
from  the  Nile.  We  should  notice  furthermore  the  devotion  of 
the  Hittites  to  the  great  Earth-Mother  as  their  chief  goddess, 

\ 


The  DawJi  of  Etiropean  Civilization 


243 


whom  we  have  also  found  in  Crete  (headpiece,  p.  221),  and 
who  later  was  revered  by  the  Greeks  (§  416). 

In  the  great  days  of  the  Egyptian  Empire,  while  Cnossus 
was  still  in  the  Grand  Age  and  Troy  her  northern  rival  was 
building  the  splendid  Sixth  City,  that  is,  about  1500  b.  c.,  one 
of  the  Hittite  kingdoms  on  the  east  of  the  Halys  River  (see 
map,  p.  102)  was  gaining  great  power.  It  had  established 


Fig.  148.  A Hittite  Prince  hunting  Deer 

The  prince  accompanied  by  his  driver  stands  in  the  moving  chariot, 
shooting  with  bow  and  arrow  at  the  fleeing  stag.  A hound  runs  beside 
the  horses.  Over  the  scene  is  an  inscription  in  Hittite  hieroglyphs 
(§  355)'  The  whole  is  sculptured  in  stone,  and  forms  a good  example 
of  the  rather  crude  Hittite  art 

a strong  fortified  capital  at  a city  called  Khatti  (map,  p.  102). 
This  name  is  simply  an  ancient  form  of  the  modern  name 
" Hittite.”  The  kings  of  Khatti  erected  imposing  palaces  and 
temples,  and  built  a great  wall  about  the  city  (Fig.  152).  They 
succeeded  in  gaining  control  of  the  other  Hittite  kingdoms  and 
combining  them  into  an  empire  which  included  a large  part  of 
Asia  Minor. 

This  Hittite  Empire  lasted  for  some  two  centuries  and  a half 
(about  1450  to  1200  B.C.).  The  Hittites  had  received  the  horse. 


358.  Rise  of 
tK  Hittite 
Empire 
(fifteenth 
century  B.c.) 


244 


Ancient  Times 


359.  The 
Hittite  Em- 
pire (about 
1450- 
1200  B.C.) 


360.  The 
Hittites  con- 
tribute the 
first  iron  to 
the  ancient 
world 


perhaps  even  earlier  than  the  Babylonians  (§  197),  and  the 
kings  of  Khatti  were  able  to  muster  large  and  powerful  bodies 
of  charioteers.  They  thus  played  a vigorous  part  in  the  great 
group  of  nations  around  the  eastern  end  of  the  Mediterranean 
after  Egypt  established  the  first  empire  there  (Section  9).  They 
had  much  to  do  with  breaking  down  the  Egyptian  Empire  (§122), 
and  they  survived  to  fight  fierce  battles  with  the  Assyrians. 

One  of  the  most  important  things  we  should  remember  about 
the  Hittites  is  the  fact  that  they  began  working  the  iron  mines 
along  the  Black  Sea  (§  351).  A clay-tablet  letter  written  by  one 
of  the  Hittite  kings  tells  us  that  he  was  about  to  send  a 
shipment  of  ” pure  iron  ” to  Ramses  H,  who  had  asked  for  it, 
and  that  meantime  a sword  of  iron  was  being  sent  to  the  Eg)"p- 
tian  king  as  a gift  (thirteenth  century  b.  c.).  We  shall  soon  see 
the  Iron  Age  beginning  in  the  AEgean  (§  392),  and  it  was 
from  the  Hittite  iron  mines  that  the, metal  first  became  com- 
mon in  the  eastern  Mediterranean.  While  the  Hittite  civiliza- 
tion was  inferior  to  that  of  Egypt  and  Babylonia,  it  played  a 
very  important  part  in  the  group  of  civilizations  forming  the 
oriental  neighbors  of  the  AEgeans. 


Section  36.  Modern  Discovery  in  the  Northern 
Mediterranean  and  the  Rise  of  an  Eastern 
Mediterranean  World 


361.  Modem 
ignorance 
of  JEgeari 
civilization 


We  have  been  putting  together  the  story  of  the  rise  and  early 
history  of  civilization  along  the  north  side  of  the  eastern  end  of 
the  Mediterranean  (see  map,  p.  252),  extending  from  the  JEgezn 
world  at  one  end,  through  the  Hittite  country  to  the  Two  Rivers 
at  the  other.  Only  a few  years  ago  this  story  was  entirely  un- 
known. Less  than  fifty  years  ago  no  one  supposed  that  civilized 
people  had  lived  in  the  JEgean  world  before  the  Greeks  arrived 
there.  Much  less  did  anyone  dream  that  we  would  ever  be 
able  to  find  the  actual  handiwork  of  the  predecessors  of  the 


Europeaji  Civilization 


245 


Greeks  in  the  ^Egean  worioT  The  discoverer  of  the  ^Egean  civil- 
ization which  we  have  been  studying  was  Heinrich  Schliemann. 

Schliemann  was  an  American  citizen  of  German  birth.  In  362.  Life 
his  youth  before  coming  to  America  he  had  a romantic  busi-  schUemann 
ness  career.  After  being  shipwrecked  on  the  coast  of  Holland, 
he  began  his  business  experience  there  while  a mere  lad,  as  a 


Fig.  149.  The  Mound  containing  the  Nine  Cities  of 
Ancient  Troy  (Ilium) 

The  process  by  which  such  artificial  mounds  grow  up  is  explained  in 
§ 158.  When  Schliemann  first  visited  this  mound  (see  map,  p.  254)  in 
1868,  it  was  about  125  feet  high,  and  the  Turks  were  cultivating  grain 
on  its  summit.  In  1S70  he  excavated  a pit  like  a crater  in  the  top  of  the 
hill,  passing  downward  in  the  course  of  four  years  through  nine  succes- 
sive cities  built  each  on  the  ruins  of  its  predecessors.  At  the  bottom  of 
his  pit  (about  50  feet  deep)  Schliemann  found  the  original  once  bare 
hilltop  about  75  feet  high,  on  which  the  men  of  the  Late  Stone  Age 
(§  349)  had  established  a small  settlement  of  sun-baked  brick  houses 
about  3000  B.c.  (see  Fig.  150).  Above  the  scanty  ruins  of  this  Late 
Stone  Age  settlement  rose,  in  layer  after  layer,  the  ruins  of  the  later 
cities,  with  the  Roman  buildings  at  the  top.  The  entire  depth  of  50  feet 
of  ruins  represented  a period  of  about  thirty-five  hundred  years  from 
the  First  City  (Late  Stone  Age)  to  the  Ninth  City  (Roman)  at  the  top. 
The  Second  City  (§350)  contained  the  earliest  copper  found  in  the 
series;  the  Sixth  City  was  that  of  the  Trojan  War'and  the  Homeric 
songs  (§  410).  Its  masonry  walls  may  be  seen  in  Fig.  151 


clerk  in  a little  grocer’s  shop.  In  the  brief  intervals  of  leisure 
between  dealing  out  smoked  herring  and  rolls  of  butter,  he 
taught  himself  Greek  and  began  to  read  Homer  (§  410).  In 
the  infatuated  ears  of  this  enthusiastic  boy  the  shouts  of  the 
Greek  heroes  on  the  plain  of  Troy  mingled  with  the  jingle  of 
small  change  and  the  rustle  of  wrapping  paper  in  the  dingy 
little  Dutch  grocery.  He  had  not  lost  this  fascinating  vision  of 


363.  Schlie- 
mann’s  exca- 
vation and 
discovery 
of  Troy 


246 


A7icient  Tit 


wWffi^retire^r 


the  early  world,  when  years  afterwaRffieTetired  from  business, 
after  having  won  a large  fortune  in  Russian  petroleum. 

It  was  therefore  as  the  fulfillment  of  a dream  of  his  youth 
that  Schliemann  led  a body  of  Turkish  laborers  to  begin  excava- 
tions in  the  great  mound  of  Troy  in  1870  (see  map,  p.  252,  and 
Fig.  149).  In  less  than  four  years  he  uncovered  the  central 


. ISUOU.C.  mrr 

n ^ildestroijed  12lh  cent  B C.}^* 

2dCily  Z500B.C.  Q; 

Rock  of  //jJi 

Temples  above ^Roman  City  (in  ruins.  SOO.A.D.j 
Sixth  City.  1500.  B.C  (Homeric  City) 

Second  City,  2500.  B.C. 


Fig.  150.  Diagram  of  the  Mound  of  Ancient  Troy  showing 
THE  Walls  of  the  Second  and  Sixth  Cities  and  the  Ro.man 
Temple  at  the  Top  (Ninth  City) 

This  diagram  is  much  too  high  for  its  width,  as  you  will  see  by  com- 
paring the  width  and  height  of  the  mound  in  Fig.  149.  It  has  been 
pushed  together  at  the  sides  and  narrowed  to  include  it  within  the  avail- 
able space.  Below  is  the  native  rock  of  the  hill  on  which  the  Late  Stone 
Age  settlement  was  built.  Then  come  the  sloping  walls  of  the  Second 
City  (shaded).  Outside  of  these  and  rising  much  higher  are  the  walls  of 
the  Sixth  City  (black),  which  may  be  seen  as  they  are  to-day  in  Fig.  151. 
The  other  cities  of  the  nine  are  less  important  and  have  been  left  out 
for  the  sake  of  clearness.  Schliemann  never  saw  the  walls  of  the  Sixth 
City,  the  real  Homeric  city,  because  as  he  dug  down  in  the  middle  of 
the  mound  inside  the  ancient  walls,  he  covered  the  walls  of  the  Sixth 
City  with  the  rubbish  he  dug  out 


portions  of  nine  successive  cities,  each  built  upon  the  ruins  of 
the  next  city  beneath,  which  had  preceded  it  (Fig.  150).  A 
towered  gateway  in  the  Second  City  contained  a splendid  treas- 
ure of  golden  jewelry,  and  Schliemann  believed  that  he  had  here 
discovered  the  Troy  of  Homer’s  Greek  heroes  (§  408).  But 
we  now  know  that  this  Second  City  was  built  a thousand  years 
before  Homer’s  Troy  (the  Sixth  City  (Fig.  150)). 


The  sensatiOT^roi^Rr  by  these  discoveries  among  the 
scholar^HB|fcope  and  America  was  mild  compared  with  that 
which  fon^^ra  when  Schliemann,  crossing  to  the  mainland  of 
Greece,  began  excavating  the  prehistoric  fortress  or  castle  of 


European  Civilizatioii 


247 


364.  Schlie- 
mann’s  exca- 
vation of 
Tiryns  and 
Mycenae 


Fig.  1 51.  The  Walls  of  Homeric  Troy  (built  about  1500  b.c.) 

A section  of  the  outer  walls  of  the  Sixth  City  in  the  mound  of  Troy 
(Fig.  150).  The  sloping  outer  surface  of  the  walls  faces  toward  the 
right ; the  inside  of  the  city  is  on  the  left.  These  are  the  walls  built  in 
the  days  when  Mycenae  was  flourishing  — walls  which  protected  the 
inhabitants  of  the  place  from  the  assaults  of  the  Greeks  in  a remote  war 
which  laid  it  in  ruins  after  1200  B.C.,  a war  of  which  vague  traditions 
and  heroic  tales  have  survived  in  the  Homeric  poems  (§  408).  These 
are  the  walls,  scaled  by  the  Greek  heroes,  which'  Schliemann  never 
saw  (compare  description,  Fig.  150).  The  walls  of  the  houses  of  the 
Seventh  City  are  visible  here  resting  on  those  of  the  Sixth 

Mycenm  (Fig.  145).  Beneath  the  pavement  of  the  market  place 
he  found  a group  of  stone  tomb  chambers  containing  a magnifi- 
cent series  of  vessels  and  ornaments  in  gold,  including  an  elabo- 
rate golden  crown,  indicating  the  royalty  of  one  of  the  dead. 
Again  Schliemann  thought  that  these  things  belonged  to  the 
Greek  heroes  of  the  Trojan  wars  (§  408),  but  in  reality  they 


365.  Excava- 
tions in  Crete 
since  1900 


366.  Excava- 
tion and  dis- 
covery in 
Asia  Minor, 
the  land  of 
the  Hittites 


248 


Ancient  Times 


were  older.  At  the  neighboring  prehistoric  castle  of  Tiryns 
(Fig.  144  and  § 347)  Schliemann  made  sim||||^^ftpveries. 
Thus  within  a few  years  an  unskilled  and  un^^^HRccavator 
disclosed  to  us  a new  and  entirely  unknown  worl^oicivilization 
in  the  AEgean,  which  had  flourished  for  centuries  before  the 
Greeks  appeared  there. 

The  question  of  the  original  home  of  this  early  ^gean  civili- 
zation, however,  was  not  settled  by  Schliemann’s  work.  Since 
1 9 00  the  excavations  in  Crete  have  shown  this  island  to  have 
been  the  place  where  ^gean  civilization  made  its  start,  and  the 
center  from  which  it  passed  to  the  other  islands  and  to  the 
mainland  of  Greece  at  Tiryns  and  Mycenae  (§  347).  In  these 
discoveries  American  explorers  have  had  an  honorable  share ; 
but  they  have  been  due  chiefly  to  the  remarkable  excavations 
of  Sir  Arthur  Evans,  the  English  archaeologist,  at  the  city  of 
Cnossus.  Here  Evans  has  uncovered  the  splendid  Cretan 
palaces  (Fig.  138),  clearing  out  layer  after  layer  of  rubbish 
containing  works  of  Cretan  art  and  industry,  which  carry  us 
back  age  after  age  to  the  rubbish  of  the  Late  Stone  Age  settle- 
ment deep  down  at  the  bottom  of  the  mound,  over  which  the 
first  palace  was  built  (§  337). 

At  the  same  time  exploration  in  Asia  Minor  has  revealed 
increasing  numbers  of  Hittite  monuments.  Of  these  discoveries 
the  most  important  were  those  of  the  German  expedition  at 
Khatti  (Fig.  152),  beginning  in  the  winter  of  1906—1907.  Lying 
just  under  the  surface  of  the  soil,  where  it  was  quite  possible  to 
kick  them  out  with  the  heel  of  one’s  boot,  the  explorers  found 
the  clay  tablets  which  once  filled  the  state  record  chambers  in 
the  palace  of  the  Hittite  kings  at  Khatti  during  the  great  days 
of  their  empire  three  thousand  years  ago.  Here  were  letters 
to  and  from  the  kings  of  Egypt,  Babylon,  Assyria  and  all  the 
great  powers  of  the  oriental  world  which  we  have  studied. 
Among  them  was  the  letter  already  mentioned,  containing  the 
Hittite  king’s  notice  of  the  coming  shipment  of  iron.  Besides 
recovering  the  lost  records,  the  German  expedition  gradually 


The  view  at  the  top  shows  the  ruins  of  the  great  walled  city  which  covered  a group  of  hills  like  those  of  Rome. 
A modern  village  close  by,  called  Boghaz-Koi,  has  given  the  place  its  modern  name ; but  the  Hittites  called  the 
city  Khatti.  The  view  below  shows  a portion  of  the  masonry  walls  of  the  city  as  they  once  were,  when  the  Ilittite 
kings  lived  here  in  the  thirteenth  century  b.c.  (After  Puchstein) 


250 


Anciefit  Times 


367.  Modern 
recovery  of 
early  civiliza- 
tion entirely 
around  the 
eastern  end 
of  the  Medi- 
terranean 


368.  Rise  of 
an  eastern 
Mediterra- 
nean world 
(3000- 
1500  B.C.) 


369.  North- 
ern intruders 


excavated  the  walls  of  the  ancient  city  and  its  chief  buildings, 
and  recovered  their  architecture  (cf.  Fig.  152). 

Although  we  are  still  unable  to  read  the  records  of  the 
Cretans  and  are  only  beginning  to  read  those  of  the  Hittites, 
the  discoveries  in  their  lands  have  revealed  to  us  the  earliest 
chapter  of  civilization  on  the  north  side  of  the  eastern  Mediter- 
ranean. If  we  connect  these  discoveries  along  the  north  side  of 
the  Mediterranean  at  its  east  end  with  the  earlier  story  of  dis- 
covery in  the  oriental  lands  east  and  south  of  the  Mediterranean, 
the  student  will  perceive  how  scholars  and  explorers  have  car- 
ried the  work  of  excavation  and  discovery  entirely  around  the 
east  end  of  the  Mediterranean,  from  the  lower  Nile  valley, 
through  the  nations  of  the  Fertile  Crescent,  to  Asia  Minor  and 
the  zFigean  Sea  (see  map,  p.  102). 

These  discoveries  have  begun  to  show  us  how  the  civilized 
peoples  all  around  the  eastern  end  of  the  Mediterranean,  by 
their  industries  and  commerce,  were  gradually  creating  a civilized 
world  of  which  the  Avgean  Sea  was  merely  a northern  bay.  We 
recall  our  first  glimpse  of  this  eastern  Mediterranean  world  as 
we  journeyed  up  the  Nile  and  saw  the  Egyptian  ships  which 
crossed  the  eastern  Mediterranean  nearly  3000  B.c.  (Fig.  41). 
But  now  we  have  studied  the  peoples  on  the  east  and  north  of 
the  Mediterranean  and  have  seen  how,  at  the  close  of  the 
Grand  Age  in  Crete,  the  splendid  ^gean  civilization  had  been 
mingling  for  centuries  with  the  older  oriental  civilizations,  espe- 
cially that  of  the  Nile,  but  also  with  that  of  Hittite  Asia  Minor 
and  through  it  with  the  civilization  of  the  Fertile  Crescent. 

Into  this  civilized  world  of  the  eastern  Mediterranean,  with 
its  arts,  its  industries,  and  its  far-reaching  commerce,  the  uncivil- 
ized peoples  of  the  North  behind  the  Balkan  mountains  and  the 
Black  Sea  were  now  beginning  to  intrude.  These  uncivilized 
northerners  were  the  Greeks.  They  were  soon  to  overwhelm 
the  eastern  Mediterranean,  and  with  these  Northern  intruders 
we  must  begin  a new  chapter  in  the  history  of  the  eastern 
Mediterranean  world. 


The  Dawn  of  E7iropea7i  Civilization 


251 


QUESTIONS 

Section  33.  At  what  point  in  their  progress  did  we  leave  the 
Europeans  when  we  first  passed  over  to  the  Orient?  What  products 
of  the  eastern  Mediterranean  reached  the  Late  Stone  Age  Euro- 
peans? How  did  these  things  reach  Europe?  Did  the  possession 
of  metal  raise  the  Europeans  to  a high  civilization? 

Section  34.  Was  there  any  part  of  Europe  nearer  the  Orient 
than  the  ^Egean  world  ? By  what  two  ways  was  it  connected  with 
the  Orient?  W’hat  island  of  the  yEgean  is  nearest  to  Egypt?  De- 
scribe the  rise  of  civilization  there.  Can  you  mention  some  evidences 
of  Egyptian  influence  there  ? Where  did  the  Cretan  sea-kings  arise  ? 
What  survives  to  tell  us  of  their  power  ? What  industries  flourished  ? 
Can  you  mention  some  evidence  of  Cretan  commerce?  What  now 
happened  to  Cretan  writing?  Tell  something  of  Cretan  decorative 
art  in  the  Grand  Age ; of  the  work  of  sculptor  and  goldsmith.  Tell 
something  of  the  life  of  the  palace  and  of  the  peasants.  Under  what 
foreign  power  were  the  Cretans  at  this  time?  What  three  great 
ciHlizations  now  existed? 

Section  35.  Had  the  European  mainland  advanced  as  fast  as 
Crete  in  civilization?  Where  do  we  find  evidences  of  the  first  civi- 
lization on  the  continent  of  Europe,  and  what  are  they  ? Date  them. 
Was  there  yet  any  writing  common  in  Europe?  Where  and  when 
did  civilization  arise  on  the  east  side  of  the  yEgean  ? What  led  men 
to  this  point?  What  can  you  say  about  the  history  and  civilization 
of  Troy?  What  people  occupied  most  of  Asia  Minor?  Mention 
some  things  which  they  passed  on  to  the  West  from  the  East. 
Recall  some  evidences  of  their  influence  in  the  East.  What  influ- 
ences reached  the  Hittites  from  the  Fertile  Crescent  and  from  Egypt? 
When  did  the  Hittite  Empire  arise,  and  what  can  you  say  about  its 
influence?  What  was  the  most  important  thing  which  the  Hittites 
contributed  to  other  peoples  ? 

Section  36.  Who  first  discovered  remains  of  people  who  had  oc- 
cupied the  yEgean  world  before  the  Greeks?  Tell  something  of  his 
life.  What  did  he  find  at  Troy?  in  Greece?  What  has  excavation 
in  Crete  since  shown  ? What  has  excavation  in  Asia  Minor  revealed  ? 
With  reference  to  the  eastern  end  of  the  Mediterranean  how  far  have 
excavation  and  discovery  been  carried  ? What  kind  of  a world  has  dis- 
covery revealed  in  the  eastern  Mediterranean?  What  uncivilized 
Northerners  were  now  intruding  into  this  eastern  Mediterranean  world? 


370.  South- 
ward advance 
of  the  Indo- 
European 
line  in 
Europe 


CHAPTER  IX 

THE  GREEK  CONQUEST  OF  THE  .iEGEAN  WORLD 

Section  37.  The  Coming  of  the  Greeks 

The  people  whom  we  call  the  Greeks  were  a large  group  of 
tribes  of  Indo-European  race.  We  have  already  followed  the 
Indo-European  parent  people  until  their  diverging  migrations 
finally  ranged  them  in  a line  from  the  Atlantic  Ocean  to  north- 
ern India  (§  243  and  Eig.  112).  While  their  eastern  kindred 

Note.  The  above  headpiece  shows  a line  of  captive  warriors  with  their  hands 
shackled  before  them  or  pinioned  over  their  heads.  They  wear  a tall  feathered 
headdress,  which  shows  them  to  be  Philistines  (§  296),  a tribe  of  Cretan  war- 
riors driven  out  of  Crete  by  the  Greeks  (§  379).  Some  of  them,  invading 
Egypt  in  their  flight,  were  taken  captive  by  Ramses  III,  the  last  of  the  Egyptian 
emperors,  not  long  after  1200  B.c.  He  therefore  placed  this  picture  of  them  on 
the  walls  of  his  temple  at  Thebes,  Egypt.  Other  pictures  of  them  may  be  seen 
in  Fig.  154,  recognizable  by  their  headdress. 


The  Greek  Conquest  of  the  ^geaji  World  253 

were  drifting  southward  on  the  east  side  of  fhe  Caspian,  the 
Greeks  on  the  west  side  of  the  Black  Sea  were  likewise  mov- 
ing southward  from  their  broad  pastures  along  the  Danube 
(see  map  II,  p.  252). 

Driving  their  herds  before  them,  with  their  families  in  fpugh  371.  The 

^jrGcks  enter 

carts  drawn  by  horses,  the  rude  Greek  tribesmen  must  Ijave  the  Greek 
looked  out  upon  peninsula 

the  fair  pastures 
of  Thessaly,  the 
snowy  summit  of 
Mount  Olympus 
(Fig- 153).  and  the 
blue  waters  of  the 
.Dgean  not  long 
after  2000  b.c. 

The  Greek  penin- 
sula which  they  had 
entered  contains 


about  twenty-five 
thousand  square 
milesd  It  is  every- 
where cut  up  by 
mountains  and  in- 
lets of  the  sea  into 
small  plains  and 
peninsulas,  sepa- 
rated from  each 
other  either  by  the 
sea  or  the  moun- 


Fig.  153.  Mount  Olympus  — the  Home 
OF  THE  Gods 

Although  Mount  Olympus  is  on  the  northern 
borders  of  Greece,  it  can  be  seen  from  Attica 
and  the  south  end  of  Eubcea.  It  approaches 
10,000  feet  in  height,  and  looks  down  upon 
Macedonia  on  one  side  and  Thessaly  on  the 
other  (see  map,  p.  262).  As  we  look  at  it  here 
from  the  south,  we  have  a portion  of  the  plain 
of  Thessaly  in  the  foreground,  where  the  first 
Greeks  entered  Hellas  {§  371),  and  where  later 
the  earliest  Homeric  songs  of  the  Greek  heroes 
were  composed  (§  408) 


tain  ridges.  No  less  than  five  hundred  islands  are  scat- 
tered along  its  deeply  indented  eastern  shores  (map,  p.  262 
and  Plate  III).  On  its  climate  and  products  see  § 331. 

1 About  one  sixth  smaller  than  South  Carolina  — so  small  that  Mount  Olympus 
on  the  northern  boundary  of  Greece  is  visible  over  much  of  the  peninsula. 
From  the  mountains  of  Sparta  one  can  see  from  Crete  to  the  mountains  north  of 
the  Corinthian  Gulf  (see  Fig.  163),  a distant  of  two  hundred  and  twenty-five  miles. 


I 


254 


Ancie7it  Times 


372.  The  bar- 
barian Greek 
nomads  and 
the  settled 
jTigean  civili- 
zation 


The  wandering  shepherds  whom  we  have  seen  so  often  in- 
vading the  P'ertile  Crescent  (§§  135,  167,  and  294)  to  find  a set- 
tled and  civilized  town  life  there,  furnish  us  the  best  possible 
illustration  of  the  situation  of  the  Greeks  as  they  invaded  the 
^digean  towns  and  settlements  like  Tiryns  and  Mycenae  (§  347). 
As  the  newcomers  looked  out  across  the  waters  they  could  dimly 
discern  the  islands,  where  flourishing  towns  were  carrying  on 
busy  industries,  especially  in  pottery  and  metal,  which  a thriving 


commerce  was  distributing  (§§  339  and  345). 

373.  The  bar-  We  Can  imagine  the  wonder  with  which  these  barbarian 

nomads  on  Greeks  must  have  looked  out  upon  the  white  sails  that  flecked 

of^t^^great  fbe 'Blue  surface  of  the  ^Tlgean  Sea.  It  was  to  be  long,  how- 

onental  ever,  before  these  inland  shepherds  would  themselves  venture 
world  '■ 

timidly  out  upon  the  great  waters  which  they  were  viewing  for 

the  first  time.  Had  the  gaze  of  the  Greek  nomads  been  able 


to  penetrate  beyond  the  Aegean  isles,  they  would  have  seen  a 
vast  panorama  of  great  and  flourishing  oriental  states.  Here  on 


the  borders  of  the  great  oriental  world  and  under  its  influences 


374.  Achsean 
Greeks  fol- 
lowed by 
Dorian 
Greeks  in 
Peloponnesus 
by  1500  B.c. 


the  Greeks  were  now  to  go  forward  toward  the  development  of 
a civilization  higher  than  any  the  Orient  had  yet  produced,  the 
highest  indeed  which  ancient  man  ever  attained. 

Gradually  their  vanguard  (called  the  Achasans)  pushed  south- 
ward into  the  Peloponnesus,  and  doubtless  some  of  them 
mingled  with  the  Higean  dwellers  in  the  villages  which  were 
grouped  under  the  walls  of  Tiryns  and  Mycenae  (Figs.  144,  145, 
and  Plate  HI),  just  as  the  Hebrew  nomads  mingled  with  the 
Canaanite  townsmen  (§  294).  Some  of  the  Greek  leaders  may 
have  captured  these  JEgean  fortresses,  just  as  David  took  Jeru- 
salem (§  297).  But  our  knowledge  of  the  situation  in  Greece  is 
very  meager  because  the  peoples  settled  here  could  not  yet  write, 
and  therefore  have  left  no  written  documents  to  tell  the  story. 


It  is  evident,  however,  that  a second  wave  of  Greek  nomads 
(called  the  Dorians)  reached  the  Peloponnesus  by  1500  b.c. 
and  subdued  their  earlier  kinsmen  (the  Achaeans)  as  well  as  the 
JEgean  townsmen,  the  original  inhabitants  of  the  region. 


, The  Greek  Conqjtest  of  the  jEgean  World  255 

The  Dorians  did  not  stop  at  the  southern  limits  of  Greece, 
but,  learning  a little  navigation  from  their  ^gean  predecessors, 
they  passed  over  to  Crete,  where  they  must  have  arrived  by 
1 400  B.  c.  Cnossus,  unfortified  as  it  was,  and  without  any  walled 
castle  (§  338),  must  have  fallen  an  easy  prey  to  the  invading 
Dorians,  who  took  possession  of  the  island,  and  likewise  seized 
the  other  southern  islands  of  the  ^gean.  Between  1300  and 
1000  B.c.  the  Greek  tribes  took  possession  of  the  remaining 
islands,  as  well  as  the  coast  of  Asia  Minor  — the  Dorians  in  the 
south,  the  lonians  in  the  middle,  and  the  ^Tiolians  in  the  north. 
Here  a memorable  Greek  expedition  in  the  twelfth  century 
B.C.,  after  a long  siege,  captured  and  burned  the  prosperous 
city  of  Troy  (§  350),  a feat  which  the  Greeks  never  after 
forgot  (§  408).  During  the  thousand  years  between  2000  and 
1000  B.c.  the  Greeks  thus  took  possession  not  only  of  the 
whole  Greek  peninsula  but  likewise  of  the  entire  ^gean  world. 

The  interior  of  Asia  Minor  suffered  likewise.  Other  Indo- 
Europeans,  kindred  of  the  Greeks,  were  pushing  southward 
behind  them.  Some  of  these  rearward  Indo-European  tribes 
found  it  easier  to  cross  the  Hellespont  and  invade  Asia  Minor 
than  to  push  on  into  Greece.  Probably  before  1500  b.c.  some 
of  these  invaders  of  Asia  Minor  had  become  so  numerous 
among  the  Hittites,  who  were  not  originally  Indo-Europeans, 
that  the  Hittite  communities  began  to  lose  their  own  tongue 
and  to  speak  the  Indo-European  language  of  the  newcomers. 
Thus  the  Hittite  cuneiform  tablets  (§  354)  are  in  a language 
which  contains  Indo-European  words  and  grammatical  forms 
akin  to  those  in  Greek,  as  the  new  deciphennent  (§  355)  has 
recently  shown.  By  1200  b.c.  a second  wave  of  Indo-Europeans, 
especially  the  Phrygians  and  the  Armenians,  were  invading  the 
Hittite  country  in  Asia  Minor. 

The  northern  Mediterranean  all  along  its  eastern  end  was 
thus  being  absorbed  by  Indo-European  peoples.  The  result 
was  that  both  the  ^Egeans  and  their  Hittite  neighbors  in  Asia 
Minor  were  overwhelmed  by  the  advancing  Indo-European 


375-  The 
Greeks  take 
possession  of 
the  /Egean 
world ; 
Dorians  in 
Crete  and 
southern 
^gean 


376.  Phryg- 
ians and 
Armenians 
invade  Asia 
Minor 


377.  Flight  of 
the  well-to-do 
.(Egeans 


.256 


Ancient  Times 


378.  Egyp- 
tian repulse 
of  the  fugi- 
tive jEgeans 


379.  Cretan 
Philistines 
find  a home 
in  Southern 
Palestine 


380.  Fall  of 
iEgean  civili- 
zation 


line  The  Hittite  Empire  (§  359)  completely  collapsed.  The 
splendid  yEgean  civilization  which  we  saw  rising  so  prosper- 
ously was  unable  to  repel  the  invaders.  Probably  few  of  the 
common  people  of  the  ^gean  towns  were  able  to  flee.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  noble  and  well-to-do  ^gean  families,  the 
class  to  which  our  elegantly  dressed  little  Cretan  lady  of  the 
statuette  (Fig.  141)  belonged,  — forming,  all  told,  considerable 
numbers,  — must  have  taken  to  the  sea  and  fled.  They  looked 
back  upon  burning  towns  and  villas,  and  they  must  have  seen 
the  splendid  palace  of  Cnossus,  with  all  its  beautiful  treasures 
of  Cretan  art,  going  up  in  smoke  and  flame. 

By  1200  B.c.  the  movement  of  the  Greek  or  Indo-European 
invasion  from  the  north  had  thus  set  in  motion  before  it  a wave 
of  fleeing  .zEgeans,  which  crossed  the  sea  and  broke  upon  the 
shores  of  the  southeastern  Mediterranean  from  the  Nile  Delta 
to  the  harbors  of  Phoenicia.  It  was  this  wave  of  MSgean  fugi- 
tives which  aided  in  overturning  the  tottering  Egyptian  Empire. 
An  Egyptian  relief  scene  shows  us  the  earliest-known  picture 
of  a naval  battle  (Fig.  154) — a sea  fight  off  the  coast  of  Syria, 
in  which  the  last  of  the  Egyptian  emperors  beat  off  an  AEgean 
fleet  (§  124). 

The  only  region  where  the  fleeing  ^Egeans  were  numerous 
enough  to  settle  and  to  form  a nation  was  in  Southern  Pales- 
tine. Here  a tribe  of  Cretans  called  Philistines  (headpiece, 
p.  252),  although  they  had  been  beaten  in  the  sea  fight  just 
mentioned,  were  able  to  establish  themselves  and  build  up  a 
group  of  prosperous  cities,  in  the  twelfth  century  b.c.  We  recall 
how  they  nearly  succeeded  in  crushing  the  young  Hebrew 
nation  just  then  emerging  (§  296).  Curiously  enough,  it  was 
these  fugitives  from  the  zEgean  world  who  gave  to  Palestine 
its  present  name,  for  " Palestine  ” is  simply  a later  form  of  the 
name  " Philistine.” 

The  Indo-European  invasion  of  the  ^gean  world  thus  broke 
up  the  prosperous  and  highly  civilized  communities  which  we 
have  seen  there,  especially  in  Crete.  By  1200  b.c.  the  splendid 


The  Greek  Conquest  of  the  ^gean  World  257 


^gean  civilization  had  been  almost  submerged  by  northern  bar- 
barism, little  better  than  the  Late  Stone  Age  life  which  we 
have  already  seen  in  Europe.  Some  important  things  in 
AEgean  civilization  perished  entirely  — among  them  Cretan 


Fig.  154.  Battle  between  a Fleet  of  Fleeing  ALgeans 
AND  AN  Egyptian  Fleet 


This  scene,  sculptured  on  the  walls  of  an  Egyptian  temple  at  Thebes 
(§  124),  is  the  earliest  surviving  picture  of  a naval  battle.  It  shows  us 
the  Mediterranean  peoples  defeated  by  the  last  Egyptian  emperor, 
Ramses  III,  not  long  after  1200  B.C.,  somewhere  along  the  Syrian 
coast  (§  378).  Of  the  nine  ships  engaged  four  are  Egyptian  (lion’s  head 
on  the  prow) — three  at  the  left  and  one  in  the  lower  right-hand  corner. 
The  remaining  five  are  .Egean  ships  (goose-head  on  the  prow).  One 
Agean  ship  (middle,  below)  has  been  overturned.  The  Aigeans  are 
Philistines  with  feathered  headdress  (see  headpiece,  p.  252),  and  we 
see  here  how  they  passed  from  Crete  to  Palestine  (§  379).  The  Aigeans 
are  armed  only  with  round  shields  and  spears  or  two-edged  swords  (§  776), 
whereas  the  Egyptians  are  chiefly  archers,  who  overwhelm  the  enemy 
with  archery  volleys  at  long  range  and  then  close  in,  taking  Philistine 
prisoners  who  may  be  seen  standing  bound  in  the  Egyptian  ships 

writing,  which  disappeared  after  the  Greek  invasion.  Enough 
of  AEgean  industries  survived,  however,  to  form  an  essential  part 
of  the  foundation  upon  which  the  barbarian  Greeks  were  yet 
to  build  up  the  highest  civilization  of  the  ancient  world. 

Such  of  the  ^Egean  population  as  had  not  fled  before  the 
incoming  Greeks  mingled  with  their  Greek  conquerors,  just  as 


258 


Ancient  Times 


381.  Min-  we  have  seen  the  civilized  Canaanites  of  Palestine  mingling 

^'geans  the  invading  Hebrew  nomads  (§  294).  This  commingling 

and  Greeks  Higeans  and  Greeks  produced  a mixed  race,  the  people 

known  to  us  as  the  Greeks  of  history.  How  much  zEgean 
blood  may  have  flowed  in  their  veins  we  are  unable  to  deter- 
mine. But  the  supreme  genius  of  the  classical  Greeks  may 
well  have  been  due,  in  some  measure,  to  this  admixture  of  the 
blood  of  the  gifted  Cretans,  with  their  open-mindedness  toward 
influences  from  abroad  and  their  flne  artistic  instincts. 

382.  Tri-  The  mingling  of  Greek  and  Higean  blood  did  not  result 

Greekspeech  hi  a similar  mixture  of  speech,  as  English  is  made  up  of 

French  and  Anglo-Saxon.  Greek,  the  language  of  the  victori- 
ous invaders,  gradually  became  the  language  of  the  ^Egean 
world.  At  the  same  time  Greek  did  not  blot  out  every  trace 
of  the  older  ^gean  language  of  the  region.  People  continued 
to  call  the  towns,  rivers,  and  mountains,  like  Mount  Parnassus, 
by  the  old  ^gean  names  they  found  in  use,  just  as  we  found 
Ijidian  geographical  names  in  America  and  continue  to  call  our 
greatest  river  by  its  old  Indian  name,  Mississippi  ("  Father  of 
Waters  ”).  Such  names  in  Greece  are  to-day  surviving  remnants 
of  the  lost  ^Fgean  language,  now  no  longer  anywhere  spoken.^ 
It  is  interesting  also  to  notice  that  a few  zEgean  words  for 
civilized  conveniences,  such  as  the  Greek  invaders  did  not 
possess,  likewise  survived.  So  the  word  " bathtub  ” in  Greek 
is  really  an  old  Higean  word.  For  of  course  a race  of  wander- 
ing shepherds  such  as  the  Greeks  had  been,  had  no  such 
luxuries ; whereas  we  have  recovered  the  actual  bathtubs  of 
the  refined  ^geans  (§  344),  from  whom  the  Greeks  learned 
the  name.  Nevertheless,  the  Greek  language  was  already  de- 
veloping as  the  richest  and  most  beautiful  instrument  of  speech 
man  has  ever  possessed. 

1 We  do  not  know  to  what  group  of  languages  the  old  M,gean  speech,  now 
lost,  belonged.  The  still  undeciphered  Cretan  writings  (§  340)  may  yet  reveal  this 
secret.  The  claim  made  in  America  that  one  variety  of  Cretan  hieroglyphic  has 
been  deciphered,  and  found  to  be  Greek,  is  without  foundation.  The  recent  deci- 
pherment of  Hittite  cuneiform  (§§  355  and  376)  should  aid  in  solving  the  problem, 


The  Greek  Conquest  of  the  ^gean  World  259 


Section  38.  The  Nomad  Greeks  make  the 
Transition  to  the  Settled  Life 

In  tranquil  summer  days  one  can  pass  from  island  to  island 
and  cross  the  entire  ^gean  Sea  from  Greece  to  Asia  Minor 
in  a rowboat.  This  is  why  a group  of  shepherd  tribes  like  the 
Greeks  had  been  able  to  cross  and  take  possession  of  the  islands 
of  the  ^gean  and  the  coast  of  neighboring  Asia  Minor.  But 
we  must  not  conclude  that  at  this  early  stage  of  their  history 
they  had  already  taken  to  the  sea  and  become  a people  of 
sailors.  Centuries  later  we  find  the  Greek  peasant-poet  Hesiod 
(700  B.c.)  looking  with  shrinking  eye  upon  the  sea.  Long  after 
they  had  taken  possession  of  the  HIgean  world  the  Greeks  re- 
mained a barbarous  people  of  flocks  and  herds,  without  any 
commerce  by  sea- 

If  we  would  understand  the  situation  of  the  Greeks  after 
their  conquest  of  the  civilized  ^Lgean  world,  we  must  again 
recall  nomad  life  as  we  have  seen  it  along  the  Fertile  Crescent 
in  Asia  (§  136).  We  remember  that  the  nomads  possessed  no 
organized  government,  for  there  was  no  public  business  which 
demanded  it.  Even  to-day  among  such  people  no  taxes  are 
collected,  for  no  one  owns  any  land  which  can  be  taxed. 
There  are  no  public  ofiicials,  there  are  no  cases  at  law,  no  legal 
business,  and  men  are  controlled  by  a few  customs  like  the 
" blood  revenge  ” (§  136).  Such  was  exactly  the  condition 
of  the  nomad  Greeks  when  they  began  a settled  life  in  the 
JEgean  world. 

, From  their  old  wandering  life  on  the  grasslands  they  carried 
with  them  the  loose  groups  of  families  known  as  tribes,  and 
within  each  tribe  an  indefinite  number  of  smaller  groups  of 
more  intimate  families  called  " brotherhoods.”  A " council  ” 
of  the  old  men  ("  elders  ”)  occasionally  decided  matters  in 
dispute,  or  questions  of  tribal  importance,  and  probably  once 
a year,  or  at  some  important  feast,  an  " assembly  ” of  all  the 
weapon-bearing  men  of  the  tribe  might  be  held,  to  express  its 


383.  Early 
Greeks  not 
a maritime 
people 


384.  Earliest 
social  insti- 
tutions of 
the  Greeks 


385.  Tribes, 
" council,” 
and  "as- 
sembly ” 


26o 


Ancieftt  Times 


386.  Rise  of 
Greek  kings 


387.  Greeks 
begin  agri- 
culture 


388.  Rise  of 
land  owner- 
ship and  its 
consequences 
in  govern- 
ment and 
society 


opinion  of  a proposed  war  or  migration.  These  are  the  germs 
of  later  European  political  institutions  and  even  of  our  own 
in  the  United  States  to-day.^ 

It  was  perhaps  after  they  had  found  kings  over  such  ^Egean 
cities  as  Mycenae  (§  347)  that  the  Greeks  (like  the  Hebrews, 
§ 296)  began  to  want  kings  themselves.  Thus  the  old-time 
nomad  leaders  whom  they  had  once  followed  in  war,  religion, 
and  the  settlement  of  disputes  became  rude  shepherd  kings 
of  the  tribes. 

Meantime  the  Greek  shepherds  slowly  began  the  cultivation 
of  land.  This  forced  them  to  give  up  a wandering  life  to  build 
houses  and  live  in  permanent  homes.  Nomad  instincts  and 
nomad  customs  were  not  easily  rooted  out  however.  War  and 
the  care  of  flocks  continued  to  be  the  occupation  of  the  men^ 
as  it  had  been  for  centuries  on  the  Northern  grasslands ; while 
the  cultivation  of  the  Adds  was  at  first  left  to  the  women. 
Furthermore,  flocks  and  herds  continued  to  make  up  the  chief 
wealth  of  the  Greeks  for.  centuries  after  they  had  taken  up 
agriculture. 

As  each  Greek  tribe  settled  down  and  became  a group  of 
villages,  the  surrounding  land  was  divided  among  the  families 
by  lot,  though  the  tribe  as  a whole  long  continued  to  be  the 
only  real  owner  of  the  land.  Nevertheless,  private  ownership 
of  land  by  families  gradually  resulted.  As  a consequence  there 
arose  disputes  about  boundaries,  about  inheritances  in  land 
(§  452),  and  much  other  legal  business,  which  as  it  increased 
required  more  and  more  attention  by  those  in  authority.  The 
settlement  of  such  business  tended  to  create  a government. 
During  the  four  centuries  from  1000  to  600  b.  c.  we  see  the 
Greeks  struggling  with  the  problem  of  learning  how  to  transact 
the  business  of  settled  landholding  communities,  and  how  to 


1 Compare  the  House  of  Lords  (=the  above  "council”)  and  the  House  of 
Commons  ( = the  above  " assembly  ”)  in  England,  or  the  Senate  (derived  from 
the  Latin  word  meaning  " old  man  ”)  and  the  House  of  Representatives  in  the 
United  States. 


The  Greek  Conqnest  of  the  u^gea7i  World  26 1 


adjust  the  ever-growing  friction  and  strife  between  the  rich 
and  the  poor,  the  social  classes  created  by  the  holding  of 
land  and  the  settled  life  (cf.  § 31). 

We  have  seen  the  Semitic  nomads  struggling  with  the  same 
problems  on  the  Fertile  Crescent  (§  167).  But  for  them  the 
situation  was  in  one  important  particular  much  easier.  They 
found  among  their  settled  predecessors  a system  of  writing 
which  they  quickly  learned  (§  167).  But  the  old  Cretan  writing 
(§  340),  once  used  by  the  ^gean  predecessors  of  the  Greeks, 
had  perished.  No  one  had  ever  yet  written  a word  of  the 
^Greek  language  in  this  age  when  the  Greeks  were  adopting 
the  settled  agricultural  life.  This  lack  of  writing  greatly  in- 
creased the  difficulties  to  be  met  as  a government  arose  and  its 
transactions  began.  There  arose  in  some  communities  a "re- 
memberer,” whose  duty  it  was  to  notice  carefully  the  terms  of 
a contract,  the  amount  of  a loan,  or  the  conditions  of  a treaty 
with  a neighboring  people,  that  he  might  remember  these  and 
innumerable  other  things,  which  in  a more  civilized  society  are 
recorded  in  writing. 

In  course  of  time  the  group  of  villages  forming  the  nucleus  of 
a tribe  grew  together  and  merged  at  last  into  a city.  This  was 
the  most  important  process  in  Greek  political  development ; for 
the  organized  city  became  the  only  nation  which  the  Greeks 
ever  knew.  Each  city-state  was  a sovereign  power ; each  had 
its  own  laws,  its  own  army  and  gods,  and  each  citizen  felt  a 
patriotic  duty  toward  his  own  city  and  no  other.  Overlooking 
the  city  from  the  heights  in  its  midst  was  the  king’s  castle 
(Fig.  144),  which  we  call  the  "citadel,”  or  "acropolis.”  Even- 
tually, the  houses  and  the  market  below  were  protected  by  a 
wall,  'the  king  had  now  become  a revered  and  powerful  ruler 
of  the  city,  and  guardian  of  the  worship  of  the  city  gods.  King 
and  Council  sat  all  day  in  the  market  and  adjusted  the  busi- 
ness and  the  disputes  between  the  people.  Though  crude,  cor- 
rupt, and  often  unjust,  these  continuous  sessions  for  the  first 
time  created  a state  and  an  uninterrupted  government. 


389.  Lack 
of  writing 
among  the 
early  Greeks 


390.  Rise  of 
the  city-state 


262 


Ancient  Times 


391.  Rise  of 
Greek  civili- 
zation in  the 
Age  of  the 
Kings  (1000 
750  B.c.) 


There  were  hundreds  of  such  city-states  throughout  the 
mainland  of  Greece  and  the  coasts  and  islands  of  the  ^gean. 
Indeed  the  ^gean  world  was  made  up  of  such  tiny  nations 
after  the  Greeks  had  made  the  transition  to  the  settled  life 
there.  It  was  while  the  Greeks  were  thus  living  in  these  little 
city-kingdoms  under  kings  that  Greek  civilization  arose.  While 
there  were  Greek  kings  long  before  1000  b.c.,  it  is  especially 
after  that  date,  during  the  last  two  and  a half  centuries  of  the 
rule  of  the  kings  (1000-750  b.c.),  that  we  are  able  to  follow 
the  rise  of  Greek  civilization. 

QUESTIONS 

Section  37.  To  what  race  did  the  Greeks  belong?  Had  they 
always  lived  in  Greece?  Whence  did  they  come?  Were  they  ac- 
customed to  settled  town  life?  What  kind  of  surroundings  as  to 
civilization  did  they  now  enter  ? Describe  their  settlement  and  spread 
in  the  zEgean  world ; in  Asia  , I inor.  What  was  the  effect  upon  the 
predecessors  of  the  Greeks  in  the  .^Tlgean?  in  Asia  Minor?  Men- 
tion evidence  of  the  flight  of  the  ^geans.  Who  were  the  Philistines 
and  where  did  they  settle  ? What  happened  to  Aegean  civilization  ? 
to  architecture  ? to  industries  ? to  writing  ? What  became  of  the 
jTgeans  who  remained  behind?  Describe  the  results  as  to  language. 

Section  38.  Did  the  Greeks  at  once  lake  to  the  sea?  Did  they 
take  up  town  life  at  once?  What  other  nomad  peoples  have  we 
found  in  the  same  situation  ? What  social  institutions  did  the  Greeks 
bring  with  them  ? What  can  you  say  of  the  social  effects  of  agricul- 
ture and  landownership  ? How  did  the  Greeks  get  along  without 
writing?  What  became  of  the  villages  around  each  Greek  town? 
Did  the  Greek  towns  all  unite  into  one  great  nation  including  all  the 
Greeks?  What  was  each  Greek  nation?  Toward  what  did  the 
Greek  feel  patriotism?  Describe  a Greek  city-state.  Were  there 
many  of  them?  Was  there  a nation  including  all  the  ^gean  world? 
Who  was  at  the  head  of  each  city-state?  What  was  the  form  of 
government  when  Greek  civilization  arose  ? Date  the  period  when 
we  are  able  to  trace  the  rise  of  Greek  civilization. 


CHAPTER  X 

GREEK  CIVILIZATION  IN  THE  AGE  OF  THE  KINGS 

Section  39.  The  ^gean  Inheritance  and  the 
Spread  of  Phoenician  Commerce 

In  one  very  important  "matter  the  Greek  invaders  were  more 
fortunate  than  their  JEgean  predecessors.  The  iron  which  we 
have  seen  spreading  in  the  Orient  from  the  Hittite  country 
(§  360)  had  at  the  same  time  (thirteenth  century  b.c.)  also 
begun  to  reach  the  Greeks.  It  was  of  course  a matter  of 
some  centuries  before  iron  tools  and  weapons  entirely  displaced 
those  of  bronze,  just  as  the  automobile  will  be  a long  time 
in  entirely  banishing  the  horse  from  among  us.  Indeed,  after 
iron  had  been  in  common  use  among  the  Greeks  for  over  five 
hundred  years,  the  Greek  poet  Alschylus  (§  578)  called  it  the 
" stranger  from  across  the  sea,”  or  " the  Chalybean  stranger,” 
the  Chalybean  region  being  the  iron  district  of  Asia  Minor  (see 

Note.  The  above  headpiece  is  a Greek  vase-painting  showing  a battle  scene 
from  the  Trojan  War.  In  the  middle  is  the  fallen  Achilles,  for  the  possession  of 
whose  body  a desperate  combat  is  going  on  (§  407).  Here  we  see  the  armor  of 
the  early  Greek  warriors  — a round  shield  on  the  left  arm,  a long  spear  in  the 
right  hand.  A heavy  two-edged  sword  was  also  carried,  but  the  bow  was  not 
common.  Only  one  warrior  here  uses  it.  The  face  is  protected  by  a heavy  helmet 
crowned  by  a tall  plume  of  horsehair,  and  the  body  is  covered  by  a bronze  corse- 
let, a jacket  of  metal  reaching  from  the  neck  to  the  waist.  Below  the  knees  the 
legs  are  protected  by  bronze  fronts  called  greaves.  At  the  extreme  left  a com- 
rade binds  up  a wounded  warrior,  on  whose  shield  is  the  bird  of  his  family  arms 
(cf.  Fig.  27).  Behind  him  the  goddess  Athena  watches  the  combat.  The  paint- 
ing is  done  in  the  older  style  of  black  figures  on  a red  ground  (contrast  Fig.  170). 
The  artist  has  inserted  the  names  of  the  warriors,  some  written  from  left  to  right 
and  some  in  the  other  direction  (cf.  headpiece,  p.  282). 

263 


392.  Begin 
ning  of  the 
Iron  Age 
(about 
1000  B.c.) 


264 


Ancient  Times 


393.  Mem- 
ories of 
JEgean  civili- 
zation, and 
the  dawn 
of  Greek 
civilization 


394.  Oriental 
influences : 
clothing 


map,  p.  102).  By  1000  b.c.  iron  was  common  in  Greece.  The 
Bronze  Age  had  therefore  lasted  about  two  thousand  years, 
that  is,  about  as  long  as  the  career  of  the  zEgean  civilization. 
We  may  say  indeed  that  the  period  of  Aigean  civilization  coin- 
cided with  the  Bronze  Age  (3000-1000  b.c.),  while  the  civi- 
lization of  the  Greeks  arose  at  the  incoming  of  the  Iron  Age 
(about  1000  B.  c.). 

Long  after  1000  b.c.  the  life  of  the  Greeks  continued  to  be 
rude  and  even  barbarous.  Memories  of  the  old  zEgean  splendor 
lingered  in  the  plain  of  Argos.  Above  the  Greek  village  at 
Mycenae  still  towered  the  massive  stone  walls  (Fig.  145)  of  the 
ancient  zDgean  princes,  who  had  long  before  passed  away.  To 
these  huge  walls  the  Greeks  looked  up  with  awe-struck  faces 
and  thought  that  they  had  been  built  by  vanished  giants  called 
Cyclops.  Or  with  wondering  admiration  they  fingered  some 
surviving  piece  of  rich  metal  work  wrought  by  the  skill  of  the 
ancient  zEgean  craftsmen  (Fig.  140).  The  tradition  that  Crete 
was  the  earliest  home  of  their  civilization  never  died  out  among 
the  Greeks.  Without  any  skill  in  craftsmanship,  the  Greek 
shepherds  and  peasants  were  slow  to  take  up  building,  indus- 
tries, and  manufacturing  on  their  own  account.  Their  slowness 
is  also  evident  in  the  matter  of  writing,  which  the  Greeks,  as  we 
have  seen  (§  389),  failed  to  learn  from  their  JEgean  prede- 
cessors. For  a long  time  even  the  dwellings  of  the  Greek  kings 
were  usually  but  simple  farmhouses  of  sun-dried  brick,  where 
the  swine  wandered  unhindered  into  the  court  or  slumbered  in 
the  sunshine  beside  the  royal  doorway.  They  made  a begin- 
ning at  pottery,  and  the  rude  paintings  with  which  they  deco- 
rated this  rough  ware  (Fig.  155)  show  that  the  same  methods 
employed  by  the  ^gean  potters  in  producing  their  fine  ware 
in  Crete  a thousand  years  earlier  (Fig.  136)  were  still  lingering 
on  in  a decadent  state. 

When  we  remember  the  experience  of  the  ^gean  peoples 
(§§  332-333),  we  perceive  that  the  Greeks  were  now  exposed  to 
the  same  oriental  influences  which  had  so  strongly  affected  early 


Greek  Civilization  in  .the  Age  of  the  Kings  265 


Fig.  1 55.  Primitive  Greek  Art  as 
SHOWN  IN  A Painted  Vase  of  the  Age 
OF  the  Kings 

This  very  fine  specimen,  over  feet  high, 
one  of  the  few  well-preserved  primitive 
Greek  vases,  was  recently  acquired  by  the 
Metropolitan  Museum  of  New  York.  It  rep- 
resents Greek  art  in  its  beginnings  in  the 
eighth  century  B.c.  We  see  that  the  beauti- 
ful flowers,  sea  plants,  and  other  natural 
objects  employed  by  the  Aigeans  in  their 
decorative  art  were  abandoned  by  the  early 
Greek  vase-painters,  in  favor  of  bands  of 

geometrical  designs.  The  two  rows  of  scenes  show  a funeral  above,  with 
the  body  lying  on  a high  bier.  Below  is  a procession  of  warriors  with 
dumb-bell-shaped  shields,  and  four-wheeled  chariots  each  with  three 
horses  very  rudely  drawn.  Compare  the  fine  horses  painted  by  the 
Greeks  only  a century  and  a half  later  (Fig.  164)  and  the  magnificent 
steeds  painted  four  and  a half  centuries  later  (Fig.  202).  The  practical 
working  method  employed  in  this  work  by  the  primitive  Greek  potter  and 
vase-painter  was  wholly  borrowed  from  his  ^digean  predecessors  (§  393) 


,tEgean  civilization. 
The  Greek  towns- 
men had  now  put  off 
the  shaggy  sheepskin 
of  their  former  nomad 
life  in  favor  of  a shirt- 
like garment  of  woven  ^ 
wool.  They  had  no 
name  for  it  in  Greek, 
but  they  heard  the 
foreign  merchants  of 
whom  they  bought  it 
calling  it  in  their  lan- 
guage a kiton  (ke  ton') 
(Fig.  156). 

To  purchase  arti- 
cles like  this,  which 
they  did  not  them- 
selves make,  the  towns- 
men often  went  down 
to  the  seashore,  where 
they  and  their  women 
gathered  about  a ship 
drawn  up  with  stern 
on  the  beach.  Black- 
bearded  traders,  who 
overlooked  the  crowd 
from  the  high  stern 


395.  The 
wares  of  the 
Phoenician 
merchants 


266 


Ancient  Times 


39<3.  Ex- 
pansion of 
Phoenician 
commerce 


of  the  ship,  tempted  the  Greeks  with  glass  or  alabaster  perfume 
bottles  from  Egypt  (Fig.  49)  and  rich  blue  porcelain  dishes.  If 
the  women  did  not  bid  for  these,  they  were  quite  unable  to 
resist  certain  handsome  ivory  combs  carved  with  lions  in  open- 
work (Fig.  157),  and  polished  till  they  shone  in  the  sun. 

Wealthy  Greeks  were  attracted  by 
furniture  elaborately  inlaid  with  ivory 
carvings  (Fig.  108),  and  especially  by 
magnificent  large  round  platters  of 
bronze  or  even  of  silver,  richly  en- 
graved (Fig.  158).  Splendid  purple 
robes  hanging  over  the  stern  of  the 
ship  enriched  the  display  of  golden 
jewelry  with  flashes  of  brilliant  color. 
Here  too  were  the  kitons,  as  we  would 
have  heard  these  swarthy  strangers 
from  the  sea  calling  them.  They  were 
Phoenicians,  and  the  word  for  the  new 
garment  adopted  by  the  Greeks  was  a 
Phoenician  word  (see  map  II,  p.  252). 

We  see  then  that  with  the  fall  of  the 
Egyptian  Empire  (after  1200  b. c.)  the 
ships  of  Egypt  in  the  eastern  Mediter- 
ranean had  disappeared.  The  same 
fate  had  at  the  same  time  overtaken 
the  fleets  of  the  HCgeans.  Thus  the 
eastern  Mediterranean  was  left  un- 
occupied by  merchant  fleets,  and  by 
1000  B.  c.  the  Phoenician  cities  (Fig.  159)  were  taking  advantage 
of  this  opportunity.  Once  dwellers  in  the  desert  like  the  Hebrews, 
we  remember  that  the  Phoenicians  had  early  occupied  the  towns 
along  the  Syrian  coast  (§  141),  where  they  became  clever  navi- 
gators. The  Greek  craftsmen  were  as  yet  quite  unable  to  pro- 
duce such  wares  as  the  Phoenician  merchant  offered,  and  hence 
these  oriental  traders  did  a thriving  business  wherever  they  landed. 


Fig.  1 56.  Phcenician 
Garment  adopted  by 
THE  Greeks 


The  Greeks  called  this 
garment  a kiton  (early 
pronounced  ke  ton';  later, 
chi  ton')  (see  §§394-395). 
The  garments  of  women 
maybe  seen  in  Fig.  170 


Greek  Civilization  in  the  Age  of  the  Kmgs  267 


Nor  did  the  Phcenicians  stop  with  the  yEgean  world.  They 
sought  markets  also  in  the  West,  and  they  were  the  discoverers 
of  the  western  Mediterranean. 

They  finally  planted  settlements 
even  as  far  away  as  the  Atlantic 
coast  of  Spain  (Fig.  157).  Their 
colony  of  Carthage  (map,  p.  288) 
became  the  most  important  com- 
mercial state  in  the  western  Medi- 
terranean and  the  most  dangerous 
rival  of  Rome,  as  w'e  shall  see 
(Sections  77  f.).  For  some  three 
centuries  after  1000  b.  c.  they 
were  the  greatest  merchants  in 
the  Mediterranean,  and  their  far- 
reaching  traffic  was  beginning  the 
slow  creation  of  a great  mercan- 
tile Mediterranean  world.  They 
had  no  armies,  however,  and  little 
political  organization.  The  only 
Phoenician  colony  that  ever  be- 
came a strong  state  was  Carthage. 

The  Phoenicians  learned  the 
methods  of  manufacturing  their 
goods,  in  almost  all  cases,  from 
Egy’pt.  There  they  learned  to 
make  glass  and  porcelain,  to 
weave  linen  and  dye  it,  to  cast 
and  hammer  and  engrave  metal. 

On  the  other  hand,  we  find  that 
the  designs  employed  in  their  art 
were  international.  Their  metal  platters  (Fig.  158)  they  en- 
graved with  designs  which  they  found  in  both  Egypt  and  Asia. 
The  art  of  Phoenicia  was  thus  a kind  of  oriental  composite  or 
combination,  drawn  chiefly  from  the  Nile  and  the  Two  Rivers. 


Fig.  157.  Ancient  Phoe- 
nician Comb  of  Carved 
Ivory 

Such  wares,  manufactured  at 
Sidon  and  Tyre,  were  dis- 
tributed by  the  Phoenician 
merchants  through  the  Medi- 
terranean (§395)  as  far  west  as 
Spain,  where  combs  like  this 
have  been  found  in  ancient 
graves.  The  lion  adorning  this 
comb  is  the  form  that  devel- 
oped in  Syria  (cf.  Plate  II). 
Phoenician  craftsmen  doing 
such  work  were  also  kept  by 
the  Assyrian  emperors  at  Nin- 
eveh, and  pieces  of  their  work 
have  been  found  there  (Fig. 
108)  bearing  Phoenican  signs 


397.  The 
Phoenicians 
the  earliest 
explorers  of 
the  western 
Mediter- 
ranean 


? 


398.  Growth 
of  Phoenician 
art  and  indus- 
tries : their 
composite 
international 
character 


268 


A7icient  Times 


399.  Oriental 
decorative 
art  reaches 
Europe 


We  remember  that  it  was  Phoenician  workmen  whom  the  Assyr- 
ian kings  employed  to  make  furniture  and  metal  work  for  the 
royal  palace  (Fig.  108).  King  Solomon  likewise  employed  Phoe- 


Fig.  158.  Ancient  Phcenician  Platter  of 
Engraved  and  Beaten  Work 

This  silver  platter,  now  in  the  Berlin  Museum,  is  of 
beautiful  workmanship.  A circular  stream  of  water 
surrounds  a rosette  in  the  middle.  On  the  water  are 
four  Nile  boats  (one  of  them  in  the  form  of  a swan), 
outside  of  which  is  a circular  border  of  papyrus  flowers. 
The  Phoenicians  were  very  skillful  in  such  metal  work, 
which  they  thus  adorned  with  Egyptian  and  Assyrian 
designs.  Pieces  of  it  have  been  found  as- far  west  as 
Spain  and  as  far  east  as  Nineveh,  whither  they  were 
carried  by  the  Phoenician  merchants 


nician  work- 
men to  build 
for  him  the 
Hebrew  tem- 
ple at  Jerusa- 
lem (i  Kings, 
v).  After  1 000 
B.c.  the  Phoe- 
nicians were 
thus  the  artis- 
tic manufac- 
turers of  a 
great  world  ex- 
tending .from 
Nineveh  on 
the  east  to 
Greece  on  the 
west. 

On  the  metal 
platters  and 
the  furniture 
of  carved  ivoiy 
landed  from 
the  Phcenician 
ships  (§  395), 
the  Greek 
craftsmen  found 


decorations  made  up  of  palm  trees,  lotus  flowers,  hunting  scenes 
along  the  Nile,  the  Assyrian  tree  of  life  (Fig.  102),  and  many 
other  picturesque  things,  but  especially  those  strange  winged 
creatures  of  oriental  fancy,  the  sphinx,  the  gryphon,  the  winged 
horse.  The  Greeks  soon  began  to  imitate  these  things  in  their 


Greek  Civilization  in  the  Age  of  the  Kings  269 

own  work.  Thus  the  whole  range  of  oriental  decorative  art 
entered  Greek  life,  to  fill  forever  after  a large  place  in  the 
decorative  art  of  all  civilized  peoples  of  the  West,  including  our 
own  to-day.  At  the  same  time  it  is  highly  probable  that  in  the 
Phoenician  workshops  in  the  ^gean  islands  the  Greeks  could 
work  side  by  side  wdth  the  Phoenician  craftsmen  and  learn  how 


Fig.  159.  The  Ancient  Phcenician  Harbor  of  Sidon  as  it 
NOW  appears 

It  was  from  this  harbor  that  the  Phoenician  colonists  sailed  forth  to 
establish  new  cities  in  the  western  Mediterranean,  especially  Carthage 
(§  397)-  In  the  Homeric  poem.s  the  Phoenicians  are  often  called  Sido- 
nians.  The  town  seen  across  the  harbor  is  entirely  modern,  for  the 
ancient  city  was  again  and  again  destroyed  and  rebuilt.  Here  the 
Phoenician  ships  were  loaded  with  the  goods  manufactured  in  the  city 
(Figs.  157  and  158),  to  be  carried  to  the  Greeks  and  other  Mediterranean 
peoples ; and  here  an  alphabet  first  came  into  common  use  (§  400) 

to  make  hollow  bronze  casts,  an  art  invented  in  Egypt,  and  to 
manufacture  many  other  things  which  were  bringing  such 
commercial  success  to  the  Phoenician  merchants.  Nevertheless, 
so  little  of  the  refined  JEgezn  art  of  the  Grand  Age  had  sur- 
vived that  there  are  products  of  the  Greeks  in  this  period  that 
are  hardly  as  good  as  the  work  of  the  Middle  Stone  Age 
(compare  the  horses  in  Figs.  155  and  10,  6). 


2/0 


Ancient  Times 


400.  The 
Semites 
devise  an 
alphabet 
(before 
1600  B.c.) 


401.  The 
Phoenicians 
arrange  their 
new  letters  in 
a fixed  order 
and  give 
them  names 


Section  40.  The  Phoenicians  bring  the  First 
Alphabet  to  Europe 

But  styles  of  dress,  decorative  art,  and  the  practical  methods 
of  the  craftsman  were  not  the  only  things  which  the  Phoenician 
merchants  were  bringing  into  Greece.  For  the  Greeks  now  re- 
ceived from  the  Phoenicians  a priceless  gift,  far  more  valuable 
than  all  the  manufactured  wares  of  the  Orient.  Indeed  it  was 
the  most  important  contribution  that  ever  reached  Europe  from 
abroad.  This  new  gift  was  an  alphabet.  Not  later  than  1600  B.  c. 
the  western  Semites  near  Egypt  had  devised  an  alphabet  drawn 
from  Egyptian  hieroglyphics.  The  Phoenicians  adopted  this 
system  of  twenty-two  alphabetic  signs  (Fig.  160,  column  I)  for 
writing  their  own  language.  It  contained  no  signs  for  syllables, 
but  each  sign  represented  a single  consonant.  There  were  no 
signs  for  the  vowels,  which  remained  unwritten.  The  western 
Semites  were  thus  the  first  to  devise  a system  of  writing  contain- 
ing nothing  but  alphabetic  signs,  that  is,  true  letters.  In  the 
12th  century  b.c.  the  Phoenicians  were  therefore  already  giving 
up  the  inconvenient  clay  tablet  of  Babylonia  (Fig.  79)  and  were 
importing  great  quantities  of  papyrus  paper  from  Egypt. 

The  Phoenicians  arranged  their  new  letters  in  a convenient 
order,  so  that  the  whole  twenty-two  might  form  a fixed  list 
(Fig.  160,  column  I),  easily  learned.  Such  a list  could  not  be 
learned  without  giving  to  each  letter  a name.  They  called  the 
first  letter  of  the  alphabet  ox,  because  the  Phoenician  word  for 
ox,  that  is,  aleph,  began  with  the  first  letter.  The  second  letter 
of  the  alphabet  they  called  house,  because  heth,  the  Phoenician 
word  for  house,  began  with  the  second  letter,  and  so  on.  This 
was  not  unlike  our  old  primers,  where  our  parents  learned  to 
say  : is  for  ' Axe  ’ ; is  for  ' Bed,’  ” etc.  When  the  chil- 

dren of  the  Phoenician  merchants  learned  their  letters,  and 
were  called  upon  to  repeat  the  alphabet,  they  therefore  began : 

Aleph,  heth,"  etc.,  as  if  our  children  were  to  say:  "Axe,  Bed,” 
etc.,  instead  of  " A,  B,”  etc.  ! 


Greek  Civilization  in  the  Age  of  the  Kings  2/1 


The  Phoenicians  seem  to  have  had  little  literature,  but  their 
merchants  kept  all  their  business  records  in  this  new  and  con- 
venient writing  on  papyrus.  Just  as  the  Arameans  carried  the 
Phoenician  alphabet  from  the  Mediterranean  eastward  through 
Asia  to  India  (§  205),  so  now  the  Phoenicians  themselves  carried 
it  through  the  Mediterranean  westward  to  Europe.  The  Greeks 
whom  we  have  seen  crowding  around  the  Phoenician  ships  often 
found  the  Phoenicians  handling  bits  of  pale-yellow  paper,  on 
which  were  written  bills  and  lists  of  merchandise  in  strange 
black  signs.  These  the  Greeks  at  first  viewed  with  misgivings, 
as  mysterious  and  dangerous  symbols.  One  of  their  ancient 
songs  of  this  age  speaks  of  them  as  " baneful  signs.”  Here 
and  there  a Greek  merchant,  thumbing  the  Phoenician  trades- 
man’s papyrus  bills,  finally  learned  the  alphabet  in  which  they 
were  written,  and  slowly  began  to  note  down  Greek  words 
spelled  with  Phoenician  letters. 

Here  the  Greeks  early  displayed  the  mental  superiority 
which,  as  we  shall  soon  discover,  they  possessed.  They  noticed 
that  there  were  no  Phoenician  letters  standing  for  vowels. 
They  also  noticed  in  the  Phoenician  alphabet  a few  letters 
representing  consonants  which  did  not  exist  in  Greek  speech. 
These  letters  they  began  to  use  for  the  Greek  vowels  (Fig.  160; 
cf.  columns  I and  H).  They  thus  took  the  final  step  in  the 
process  of  devising  a complete  system  of  alphabetic  writing. 
It  slowly  spread  among  the  Greek  states,  beginning  in  Ionia. 
For  a long  time  it  remained  only  a convenience  in  business  and 
administration.  For  centuries  the  nobles,  unable  to  read  or  write, 
continued  to  regard  writing  with  misgivings.  But  even  the 
painters  of  pottery  jars  had  learned  to  use  it  by  700  b. c.,  when 
we  find  it  on  their  decorated  vases  (see  headpiece,  p.  282). 
Shortly  after  this  it  was  common  among  all  classes.  Literature 
nevertheless  long  remained  an  oral  matter  and  was  much 
slower  than  business  to  resort  to  writing. 

The  Greek  children,  in  learning  to  read,  used  for  the  letters 
the  same  names  which  had  been  employed  in  Phoenicia.  The 


402.  Phoe- 
nician alpha- 
bet first  seen 
by  Greeks 


403.  Greeks 
adopt  and 
perfect  Phoe- 
nician alpha- 
bet by  adding 
vowels  (about 
goo  B.c.) 


272 


Ancient  Times 


404.  Phoe- 
nician origin 
of  the  alpha- 
bets of  the 
civilized 
world 


Greeks,  not  knowing  what  these  strange  names  meant,  altered 
them  somewhat ; but  the  Greek  children  began  to  pronounce 

the  foreign  names 
of  the  letters  in  th^ 
fixed  order  already 
settled  in  Phoenicia, 
saying  "Alpha,  beta,” 
etc.  (instead  of 

"Aleph,  beth,”  etc.) 

(§  401).  As  a child 
of  to-day  is  said 
to  be  learning  his 
A B C’s,  so  the 

Greek  child  learned 
his  Alpha  Beta’s, 
and  thus  arose  our 
word  " alphabet.” 
The  word  " alpha- 
bet,” therefore,  should 
remind  us  of  the 

great  debt  we  owe 

to  the  Orient,  and 

especially  to  the 
Phoenicians,  for  the 
priceless  gift  of 
alphabetic  writing. 
For  the  Phoenician 
alphabet  spread  from 
Greece  to  Italy  and 
at  last  throughout 
Europe.  Indeed, 

„ , ^ every  alphabet  of  the 

Fig.  160.  Table  showing  how  the  . , ,,  , 

Phcenician  Letters  passed  through  civilized  world  has 

Greek  and  Latin  Forms  to  reach  descended  from  the 
THEIR  Present  English  Forms  * Phoer^an  alphabet. 


< 


I 

I 


Greek  Civilisation  m the  Age  of  the  Kings  273 


Along  with  the  alphabet,  the  equipment  for  using  it  — that  is, 
pen,  ink,  and  paper — for  the  first  time  came  into  Europe.  Paper 
also  brought  in  with  it  its  oriental  names.  For  the  Greeks 
received  from  abroad  the  word  papyros,  designating  the  Egyp- 
tian paper  on  which  they  wrote,  and  we  remember  that  this 
word  has  in  its  English  form  become  "paper”  (see  § 58). 
Much  of  the  papyrus  used  by  the  Greeks  was  delivered  to  them 
by  Phoenician  merchants  from  Byblos,  a famous  Phoenician  city. 
Just  as  we  apply  the  word  " china  ” to  a kind  of  table  ware 
which  first  came  to  us  from  China,  so  the  Greeks  often  called 
papyrus  byblos  after  the  Phoenician  city  from  which  it  came. 
Thus  when  they  began  to  write  books  on  rolls  of  such  paper 
(Fig.  1 91)  they  called  them  biblia.  It  is  from  this  term  that 
we  received  our  word  " Bible  ” (literally  " book  ” or  " books  ”). 
Hence  the  English  word  " Bible,”  once  the  name  of  a Phoenician 
city,  is  aniother  living  evidence  of  the  origin  of  books  and  the 
paper  of  ^^ich  they  are  made  in  the  ancient  Orient,  from  which 
the  Greeks  received  so  much. 


Section  41.  Greek  Warriors  and  the  Hero  Songs 


405.  Oriental 
origin  of 
the  words 
" paper”  and 
" Bible  ” 


The  Greek  nobles  of  this  age  loved  war  and  were  devoted 
to  fighting  and  plundering.  It  was  a frequent  sight  to  see  the 
Greek  warrior  waving  farewell  to  his  family  before  the  pillared 
porch  of  his  home,  as  he  mounted  the  waiting  chariot  and  rode 
forth  to  battle.  The  vase-painters  have  often  jeft  us  pictures 


406.  The 
equipment 
of  the  Greek 
warrior  in 
the  Age  of 
the  Kings 


* Column  I contains  the  Phoenician  alphabet  made  up  exclusively  of 
consonants  (§  400).  The  Phoenicians  wrote  from  right  to  left,  and 
hence  the  Greeks  at  first  wrote  in  the  same  direction.  The  names  of 
tjie  warriors  in  the  vase-painting  (headpiece,  p.  263)  are  several  of  them 
^written  in  this  way;  hence  column  II  shows  letters  like  B "backward,” 
as  we  say.  The  Greeks  then  gradually  changed  and  wrote  from  left  to 
right,  and  the  next  column  (III)  shows  the  letters  facing  as  they  do  in 
our  present  alajaabet  (see  B in  column  III).  The  transition  from  these 
later  forms  of/the  Greek  letters  (column  III)  to  the  Latin  forms  (col- 
umn IV)  wai  very  easy,  and  the  Latin  forms  hardly  differed  from  those 
which  we  still  ^se  (column  V). 


274 


Ancient  Times 


407.  Battle 
and  the  cus- 
toms of  war 
in  the  Age 
of  the  Kings 


408.  Rise  of 
the  hero 
songs 


of  such  warriors  (headpiece,  p.  263).  While  their  protective 
armor  was  of  bronze,  their  weapons  were  at  this  time  com- 
monly of  iron,  although  bronze  weapons  still  lingered  on,  and 
in  their  tales  of  the  great  wars  of  the  past  the  Greeks  still  told 
how  the  heroes  of  older  days  fought  with  bronze  weapons. 

It  was  only  men  of  some  wealth  who  possessed  a fighting 
outfit  like  this.  They  were  the  leading  warriors.  The  ordinary 
troops,  lacking  armor,  were  of  little  consequence  in  battle, 
which  consisted  of  a series  of  single  combats,  each  between 
two  heroes.  Their  individual  skill,  experience,  and  daring  won 
the  battle,  rather  than  the  discipline  of  drilled  masses.  The 
victor  seized  his  fallen  adversary’s  armor  and  weapons ; and 
having  fastened  the  naked  body  of  the  vanquished  to  his 
chariot,  he  dragged  it  triumphantly  across  the  field,  only  to 
expose  it  to  be  devoured  by  birds  of  prey  and  wild  animals. 
There  was  thus  many  a savage  struggle  to  rescue  the  body  of 
a fallen  hero  (headpiece,  p.  263).  When  a Greek  town  was 
captured,  its  unhappy  people  were  slaughtered  or  carried  away 
as  slaves,  and  its  houses  plundered  and  burned.  There  was 
savage  joy  in  such  treatment  of  the  vanquished,  and  such  deeds 
were  thought  to  increase  the  fame  and  glory  of  the  victors. 

Men  delighted  to  sing  of  valiant  achievements  on  the  field  of 
battle  and  to  tell  of  the  stirring  deeds  of  mighty  heroes.  In  the 
pastures  of  Thessaly,  where  the  singer  looked  up  at  the  cloud- 
veiled  summit  of  Mount  Olympus  (Fig.  153),  the  home  of  the 
gods,  there  early  grew  up  a group  of  such  songs  telling  many 
a story  of  the  feats  of  gods  and  heroes,  the  earliest  literature 
of  the  Greeks.  Into  these  songs  were  woven  also  vague  memo- 
ries of  remote  wars  which  had  actually  occurred,  especially  the 
war  in  which  the  Greeks  had  captured  and  destroyed  the  splen- 
did city  of  Troy  (§  375  and  Fig.  151).  Probably  by  1000  b.c.' 
some  of  these  songs  had  crossed  to  the  coasts  and  islands  of 
Ionia  on  the  Asiatic  side' of  the  ^gean  Sea. 

Here  arose  a class  of  professional  bards  who  graced  the 
feasts  of  king  and  noble  with  songs  of  battle  and  adventure 


Greek  Civilizatio7i  in  the  Age  of  the  Kings  275 


recited  to  the  music  of  the  harp.  Framed  in  exalted  and 
ancient  forms  of  speech,  and  rolling  on  in  stately  measures,^ 
these  heroic  songs  resounded  through  many  a royal  hall  — the 
oldest  literature  born  in  Europe.  After  the  separate  songs  had 
greatly  increased  in  number,  they  were  finally  woven  together 
bv  the  bards  into  a con- 
nected whole  — a great  epic 
cvcle  especially  clustering 
about  the  traditions  of  the 
Greek  expedition  against 
Troy.  They  were  not  the 
work  of  one  man,  but  a 
growth  of  several  centuries 
by  generations  of  singers, 
some  of  whom  were  still 
living  even  after  700  b.  c. 

It  was  then  that  they  were 
fir.st  written  down. 

Among  these  ancient  sing- 
ers there  seems  to  have 


been  one  of  great  fame 
whose  name  was  Homer 
(Fig.  1 61).  His  reputation 
was  such  that  the  composi- 
tion of  the  whole  cycle  of 
songs,  then  much  larger  than 
the  remnant  which  has  come 
down  to  us,  was  attributed 
to  him.  Then  as  the  Greeks 
themselves  later  discerned  the  impossibility  of  Homer’s  author- 
ship of  them  all,  they  credited  him  only  with  the  Iliad, ^ the 
stor\’  of  the  Greek  expedition  against  Troy;  and  the  Odyssey, 


Fig.  161.  An  Ideal  Portrait  of 
Homer 

This  head,  from  the  Boston  Museum 
of  Fine  Arts,  is  a noble  example  of 
the  later  Greek  sculptor’s  ability  to 
create  an  ideal  portrait  of  a poet 
whom  he  had  never  seen.  Such  work 
was  unknown  in  the  archaic  days  of 
Greece;  it  was  produced  in  the 
Hellenistic  Age 


409.  The 

Ionian 

singers 


410,  Homer 


t These  were  in  hexameter ; that  is,  six  feet  to  a line.  This  Greek  verse  is  the 
oldest  literary  form  in  Europe. 

■-  So  named  after  Ilium,  the  Greek  name  of  Troy. 


276 


Ajicic7it  Times 


411.  The 
Homeric 
songs  our 
earliest  liter- 
ar)'  record  of 
the  Greeks 


412.  The 
Homeric 
songs  and 
Greek  re- 
ligion 


413.  Primi- 
tive Greek 
religion 
before  the 
Homeric 
songs 


or  the  tale  of  the  wanderings  of  the  hero  Odysseus  on  his  ! 
return  from  Troy.  These  are  the  only  two  series  of  songs  that  i 
have  entirely  survived,  and  even  the  ancient  world  had  its  i 
doubts  about  the  Homeric  authorship  of  the  Odyssey.  j 

These  ancient  bards  not  only  gave  the  world  its  greatest  epic  ; 
in  the  Iliad,  but  they  were,  moreover,  the  earliest  Greeks  to  put  j 
into  permanent  literary  form  their  thoughts  regarding  the  world 
of  gods  and  men.  At  that  time  the  Greeks  had  no  other  sacred 
books,  and  the  Homeric  songs  became  the  veritable  Bible  of 
Greece.  They  gave  to  the  disunited  Greeks  a common  litera- 
ture and  the  inspiring  belief  that  they  had  once  all  taken  part 
in  a common  war  against  Asia. 

Section  42.  The  Beginnings  and  Early 
Development  of  Greek  Religion 

Just  as  devout  Hebrews  were  taught  much  about  their  God 
by  the  beautiful  tales  of  Him  in  the  historical  narratives  of 
their  forefathers  (§302),  so  the  wonderful  Homeric  songs 
brought  vividly  before  the  Greeks  the  life  of  the  gods.  Homer 
became  the  religious  teacher  of  the  Greeks.  To  us  too  he  reveals 
a great  chapter  in  the  story  of  Greek  religion.  For  like  that  of 
the  Hebrews,  the  religion  of  the  Greeks  was  a slow  growth, 
passing  gradually  from  a low  stage  to  ever  higher  and  nobler 
beliefs.  There  was,  therefore,  a chapter  of  Greek  religion 
earlier  than  the  Homeric  songs.  Let  us  look  for  a moment  at 
the  religion  of  Greece  before  the  Homeric  songs. 

Every  Greek,  like  all  primitive  men,  once  thought  that  the 
trees  and  springs,  the  stones  and  hilltops,  the  birds  and  beasts, 
were  creatures  possessed  of  strange  and  uncanny  powers.  He 
thought  there  was  such  a spirit  in  the  dark  recesses  of  the 
earth  which  made  the  grain  sprout  and  the  trees  flourish;  in 
the  gloomy  depths  of  the  waters  also,  he  believed  there  dwelt  a 
like  spirit  which  swayed  the  great  sea ; while  still  another  ruled 
the  far  sweep  of  the  overhanging  sky.  As  the  Greek  peasant, 


Greek  Civilizatio7i  in  the  Age  of  the  Kings  277 


terrified  by  the  jagged  lightning  and  the  rolling  thunder,  or 
grateful  for  the  gently  falling  rain,  looked  up  into  the  misty 
cloudland  of  the  sky,  he  often  saw  the  solitary  eagle  soaring 
across  the  vast  and  lonely  expanse.  To  him  the  lofty,  mysteri- 
ous bird  seemed  to  be  the  mighty  spirit  of  the  sky,  who  dwelt 
there  and  in  his  wrath  smote  the  great  trees  with  fire,  or  in 
kinder  moods  sent  down  the  refreshing  rain.  Thus  to  some 
Greeks  the  sky  spirit  seemed  to  be  an  eagle. 

Each  such  spirit,  friendly  or  hostile,  dwelt  in  a limited  region, 
and  it  was  believed  possible  to  gain  his  favor  or  avoid  his  anger 
by  simple  gifts,  especially  food.  The  earth  spirit  might  be 
reached  by  slaypg  a sheep  and  letting  the  blood  flow  into  the 
earth ; while  the  sky  spirit  would  be  won  by  burning  a thigh 
of  the  sheep  so  that  its  odor  might  rise  to  the  sky  with  the 
soaring  smoke.  Thus  these  spirits  of  the  world  around  the 
early  Greeks  became  gods  and  goddesses,  and  thus  arose 
worship  with  its  sacred  customs  and  usages.  There  were  no 
temples  or  houses  of  worship,  and  all  the  simple  usages  of 
religion  went  on  out  of  doors  in  a grove  or  in  the  open  air 
in  the  court  of  the  house. 

^^^e  remember  that  the  Hebrews  never  lost  their  belief  in 
their  great  God  Yahveh,  whom  they  brought  with  them  into 
the  land  of  Palestine ; and  so  the  Greeks  likewise  brought 
into  Greece  various  ideas  of  the\great  Sky-god  whom  they 
had  already  worshiped  in  the  old  days  on  the  grasslands.  He 
had  different  names ; in  one  vaMey  they  called  him  ” Rain- 
giver,”  in  another  "Thunderbolt”  (§  413).  But  he  was  finally 
known  to  all  as  Zeus,  which  was  simply  the  Greek  form  of 
an  old  word  for  "sky”  in  the  language  of  the  Indo-European 
parent  people.  He  became  the  highest  god  among  all  the 
numerous  gods  and  goddesses  revered  by  the  Greeks. 

.EutGi^k_jgligicuiTOntinued  to  grow  after  the  Greeks  had 
reached  the  JEgean  woiMi  Here  th^"  fouTrd  'riie'^H^ans  wor- 
shiping the  great  earth  spirit,  the  Earth-Mother,  or  the  Great 
Mother,  who  made  the  earth  bring  forth  her  grain  and  fruit 


414.  The  rise 
of  worship 
and  its  cus- 
toms 


415.  The 
Greeks  bring 
Zeus  the  Sky- 
god  into  the 
ZEgean  world 


416.  Divini- 
ties of  the 
./Egean  world 
accepted  by 
the  Greeks 


2/8 


Ancient  Times 


417.  The 
gods  gain 
human  form; 
surviving 
traces  of  old 
animal  forms 


418.  Zeus 
and  the  dwell- 
ing of  the 
gods  on 
Mount 
Olympus ; 
Apollo 


as  the  food  of  man  (headpiece,  p.  221).  From  the  ^geans  the 
Greeks  learned  to  revere  her  also,  so  that  she  became  one  of  the 
great  goddesses  of  Greek  religion.  The  Greeks  thus  accepted 
the  gods  and  goddesses  whom  they  found  in  the  ./Fgean  world, 
just  as  many  of  the  Hebrews  accepted  the  Canaanite  Baals 
which  they  found  already  in  Palestine  (§  300). 

The  Homeric  songs,  as  we  have  said,  reveal  to  us  a second 
chapter  in  Greek  religion,  when  the  Greeks  were  gaining  higher 
ideas  about  their  gods.  To  be  sure,  even  Homer  has  here  and 
there  an  ancient  reference  which  betrays  their  earlier  animal 
forms,  as  when  he  speaks  of  a goddess  as  ” owl-faced  ” or 
even  " cow-faced.”  Likewise  the  Satyrs,  merry  spirits  of  the 
forest,  always  had  goat’s  hoofs  and  horns ; while  the  Centaurs 
were  men  with  the  bodies  of  horses.  But  those  nature  spirits, 
which  gained  a high  place  as  gods  and  goddesses,  appeared  in 
the  Homeric  songs  as  entirely  human  in  form  and  in  qualities. 
Of  course  they  possessed  more  power  than  mortals,  and  at  the 
same  time  they  enjoyed  the  gift  of  immortality. 

In  the  Homeric  songs  and  in  the  primitive  tales  about  the 
gods,  which  we  call  myths,  the  Greeks  heard  how  the  gods 
dwelt  in  veiled  splendor  among  the  clouds  on  the  summit  of 
Mount  Olympus.  There,  in  his  cloud  palace,  Zeus  the  Sky-god, 
with  the  lightning  in  his  hand,  ruled  the  gods  like  an  earthly 
king.  Each  of  the  gods  controlled  as  his  own  a realm  of  nature 
or  of  the  affairs  of  men.  Apollo,  the  Sun-god,  whose  beams 
were  golden  arrows,  was  the  deadly  archer  of  the  gods.  But 
he  also  shielded  the  flocks  of  the  shepherds  and  the  fields  of 
the  plowman,  and  he  was  a wondrous  musician.  Above  all  he 
knew  the  future  ordained  by  Zeus  and  could,  when  properly 
consulted,  tell  anxious  inquirers  what  the  future  had  in  store 
for  them.  These  qualities  gave  him  a larger  place  in  the  hearts 
of  all  Greeks  than  Zeus  himself,  and  in  actual  worship  he 
became  the  most  beloved  god  of  the  Greek  world. 

Athena,  the  greatest  goddess  of  the  Greeks,  seems  in  the 
beginning  to  have  ruled  the  air,  and  swayed  the  destroying 


Plate  III.  The  Plain  of  Argos  and  the  Sea  viewed  fko.m  the  Castle  of  'Pirv.xs 

A typical  ('.reek  landscape  with  plain  and  mountain  and  sea  (§  371).  Pefore  us  is  one  of  the  harbors  of  Argos,  which 
looked  southward  directly  upon  Crete,  whence  came  the  first  civilization  that  reached  the  mainland  of  Europe  (§  347) 
and  created  the  cities  of  Tiryns  (Fig.  144)  and  Mycenae  (Fig-  145) 


Greek  Civilization  m the  Age  of  the  Kings  279 


tempests  that  swept  the  Greek  lands.  Such  power  made  her 
a warrior  goddess,  and  the  Greeks  loved  to  think  of  her  with 
shining  weapons,  protecting  the  Greek  cities.  But  she  held  out 
her  protecting  hand  over  them  also  in  times  of  peace,  as  the 
potters  shaped  their  jars,  the  smiths  wrought  their  metal,  or 
the  women  wove  their  wool.  Athena  too  had  brought  them 
the  olive  tree,  as  they  believed,  and  thus  she  became  the  wise 
and  gracious  protectress  of  the  peaceful  life  of  industry  and 
art.  Of  all  her  divine  companions  she  was  the  wisest  in 
counsel,  and  an  ancient  tale  told  how  she  had  been  born  in 
the  very  brain  of  her  father  Zeus,  from  whose  head  she  sprang 
forth  full-armed.  As  the  divine  foster  mother  of  all  that  was 
best  in  Greek  life,  she  was  the  loveliest  of  the  protecting 
powers  which  the  quick  and  sensitive  imagination  of  the 
Greeks  felt  everywhere  watching  over  the  life  and  work  of 
men.  These  three  then,  Zeus,  Apollo,  and  Athena,  became 
the  leading  divinities  of  the  Greek  world. 

At  the  same  time  a further  group  of  ancient  nature  spirits 
had  risen  to  be  great  gods,  each  controlling  some  special 
realm.  In  a brazen  palace  deep  under  the  waters,  Poseidon 
ruled  the  sea.  The  ancient  Earth-Mother,  whom  they  called 
Demeter,  still  brought  forth  the  produce  of  the  soil.  At  the 
same  time  they  looked  also  to  another  earth  god,  Dionysus,  for 
the  fruit  of  the  grapevine,  and  they  rejoiced  in  the  wine  which 
he  gave  them.  An  old  moon  spirit  had  now  become  Hermes 
the  messenger  of  the  gods,  with  winged  feet,  doing  the  bidding 
of  the  gods,  but  he  was  also  the  patron  of  the  intercourse  of 
men,  and  hence  the  god  of  trade  and  commerce.  Some  of  the 
Greeks,  however,  in  the  old  days,  seeing  the  moon  above  the 
forest  margin,  had  believed  it  to  be  a goddess,  a divine  huntress 
riding  through  the  forests  at  night.  They  called  her  Artemis. 
Others,  however,  had  fancied  the  moon  to  belong  in  the  sky  as 
the  wife  of  Zeus,  whom  they  called  Hera,  and  she  became  the 
protectress  of  marriage.  The  Semitic  goddess  of  love,  whom 
we  have  met  on  the  Fertile  Crescent  as  Ishtar  (§  19 1),  had 


419.  Athena, 
protectress 
of  Greek 
cities 


420.  Posei- 
don, Demeter, 
Dionysus, 
Hermes, 
Artemis, 
Hera,  and 
Aphrodite 


28o 


Ancient  Times 


421.  The 
Greek  gods 
at  first  show 
human  de- 
fects of 
character 


422.  Greek 
beliefs  about 
the  dead 


now  passed  over  from  the  Syrian  cities  by  way  of  Cyprus, 
to  become  likewise  the  Greek  goddess  of  love,  whom  the 
Greeks  called  Aphrodite. 

All  these  divinities  and  some  others  less  important,  the 
Greeks  now  pictured  in  human  form.  It  was  but  natural,  too, 
that  they  should  be  thought  of  as  possessing  human  traits. 
Homer  pictures  to  us  the  family  quarrels  between  the  august 
Zeus  and  his  wife  Hera,  just  as  such  things  must  have  occurred 
in  the  household  life  of  the  Greeks,  and  certainly  in  a manner 
absurdly  undignified  for  such  exalted  divinities.  The  Greeks 
thought  of  the  gods  therefore  as  showing  decidedly  human 
defects  of  character.  They  practiced  all  sorts  of  deceit  and 
displayed  many  other  human  frailties.  Such  gods  were  not 
likely  to  require  anything  better  in  the  character  of  men. 
Religion  was  therefore  not  yet  an  influence  leading  to  good 
conduct  and  right  character.  In  this  particular,  then,  the 
Greeks  were  passing  through  an  early  stage  of  an  uncom- 
pleted development,  just  such  as  we  have  found  in  the  civili- 
zations of  the  Orient. 

One  reason  why  the  Greeks  did  not  yet  think  that  the  gods 
required  right  conduct  of  men  was  their  notion  of  life  after 
death.  They  believed  that  all  men  passed  at  death  into  a 
gloomy  kingdom  beneath  the  earth  (Hades),  where  the  fate  of 
good  men  did  not  differ  from  that  of  the  wicked.  Here  ruled 
Pluto  as  king,  and  his  wife,  the  goddess  Persephone.  As  a 
special  favor  of  the  gods,  the  heroes,  men  of  mighty  and  god- 
like deeds,  were  endowed  with  immortality  and  permitted  to 
enjoy  a life  of  endless  bliss  in  the  beautiful  Elysian  Fields,  or 
the  Islands  of  the  Blest,  somewhere  in  the  Far  West,  toward 
the  unexplored  ocean.  The  Greeks  seem  to  have  brought  with 
them  from  their  earlier  wanderings  the  custom  of  burning  their 
dead.  They  continued  this  custom  on  reaching  Greece,  but 
they  adopted  also  the  Higean  usage  of  preserving  the  body  as 
in  Egypt  and  burying  it.  The  primitive  notion  that  the  dead 
must  be  furnished  w’ith  food  and  drink  still  survived.  The 


Greek  Civilization  in  the  Age  of  the  Kmgs  281 


/tombs  of  the  ancestors  thus  became  sacred  places  where  gifts  of 
food  and  drink  were  regularly  brought  and  offered  to  the  dead. 

Eveiy-  household  in  the  little  Greek  towns  felt  that  the  safety 
of  the  house  was  in  the  hands  of  Hestia,  the  goddess  of  the 
hearth.  But  in  the  Age  of  the  Kings  the  symbols  of  the  great 
gods  were  set  up  in  every  house,  while  in  the  dwelling  of  the 
king  there  was  a special  room  which  seiwed  as  a kind  of  shrine 
for  them.  There  was  also  an  altar  in  the  forecourt  where  sacri- 
fices could  be  offered  under  the  open  sky  (Fig.  144).  In  so  far 
as  the  gods  had  any  dw'ellings  at  all,  we  see  that  they  were  in 
the  houses  of  men,  and  there  probably  were  no  temples  as  yet. 
Here  and  there  in  some  communities  men  were  to  be  found 
who  were  thought  to  possess  rare  knowledge  of  the  desires  of 
the  gods.  As  these  men  were  more  and  more  often  consulted 
by  those  who  felt  ignorant  of  the  proper  ceremonies  of  sacri- 
fice and  worship,  such  men  gradually  became  priests. 


I QUESTIONS 

Sectiox  39.  What  important  metal  came  in  at  the  rise  of  Greek 
civilization  ? What  had  happened  to  the  arts  and  crafts  of  the 
Aigeans  ? Did  the  Greeks  possess  any  craftsmen  ? What  do  you 
think  of  the  horses  on  the  Greek  vase  of  the  Age  of  the  Kings 
Compare  it  with  Middle  Stone  Age  carving.'’  From  whom  did  the 
Greeks  chiefly  buy  manufactured  products?  What  can  you  tell 
about  this  commerce?  What  did  it  teach  the  Greeks? 

Section  40.  What  else  did  the  Phoenicians  bring  in  besides 
manufactured  goods?  Tell  about  the  Phoenician  alphabet.  How  did 
it  reach  Greece?  What  is  the  origin  of  the  word  "alphabet”? 
How  far  has  the  Phoenician  alphabet  spread? 

Section  41.  Describe  early  Greek  arms  and  warfare.  What  was 
the  relation  of  valiant  deeds  and  song  ? Around  what  event  did  such 
songs  cluster?  Tell  of  Homer  and  the  poems  attributed  to  him. 

Section  42.  How  did  the  Homeric  songs  affect  religion  ? What 
can  you  say  of  Greek  religion  before  the  Homeric  songs  arose? 
Did  the  Greeks  bring  in  some  gods  when  they  entered  Greece? 
Name  the  leading  Greek  divinities,  and  tell  something  of  each. 
Discuss  Greek  beliefs  about  the  dead ; customs  and  places  of  worship. 


423.  Lack  of 
temples ; rise 
of  priests 


CHAPTER  XI 


THE  AGE  OF  THE  NOBLES  AND  GREEK  EXPANSION  IN 
THE  MEDITERRANEAN 

Section  43.  The  Disappearance  of  the  Kings 
AND  THE  Leadership  of  the  Nobles 


424.  Geo- 
graphical 
influences 
against  a 
union  of  all 
Greeks  in 
one  nation 


We  have  seen  Greek  civilization  beginning  under  oriental 
influences.  In  its  political  development,  however,  the  Greek 
world  showed  striking  differences  from  what  we  have  seen 
in  the  Orient.  There  we  watched  the  early  city-states  finally 

Note.  The  headpiece  above  is  of  an  early  Greek  sea  fight  in  the  days  of  the 
kings.  This  Greek  vase-painting  shows  us  the  Greek  nobles  in  the  days  when 
they  were  taking  to  the  water  as  pirates  (§  431).  The  warriors  are  armed  as  on 
land  (see  headpiece,  p.  263).  As  to  the  model  of  the  ships,  see  Fig.  162.  Aris- 
tonothos,  the  artist  who  made  this  vase-painting,  has  inserted  his  name  over  the 
standard  at  the  right,  in  the  lower  row,  where  the  letters  run  to  the  right  and  drop 
down.  It  reads  " Aristonothos  made  it.”  This  is  not  only  the  earliest-signed  vase, 
but  is  likewise  the  earliest-signed  work  of  art,  crude  though  it  may  be,  in  Europe. 
It  shows  us  that  the  Greek  artist  was  gaining  increasing  pride  in  his  work,  and 
it  is  one  of  the  earliest  signs  of  individuality  in  Greek  history  about  700  B.c. 

282 


The  Age  of  the  Nobles 


283 


uniting  into  two  large  and  powerful  nations,  one  on  the  Nile 
and  another  on  the  Two  Rivers.  In  Greece,  however,  there 
were  influences  which  tended  to  prevent  such  a union  of  the 
Greeks  into  one  nation.  In  the  first  place  the  country  was  cut 
up  by  mountain  ridges  and  deep  bays,  so  that  the  different 
communities  were  quite  separated.  The  cities  of  Greece  were 
likewise  separated  from  their  kindred  in  the  islands  and  in 
Asia  Minor. 

Furthermore,  no  recollection  of  their  former  unity  on  the 
grasslands  survived,  even  in  their  oldest  traditions.  They  had 
now  lived  so  long  in  separated  communities  that  they  had 
developed  permanent  local  habits  and  local  dialects,  as  differ- 
ent as  those  of  North  and  South  Germany  or  even  more 
different  than  those  between  our  own  Louisiana  and  New 
England.  The  various  Greek  communities  thus  displayed  such 
intense  devotion  to  their  own  town  and  their  own  local  gods 
that  a union  of  all  the  Greek  city-states  into  one  nation,  such 
as  we  have  seen  in  the  Orient,  failed  to  take  place.  As  a result 
of  these  separative  influences  we  find  in  Greece  after  1000  b.c. 
scores  of  httle  city-states  such  as  we  have  already  described 
(§  390).  Not  only  did  the  islands  and  the  Greek  city-states 
of  Asia  Minor  fail  to  unite,  but  on  the  island  of  Crete  alone 
there  were  more  than  fifty  such  small  city-states. 

Four  regions  on  the  mainland  of  Greece,  each  forming  a 
pretty  clearly  outlined  geographical  whole,  like  the  peninsula 
of  Laconia  or  that  of  Attica  (see  map,  p.  262)^  permitted  the 
union  of  city-states  into  a larger  nation.  The  oldest  of  these 
four  nations  seems  to  have  been  Argos  (map,  p.  262).  In  this 
plain  the  town  of  Argos  subdued  the  ancient  strongholds  of 
Mycens  and  Tiiyms  (Figs.  144  and  145)  and  others  in  the  vicin- 
ity, forming  the  nation  of  Argos  and  giving  its  name  to  the  plain 
(Plate  III,  p.  278).  In  the  same  way  the  kings  of  Sparta  con- 
quered the  two  peninsulas  on  the  south  of  them  and  finally  also 
the  land  of  the  Messenians  on  the  west.  The  two  kingdoms  of 
Argos  and  Sparta  thus  held  a large  part  of  the  Peloponnese. 


425.  Other 
influences 
operating 
against  politi 
cal  unity 


436.  The 
four  unions 
Argos  and 
Sparta 


284 


Ancient  Times 


427.  Athens 
and  Thebes 


428.  Internal 
development 
of  the  Greek 
state  con- 
trasted with 
the  Orient 


429.  The 
Greek  state 
and  the 
struggle 
toward 
democracy 


430.  Rise 
of  a noble 
class,  the 
eupatrids 


In  the  Attic  peninsula,  likewise,  the  little  city-kingdoms  were 
slowly  absorbed  by  Athens,  which  at  last  gained  control  of  the 
entire  peninsula.  On  the  northern  borders  of  Attica  the  region 
of  Bceotia  fell  under  the  leadership  of  Thebes,  but  the  other 
Boeotian  cities  were  too  strong  to  be  wholly  subdued.  Bceotia, 
therefore,  did  not  form  a nation  but  a group  of  city-states  in 
alliance,  with  Thebes  at  the  head  of  the  alliance.  Elsewhere 
no  large  and  permanent  unions  were  formed.  Sparta  and 
Athens,  therefore,  led  the  most  important  two  unions  among 
all  the  Greeks.  Let  it  be  borne  in  mind  that  such  a nation 
remained  a city-state  in  spite  of  its  increased  territory.  The 
nation  occupying  the  Attic  peninsula  was  called  Athens,  and 
every  peasant  in  Attica  was  called  an  Athenian.  The  city 
government  of  Athens  covered  the  whole  Attic  peninsula. 

In  the  matter  of  governing  such  a little  city-state  the  Greeks 
about  750  B.  c.  entered  upon  a new  stage  of  their  development, 
which  was  again  very  different  from  that  which  we  have  found 
in  the  Orient.  However  discontented  the  common  people  of 
an  oriental  state  might  become,  their  discontent  never  accom- 
plished more  than  the  overthrow  of  one  king  and  the  enthrone- 
ment of  another.  The  office  of  king  was  never  abolished,  nor 
did  any  other  form  of  government  than  that  of  monarchy  ever 
arise  in  the  ancient  East  (§322). 

Among  the  Greeks,  too,  the  common  people  struggled  for 
centuries  to  better  their  lot.  As  we  shall  see,  this  long  and 
bitter  struggle  finally  resulted  in  giving  the  people  in  some 
Greek  states  so  large  a share  in  governing  that  the  form  of 
the  government  might  be  called  democracy.  This  is  a word 
of  Greek  origin,  meaning  " the  rule  of  the  people,”  and  the 
Greeks  were  the  first  people  of  the  ancient  world  to  gain  it. 

The  cause  of  this  struggle  was  not  only  the  corrupt  rule 
of  the  kings  but  also  the  oppression  of  the  nobles.  We  have 
watched  these  men  of  wealth  buying  the  luxuries  of  the 
Phoenician  merchants.  They  now  stood  in  the  way,  opposing 
the  rights  of  the  peasants.  By  fraud,  unjust  seizure  of  lands. 


The  Age  of  the  Nobles 


285 


union  of  families  in  marriage,  and  many  other  influences,  the 
strong  men  of  ability  and  cleverness  were  able  to  enlarge  their 
lands.  Thus  there  had  arisen  a class  of  hereditaiy'  nobles  — 
large  landholders  and  men  of  wealth,  called  eupatrids. 

Their  fields  stretched  for  some  miles  around  the  city  and 
its  neighboring  villages.  In  order  to  be  near  the  king  or 
secure  membership  in  the  Council  (§  385)  and  control  the 
government,  these  men  often  left  their  lands  and  lived  in  the 
city.  Such  was  the  power  of  the  eupatrids  that  the  Council 
finally  consisted  only  of  men  of  this  class.  Wealthy  enough 
to  buy  costly  weapons,  with  leisure  for  continual  exercise  in 
the  use  of  arms,  these  nobles  had  also  become  the  chief  pro- 
tection of  the  State  in  time  of  war  (§  407).  They  were  also 
continual  marauders  on  their  own  account.  As  they  grew 
more  and  more  accustomed  to  the  sea  (headpiece,  p.  282),  they 
coasted  from  harbor  to  harbor,  plundering  and  burning,  and 
returned  home  laden  with  rich  spoil.  Piracy  at  last  became  the 
common  calling  of  the  nobles,  and  a great  source  of  wealth. 

Thus  grew  up  a sharp  distinction  between  the  city  com- 
munity and  the  peasants  living  in  the  countr}^.  The  country 
peasant  was  obliged  to  divide  the  family  lands  with  his  brothers. 
His  fields  were  therefore  small,  and  he  was  poor.  He  went 
about  clad  in  a goatskin,  and  his  labors  never  ceased.  Hence 
he  had  no  leisure  to  learn  the  use  of  arms,  nor  any  way  to 
meet  the  expense  of  purchasing  them.  He  and  his  neighbors 
were  therefore  of  small  account  in  war  (§  407).  Indeed,  he 
was  fortunate  if  he  could  struggle  on  and  maintain  himself 
and  family  from  his  scanty  fields.  Many  of  his  neighbors  sank 
into  debt,  lost  their  lands  to  the  noble  class,  and  themselves 
became  day  laborers  for  more  fortunate  men,  or,  still  worse, 
sold  themselves  to  discharge  their  debts  and  thus  becamie 
slaves.  These  day  laborers  and  slaves  had  no  political  rights 
and  were  not  permitted  to  vote  in  the  Assembly. 

If  the  peasant  desired  to  exert  any  influence  in  government, 
he  was  obliged  to  go  up  to  the  city  and  attend  the  Assembly 


431.  Politi- 
cal and  mili- 
tary power  ot 
the  eupatrids 


432.  Misery 
and  weak- 
ness of  the 
peasants 


286 


Ancient  Times 


433-  The 
weakness  of 
the  Assembly 


434-  The 
decline  and 
disappear- 
ance of  the 
kings  (8oo- 
650  B.c.) 


of  the  people  there.  When  he  did  so,  he  found  but  few  ot 
his  fellows  from  the  countryside  gathered  there  — a dingy 
group,  clad  in  their  rough  goatskins.  The  powerful  Council 
in  beautiful  oriental  raiment  (§§  394  and  395)  was  backed  by  the 
whole  class  of  wealthy  nobles,  all  trained  in  war  and  splendid 
in  their  glittering  weapons.  Intimidated  by  the  powerful  nobles, 
the  meager  Assembly,  which  had  once  been  a muster  of  all  the 
weapon-bearing  men  of  the  tribe,  became  a feeble  gathering  of 
a few  peasants  and  lesser  townsmen,  who  could  gain  no  greater 
recognition  of  their  old-time  rights  than  the  poor  privilege  of 
voting  to  concur  in  the  actions  already  decided  upon  by  the 
king  and  the  Council.  The  peasant  returned  to  his  little  farm 
and  was  less  and  less  inclined  to  attend  the  Assembly  at  all. 

It  was,  however,  not  alone  the  people  whose  rights  the 
nobles  were  disregarding ; for  they  also  began  to  consider  them- 
selves the  equals  of  the  king,  whose  chief  support  in  war  they 
were.  The  king  could  not  carry  on  a war  without  them  or 
control  the  state  without  their  help.  By  750  B.c.  the  office 
of  the  king  was  in  some  states  nothing  more  than  a name. 
While  the  king  was  in  some  cases  violently  overthrown,  in 
most  states  the  nobles  established  from  among  themselves  cer- 
tain elective  officers  to  take  charge  of  matters  formerly  con- 
trolled by  the  king.  Thus  in  Athens  they  appointed  a noble  to 
be  leader  in  war,  while  another  noble  was  chosen  as  " archon,” 
or  ruler,  to  assist  the  king  in  attending  to  the  increasing  busi- 
ness of  the  State.  Thus  the  Athenian  king  was  gradually  but 
peacefully  deprived  of  his  powers,  until  he  became  nothing 
more  than  the  leader  of  the  people  in  religious  matters.  In 
Sparta  the  power  of  the  king  was  checked  by  the  appointment 
of  a second  king,  and  on  this  plan  Sparta  continued  to  retain 
her  kings.  Elsewhere  in  the  century,  between  750  and  650  b.c., 
the  kingship  quite  generally  disappeared,  although  it  lingered 
on  in  some  states  until  long  after  this  time.  The  result  of  the 
political  and  social  struggle  was  thus  the  triumph  of  the  nobles, 
who  were  henceforth  in  control  in  many  states. 


The  Age  of  the  Nobles 


287 


With  the  disappearance  of  the  king,  the  royal  castle  (Fig.  1 44) 
was  of  course  vacated.  As  it  fell  into  decay,  the  shrines  and 
holy  places  which  it  contained  (§  423)  were  still  protected  and 
revered  as  religious  buildings,  and,  as  we  shall  see  in  discussing 
architecture,  they  became  temples.  In  this  way  the  castle  of  the 
ancient  Attic  kings  on  the  citadel  mount,  called  the  Acropolis 
of  Athens  (Figs.  182  and  183),  was  followed  by  the  famous 
temples  there. 

Section  44.  Greek  Expansion  in  the  Age  of 
THE  Nobles 

The  Age  of  the  Nobles  witnessed  another  great  change  in 
Greek  life.  Sea-roving  and  piracy,  as  we  have  seen  (§  43 1),  were 
common  among  the  nobles.  At  length,  as  the  Greek  merchants 
gradually  took  up  sea  trade,  the  demand  for  ships  led  the  Greek 
mechanics  to  undertake  shipbuilding.  They  built  their  new  craft 
on  Phoenician  models  (see  Fig.  162,  A?  and  B),  the  only  ones  with 
which  they  were  acquainted.  When  the  Phoenician  merchants 
entered  the  ^Fgean  harbors  they  now  found  them  more  and 
more  occupied  by  Greek  ships.  Especially  important  was  the 
traffic  between  the  Greek  cities  of  the  Asiatic  coast  on  the  east 
and  Attica  and  Euboea  on  the  European  side.  Among  the 
Asiatic  Greeks  it  was  the  Ionian  cities  which  led  in  this  com- 
merce. The  Aigean  waters  gradually  grew  familiar  to  the 
Greek  communities,  until  the  sea  routes  became,  far  easier  lines 
of  communication  than  roads  through  the  same  number  of 
miles  of  forest  and  mountains  (§  330). 

The  oppressive  rule  of  the  nobles,  and  the  resulting  impover- 
ishment of  the  peasants,  was  an  important  influence,  leading 
the  Greek  farmers  to  seek  new  homes  and  new  lands  beyond 
the  Agean  world.  Greek  merchants  were  not  only  trafficking 
with  the  northern  Agean,  but  their  vessels  had  penetrated  the 
great  northern  sea,  which  they  called  the  ” Pontus,”  known  to 
us  as  the  Black  Sea  (see  map,  p.  288).  Their  trading  stations 


435.  Survival 
of  the  shrines 
in  the  old 
palaces 


436.  Begin- 
nings of  corrs- 
merce  and 
shipbuilding 
among  the 
Greeks 


437.  Greek 
colonies  in 
the  Black  Sea 


288 


Ancient  Times 


among  the  descendants  of  the  Stone  Age  peoples  in  these 
distant  regions  offered  to  the  discontented  farmers  of  Greece 
plenty  of  land  with  which  to  begin  life  over  again.  Before 
600  B.c.  they  girdled  the  Black  Sea  with  their  towns  and  settle- 
ments, reaching  the  broad  grainfields  along  the  lower  Danube, 
and  the  iron  mines  of  the  old  Hittite  country  on  the  south- 
eastern coast  of  the  Black  Sea  (§  360).  But  no  such  de- 
velopment of  Greek  genius  took  place  in  this  harsher  climate 


A B 

Fig.  162.  An  Early  Greek  Ship  and  the  Phcenician  Ship 
AFTER  which  IT  WAS  MODELED 


The  earliest  ships  in  the  Mediterranean,  those  of  Egypt,  were  turned 
up  at  both  ends  {Fig.  41),  and  the  early  Aigean  ships  were  copies  of 
this  Egyptian  model  (Fig.  154).  The  Phoenicians,  however,  introduced 
a change  in  the  model,  by  giving  their  ships  at  the  bow  a sharp  project- 
ing beak  below  water.  Such  a Phcenician  ship  used  by  the  Assyrian 
king  Sennacherib  is  shown  here  in  a drawing  from  one  of  his  palace 
reliefs  [B).  The  Greeks  did  not  adopt  the  old  Agean  form,  turned  up 
at  both  ends,  but  took  up  the  Phoenician  form  with  beaked  prow,  as 
shown  in  the  vase-paintings,  from  which  the  above  drawing  of  an 
eighth-century  Greek  ship  {A)  has  been  restored 


438-  Greek 
colonies  in 
the  East  — 
southern  Asia 
Minor  and 
Cyprus 


of  the  North  as  we  shall  find  in  the  ^gean.  Not  a single  great 
artist  or  writer  ever  came  from  the  North.  Although  the  Pontus 
became  the  granary  of  Greece,  it  never  contributed  anything 
to  the  higher  life  of  the  Greeks. 

In  the  East,  along  the  southern  coasts  of  Asia  Minor,  Greek 
expansion  was  stopped  by  the  Assyrian  Sennacherib  (§  214) 
when  he  defeated  a body  of  Greeks  in  Cilicia  about  700  b.c.,  in 
the  earliest  collision  between  the  Hellenes  and  a great  power  of 
the  oriental  world.  The  Greek  colonies  of  Cyprus  long  remained 


Colonial  Expansion  of  thk  Greeks  and  rnoiNiciANS  down  to  the  Sixth  Century  ilc. 


The  Age  of  the  Nobles 


289 


the  easternmost  outposts  of  the  Greek  world.  In  the  South 
they  found  a friendly  reception  in  Egypt,  and  there  in  the  Nile 
Delta  they  were  permitted  to  establish  a trading  city  at  Naucratis 
(Mistress  of  Ships),  the  predecessor  of  Alexandria.  West  of 
the  Delta  also  they  eventually  founded  Gyrene  (map,  p.  288). 

It  was  the  unknown  West,  however,  which  became  the  Amer- 
ica of  the  early  Greek  colonists.  Many  a Columbus  pushed  his 
ship  into  this  strange  region  of  mysterious  dangers  on  the  dis- 
tant borders  of  the  world,  where  the  heroes  were  believed  to 
live  in  the  Islands  of  the  Blest.  Looking  westward  from  the 
western  coast  of  Greece  the  seamen  could  discover  the  shores 
of  the  heel  of  Itoly.  ^nly  fifty  miles  distant.  When  they  had 
once  crossed  to  it,  they  coasted  around  Sicily  and  far  into  the 
West.  Here  was  a new  world.  Although  the  Phoenicians  were 
already  there  (§  397),  its  discovery  was  as  momentous  for  the 
Greeks  as  that  of  America  for  later  Europe  (see  map,  p.  288). 

By  750  B. c.  their  colonies  appeared  in  this  new  Western 
world,  and  within  a century  they  fringed  southern  Italy  from 
the  heel  to  a point  well  above  the  instep  north  of  Naples,  so 
that  this  region  of  southern  Italy  came  to  be  known  as  " Great 
Greece  ” (see  map,  p.  484).  Here  the  Greek  colonists  looked 
northward  to  the  hills  crowned  by  the  rude  settlements  which 
were  destined  to  become  Rome.  They  little  dreamed  that  this  in- 
significant towm  would  yet  rule  the  world,  making  even  the  proud 
cities  of  their  homeland  its  vassals.  As  the  Greeks  were  superior 
in  civilization  to  all  the  other  dwellers  in  Italy,  the  civilized  history 
of  that  great  peninsula  begins  with  the  advent  of  the  Hellenes. 
They  first  brought  in  such  things  as  writing,  literature,  archi- 
tecture, and  art  (Section  76,  Fig.  219,  and  Plate  VH,  p.  558). 

The  Greek  colonists  crossed  over  also  to  Sicily  (Plate  VH), 
where  they  drove  out  the  Phoenician  trading  posts  except  at 
the  western  end  of  the  island,  where  the  Phoenicians  held  their 
own.  These  Greek  colonists  in  the  West  shared  in  the  higher 
life  of  the  homeland ; and  Syracuse,  at  the  southeast  comer  of 
the  Island  of  Sicily,  became  at  one  time  the  most  cultivated. 


439.  Dis- 
covery of 
the  West 


440.  Greek 
colonies  in 
the  West  — 
southern 
Italy 


441.  Sicily 
and  the 
Far  West 


290 


A7icient  Times 


(J42.  Racial 
aspects  of 
ancient  colo- 
nization in 
the  Medi- 
terranean 


443.  Tend- 
ency toward 
creation  of 
a Mediter- 
ranean world; 
what  civiliza- 
tion was  to 
conquer  it  ? 


444.  Influ- 
ences leading 
toward  unity: 
athletic 
games 


as  well  as  the  most  powerful,  city  of  the  Greek  world.  At 
Massilia  (Marseilles),  on  the  coast  of  later  France,  the  Western 
Greeks  founded  a town  which  controlled  the  trade  up  the 
Rhone  valley;  and  they  reached  over  even  to  the  Mediterranean 
coasts  of  Spain,  attracted  by  the  silver  mines  of  Tartessus. 

Thus,  under  the  rule  of  the  nobles,  the  Greeks  expanded  till 
they  stretched  from  the  Black  Sea  along  the  north  shore  of  the 
Mediterranean  almost  to  the  Atlantic.  In  this  imposing  move- 
ment we  recognize  a part  of  the  far  outstretched  western  wing 
of  the  Indo-European  line  (see  § 243)  ; but  at  the  same  time  we 
remember  that  in  the  Phoenician  Empire  of  Carthage,  the  Semite 
has  likewise  flung  out  his  western  wing  along  the  soiithe?'n 
Mediterranean,  facing  the  Indo-European  peoples  on  the  north 
(Fig.  1 12  and  § 397  ; see  map,  p.  288). 

This  wide  expansion  of  Greeks  and  Phoenicians  (§  397) 
tended  at  last  to  produce  a great  Mediterranean  world.  Was 
the  leading  civilization  in  that  Mediterranean  world  to  be  Greek, 
springing  from  the  Greeks  and  their  colonies,  or  was  it  to  be 
oriental,  carried  by  the  Phoenician  galleys  and  spread  by  their 
far-reaching  settlements  ? That  was  the  great  question,  and  its 
answer  was  to  depend  on  how  Greek  civilization  succeeded  in 
its  growth  and  development  at  home  in  the  zEgean,  to  which 
we  must  now  turn. 

Section  45.  Greek  Civilization  in  the  Age 
OF  THE  Nobles 

We  have  already  noticed  the  tendencies  which  kept  the 
Greek  states  apart  and  prevented  their  union  as  a single 
nation  (§  425).  There  were  now,  on  the  other  hand,  influ- 
ences which  tended  toward  unity.  Among  such  influences  were 
the  contests  in  arms  and  the  athletic  games,  which  arose  from 
the  early  custom  of  honoring  the  burial  of  a hero  with  such 
celebrations.  In  spite  of  the  local  rivalries  at  such  contests, 
a sentiment  of  unity  was  greatly  encouraged  by  the  celebration 


TJie  Age  of  the  Nobles 


291 


and  common  management  of  these  athletic  games.  They  finally 
came  to  be  practiced  at  stated  seasons  in  honor  of  the  gods. 
As  early  as  776  b.c.  such  contests  were  celebrated  as  public 
festivals  at  Olympia.^  Repeated  every  four  years,  they  finally 
aroused  the  interest  and  participation  of  all  Greece. 

Religion  also  became  a strong  influence  toward  unity,  be- 
cause there  were  some  gods  at  whose  temples  all  the  Greeks 
worshiped.  The  different  city-states  therefore  formed  several 
religious  councils,  made  up  of  representatives  from  the  various 
Greek  cities  concerned.  They  came  together  at  stated  periods, 
and  in  this  way  each  city  had  a voice  in  such  joint  management 
of  the  temples.  These  councils  were  among  the  nearest  ap- 
proaches to  representative  government  ever  devised  in  the  an- 
cient world.  The  most  notable  of  them  were  the  council  for 
the  control  of  the  Olympic  games,  another  for  the  famous 
sanctuary  of  Apollo  at  Delphi  (Fig.  172),  and  also  the  council 
for  the  great  annual  feast  of  Apollo  in  the  island  of  Delos. 

These  representatives  spoke  various  Greek  dialects  at  their 
meetings.  They  could  understand  each  other,  however,  just  as 
in  our  own  land  a citizen  from  Maine  understands  another  from 
Louisiana,  though  they  may  laugh  at  each  other’s  oddities  of 
speech.  Their  common  language  thus  helped  to  bind  together 
the  people  of  the  many  different  Greek  cities.  A sentiment  of 
unit}’  also  arose  under  the  influence  of  the  Homeric  songs 
(§  410)  with  which  every  Greek  was  familiar — a common 
inheritance  depicting  all  the  Greeks  united  against  the  Asiatic 
city  of  Troy  (Fig.  151). 

Thus  bound  together  by  ties  of  custom,  religion,  language, 
and  common  traditions,  the  Greeks  gained  a feeling  of  race 
unity,  which  set  them  apart  from  other  races.  They  called  all 
men  not  of  Greek  blood  ” barbarians,”  not  originally  a term  of 
reproach  for  the  non-Greeks.  Then  the  Greek  sense  of  unity 
found  expression  in  the  first  all-inclusive  term  for  the?nselves. 

1 Every  schoolboy  knows  that  these  Olympic  games  have  been  revived  in 
modern  times  as  an  international  project. 


445.  Greek 
unity  favored 
by  religious 
councils 
(amphic- 
tyonies) 


446.  Greek 
unity  fur- 
thered by 
language 


447.  Barba- 
rians and 
Hellenes 


292 


Ancient  Times 


448.  Greek 
unity  and 
trade 


449.  Archi- 
tecture and 
sculpture 


They  gradually  came  to  call  themselves  " Hellenes,”  and  found 
pleasure  in  the  belief  that  they  had  all  descended  from  a com- 
mon ancestor  called  Hellen.  But  it  should  be  clearly  understood 
that  this  new  designation  did  not  represent  a Greek  7tation  or 
state,  but  only  the  group  of  Greek-speaking  peoples  or  states, 
often  at  war  with  one  another. 

The  lack  of  political  unity  evident  in  such  wars  was  also  very 
noticeable  in  trade  relations.  No  merchant  of  one  city  had  any 
legal  rights  in  another  city  where  he  was  not  a citizen.  Even 
his  life  was  not  safe,  for  no  city  made  any  laws  protecting  the 
stranger.  He  could  secure  protection  only  by  appealing  to  the 
old  desert  custom  of  ” hospitality,”  after  he  had  been  received 
by  a friendly  citizen  as  a guest.  For  the  reception  of  any  stran- 
ger who  might  have  no  such  friend  to  be  his  host,  a city  might 
appoint  a citizen  to  act  as  its  official  host.  These  primitive 
arrangements  are  a revelation  of  the  strong  local  prejudice  of 
each  Greek  city.  The  most  fatal  defect  in  Greek  character  was 
the  inability  of  the  various  states  to  forget  their  local  differ- 
ences and  jealousies  and  to  unite  into  a common  federation  or 
great  nation  including  all  Greeks.^ 

In  spite  of  oriental  luxuries,  like  gaudy  clothing  and  wavy 
oriental  wigs  (§  395),  Greek  life  in  the  Age  of  the  Nobles  was 
still  rude  and  simple.  The  Greek  cities  of  which  we  have  been 
talking  were  groups  of  dingy  sun-dried-brick  houses,  with  nar- 
row wandering  streets  which  we  would  call  alleys.  On  the 
height  where  the  palace  or  castle  of  the  king  had  once  stood 
was  an  oblong  building  of  brick,  like  the  houses  of  the  town 
below.  In  front  it  had  a porch  with  a row  of  wooden  posts,  and 
it  was  covered  by  a ” peaked  ” roof  with  a triangular  gable  at 
each  end.  This  rude  building  was  the  earliest  Greek  temple. 
As  for  sculpture  in  this  age,  the  figure  of  a god  consisted  merely 


1 We  may  recall  here  how  slow  were  the  thirteen  colonies  of  America  to  sup- 
press local  pride  sufficiently  to  adopt  a constitution  uniting  all  thirteen  into  a 
nation.  It  was  local  differences  similar  to  those  among  the  Greeks  which  after- 
ward caused  our  Civil  War. 


The  Age  of  the  Nobles 


293 


of  a wooden  post  with  a rough-hewn  head  at  the  top.  When 
draped  with  a garment  it  could  be  made  to  serve  its  purpose. 

While  there  were  still  very  few  who  could  read,  there  was 
here  and  there  a man  who  owned  and  read  a written  copy  of 
Homer.  Men  told  their  children  quaint  fables,  representing  the 
animals  acting  like  human  creatures,  and  by  means  of  these  tales 
with  a moral  made  it  clear  what  a man  ought  or  ought  not  to 
do.  The  Greeks  were  beginning  to  think  about  human  conduct. 
The  old  Greek  word  for  virtue  no  longer  meant  merely  valor  in 
war,  but  also  kindly  and  unselfish  conduct  toward  others.  Duty 
towards  a man’s  own  country  was  now  beginning  to  be  felt  in 
the  sentiment  we  call  patriotism.  Right  conduct,  as  it  seemed 
to  some,  was  even  required  by  the  gods,  and  it  was  finally  no 
longer  respectable  for  the  nobles  to  practice  piracy  (§  431). 

Under  these  circumstances  it  was  natural  that  a new  litera- 
ture should  arise,  as  the  Greeks  began  to  discuss  themselves  and 
their  own  conduct.  The  old  Homeric  singers  never  referred  to 
themselves ; they  never  spoke  of  their  own  lives.  They  were 
absorbed  in  describing  the  valiant  deeds  of  their  heroes  who 
had  died  long  before.  The  heroic  world  of  glorious  achievement 
in  which  the  vision  of  these  early  singers  moved  had  passed 
away,  and  with  it  passed  their  art.  Meanwhile  the  problems  of 
the  present  began  to  press  hard  upon  the  minds  of  men ; the 
peasant  farmer’s  distressing  struggle  for  existence  (see  § 432) 
made  men  conscious  of  very  present  needs.  Their  own  lives 
became  a great  and  living  theme. 

The  voices  that  once  chanted  the  hero  songs  therefore  died 
away,  and  now  men  heard  the  first  voice  raised  in  Europe  on 
behalf  of  the  poor  and  the  humble.  Hesiod,  an  obscure  farmer 
under  the  shadow  of  Mount  Helicon  in  Bceotia,  sang  of  the 
dreaiy  and  hopeless  life  of  the  peasant  — of  his  own  life  as 
he  struggled  on  under  a burden  too  heavy  for  his  shoulders. 
We  even  hear  how  his  brother  Persis  seized  the  lands  left  by 
their  father,  and  then  bribed  the  judges  to  confirm  him  in 
their  possession. 


450.  Rise  of 
■written  litera- 
ture ; moral 
progress ; 
patriotism 


451.  Trans- 
ference of 
literary  inter- 
est to  the 
J/resent 


452.  Hesiod 
and  the 
earliest  cry 
for  social 
justice  in 
Europe  (750- 
700  B.c.) 


294 


Ancient  Times 


This  earliest  European  protest  against  the  tyrannies  of 
wealthy  town  life  was  raised  at  the  very  moment  when  across 
the  comer  of  the  Mediterranean  the  once  nomad  Hebrews  were 
passing  through  the  same  experience  (see  §§  303-304).  The 
voice  of  Hesiod  raising  the  cry  for  social  justice  in  Greece 
sounds  like  an  echo  from  Palestine.  But  we  should  notice  that 
in  Palestine  the  cry  for  social  justice  resulted  finally  in  a religion 
of  brotherly  kindness,  whereas  in  Greece  it  resulted  in  demo- 
cratic institutions,  the  rule  of  the  people  who  refused  longer  to 
submit  to  the  oppressions  of  the  few  and  powerful.  In  the  next 
chapter  we  shall  watch  the  progress  of  the  struggle  by  which 
the  rule  of  the  people  came  about. 

QUESTIONS 

Section  43.  Were  the  geographical  influences  in  Greece  favor- 
able to  a political  union  of  all  Greeks?  How  many  important  unions 
arose?  Name  them  and  describe  the  leading  two.  How  did  the  polit- 
ical development  of  the  Orient  differ  from  that  of  Greece  ? What  is 
a democracy  ? Where  did  democracies  first  arise  ? What  was  the  atti- 
tude of  the  nobles  toward  democracy  ? Describe  their  political  power ; 
their  military  power.  What  was  the  situation  of  the  peasants  ? What 
happened  to  the  Assembly?  What  happened  to  the  kings?  What 
became  of  the  shrines  in  the  palace? 

Section  44.  On  what  models  did  the  Greeks  build  their  first 
ships?  Tell  about  Greek  colonization  in  the  North;  in  the  East; 
in  the  South ; in  the  West.  What  competing  race  had  already  col- 
onized in  the  West  ? To  what  extent  had  the  world  of  sea  commerce 
thus  expanded? 

Section  45.  Discuss  athletic  games  as  an  influence  toward  unity. 
How  did  religion  favor  Greek  unity?  language?  What  names  for 
Greeks  and  non-Greeks  arose  ? What  can  you  say  about  the  attitude 
of  Greek  cities  toward  Greeks  who  were  not  citizens  ? Describe  the 
earliest  Greek  temples.  Were  literature  and  reading  now  common? 
What  thoughts  about  conduct  were  arising?  As  men  began  to  think 
about  themselves  rather  than  the  ancient  heroes,  what  was  the  effect 
upon  literature?  Tell  about  Hesiod.  To  what  struggle  were  the  feel- 
ings of  such  men  as  Hesiod  leading? 


. CHAPTER  XII 

THE  INDUSTRIAL  REVOLUTION  AND  THE  AGE  OF 
THE  TYRANTS 

Section  46.  The  Industrial  and  Commercial 
Revolution 

The  remarkable  colonial  expansion  of  the  Greeks,  together 
with  the  growth  of  industries  in  the  home  cities,  led  to  profound 
changes.  The  new  colonies  not  only  had  needs  of  their  own, 
but  they  also  had  dealings  with  the  inland,  which  finally  opened 
up  extensive  regions  of  Europe  as  a market  for  Greek  wares. 
The  home  cities  at  once  began  to  meet  this  demand  for  goods 

Note.  The  above  headpiece  shows  us  the  ruins  of  the  temple  of  Hera  at 
Olympia,  the  oldest  temple  in  Greece.  The  remains  of  columns  which  surrounded 
the  outside  of  the  building  (cf.  Fig.  185)  are  of  different  sizes  and  proportions ; for 
they  were  inserted  at  different  times  to  replace  the  old  wooden  ones  with  which 
the  temple  was  first  built  (§  449).  They  are  of  the  Doric  style  (Fig.  167).  The 
walls  were  of  sun-dried  brick  (§  449),  and  have  therefore  disappeared.  In  their 
fall  they  covered  up  the  magnificent  statue  of  Hermes  by  Praxiteles  (Fig.  187), 
which  was  thus  preserved  until  modem  excavators  found  it. 

295 


453-  Growth 
of  Greek 
commerce 
and  industry 


296 


Ancient  Times 


of  all  sorts.  The  Ionian  cities  led  the  way  as  formerly,  but  the 
islands  also,  and  finally  the  Greek  mainland,  felt  the  new  im- 
pulse. Corinth  first  (Fig.  163),  and  then  Athens,  began  to  share 


Fig.  163.  The  Isthmus  of  Corinth,  the  Link  between  the 
Peloponnesus  and  Northern  Greece 


The  observer  stands  on  the  hills  south  of  ancient  Corinth  (out  of  range 
on  the  left)  and  looks  northeastward  along  the  isthmus,  on  both  sides 
of  which  the  sea  is  visible.  On  the  left  (west)  we  see  the  tip  of  the  Gulf 
of  Corinth  (see  map,  p.  352),  and  on  the  right  (east)  the  Saronic  Gulf. 
The  commerce  across  this  isthmus  from  the  Orient  to  the  West  made 
the  Gulf  of  Corinth  an  important  center  of  traffic  westward,  and  Corinth 
early  became  a flourishing  commercial  city.  Through  this  sole  gateway  of 
the  Peloponnesus  (see  map,  p.  262)  passed  back  and  forth  for  centuries  the 
leading  men  of  Greece,  and  especially  the  armies  of  Sparta,  some 
60  miles  distant  (behind  the  observer).  The  faint  white  line  in  the  middle 
of  the  isthmus  is  the  modern  canal — a cut  from  sea  to  sea,  about  4 miles 
long  and  nearly  200  feet  deep  at  the  crest  of  the  watershed 

in  the  increased  Greek  trade.  Ere  long  the  commercial  fleets  of 
the  Hellenes  were  threading  their  way  along  all  the  coasts  of  the 
northern,  western,  and  southeastern  Mediterranean,  bearing  to 


The  hidustrial  Revolution 


297 


distant  communities 
Greek  metal  work, 
woven  goods,  and  pot- 
ter}’. They  brought 
back  either  raw  ma- 
terials and  foodstuffs, 
such  as  grain,  fish, 
and  amber,  or  fin- 
ished products  like 
the  magnificent  uten- 
sils in  bronze  from 
the  cities  of  the 
Etruscans  in  north- 
ern Italy  (§787  and 
Fig.  231).  At  the 
yearly  feast  and  mar- 
ket on  the  island  of 
Delos  the  Greek 
householder  found 
the  Etruscan  bronzes 
of  the  X^'^est  side  by 
side  with  the  gay  car- 
pets of  the  Orient. 

To  satisfy  the  in- 
creasing demands  of 
trade,  and  to  meet 
Phoenician  competi- 
tion, the  Greek  crafts- 
men greatly  improved 
their  work.  During 
the  seventh  century 
Greek  industries  were 
still  unequal  to  those 
of  the  Orient,  but 
after  600  b.c.  the 


Fig.  164.  An  Athenian  Painted  Vase 
OF  THE  Early  Sixth  Century  b.c. 


This  magnificent  work  (over  30  inches  high) 
was  found  in  an  Etruscan  tomb  in  Italy  (see 
map,  p.  484),  whither  it  had  been  exported  by 
the  Athenian  makers  in  the  days  of  Solon 
(§§  468  ff.).  It  is  signed  by  the  potter  Ergo- 
timos,  who  gave  the  vase  its  beautiful  shape, 
and  also  by  the  painter  Clitias,  whose  skillful 
hand  executed  the  sumptuous  painted  scenes 
extending  in  bands  entirely  around  the  vase. 
On  the  wide  distribution  of  the  works  of  these 
two  artists  see  § 456.  These  decorations  rep- 
resent the  final  emancipation  of  the  Greek 
painter  from  oriental  influences  and  the 
triumph  of  his  own  imagination  in  depicting 
scenes  from  Greek  stories  of  the  gods  and 
heroes.  Before  the  end  of  this  century  (the 
sixth)  the  vase-painters  had  begun  to  blacken 
the  whole  vase  and  then  to  put  on  their  paint- 
ings in  red  on  the  black  background.  This 
enabled  them  to  add  details  in  black  within 
the  figures,  and  greatly  improved  their  work 
(see  Fig.  170).  The  Greeks  were  now  the  best 
draftsmen  in  the  world.  Note  the  progress 
in  two  hundred  years  (compare  above  horses 
and  those  in  Fig.  155) 


454.  Greek 
industry  be- 
gins to  shake 
off  oriental 
influence 


298 


Ancient  Times 


455.  Greeks 
introduce 
industrial 
slave  labor 


456.  Ex- 
pansion of 
Athenian 
commerce 


457.  Im- 
provement 
and  enlarge- 
ment of  ships 


Greeks  began  to  surpass  their  oriental  teachers.  In  Samos 
they  learned  to  make  hoUoiv  bronze  castings,  like  those  of  the 
Egyptians.  They  painted  pottery  with  their  own  decorative 
scenes,  taken  from  the  lives  of  gods  and  men,  and  these  more 
and  more  displaced  the  rows  of  oriental  figures,  half  animal, 
half  human  (Fig.  164).  Thus  in  industry  Greece  began  to 
emancipate  herself  from  the  Orient. 

At  the  same  time,  growing  trade  obliged  every  Greek  crafts- 
man to  enlarge  his  small  shop  — once,  perhaps,  only  large 
enough  to  supply  the  wants  of  a single  estate.  Unable  to  find 
the  necessary  workmen,  the  proprietor  who  had  the  means 
bought  slaves,  trained  them  to  the  work,  and  thus  enlarged 
his  little  stall  into  a factory  with  a score  of  hands.  Henceforth 
industrial  slave  labor  became  an  important  part  of  Greek  life. 

Athens  entered  the  field  of  industry  much  later  than  the 
Ionian  cities,  but  when  she  did  so,  she  won  victories  not  less 
decisive  than  her  later  triumphs  in  art,  literature,  philosophy, 
or  war.  The  potters  early  required  an  extensive  quarter  of  the 
town  to  accommodate  their  workshops  (see  plan,  p.  352).  The 
Athenian  factories  must  have  assumed  a size  quite  unprece- 
dented in  the  Greek  world,  for  of  the  painted  Greek  vases  — 
discovered  by  excavation  — ■ which  are  signed  by  the  artist, 
about  half  are  found  to  have  come  from  only  six  factories  at 
Athens.  It  is  not  a little  impressive  at  the  present  day  to  see 
the  modern  excavator  opening  tombs  far  toward  the  interior  of 
Asia  Minor  and  taking  out  vases  bearing  the  signature  of  the 
same  Athenian  vase-painter  whose  name  you  may  also  read  on 
vases  dug  out  of  the  Nile  Delta  in  northern  Africa,  or  taken 
from  tombs  in  the  cemeteries  of  the  Etruscan  cities  of  Italy 
(Fig.  164).  We  suddenly  gain  a picture  of  the  Athenian  manu- 
facturer in  touch  with  a vast  commercial  domain  extending  far 
across  the  ancient  world. 

Soon  the  shipbuilder,  responding  to  the  growing  commerce, 
began  to  build  craft  far  larger  than  the  old  " fifty-oar  ” gal- 
leys. The  new  " merchantmen  ” were  driven  only  by  sails,  an 


The  Industrial  Revolution 


299 


Eg^•ptian  invention  of  ages  before  (Fig.  41).  They  were  so  large 
that  they  could  no  longer  be  drawTi  up  on  the  strand  as  before. 
Hence  sheltered  harbors  were  necessary,  and  for  the  same 
reason  the  anchor  was  now  invented.  The  protection  of  such 
merchant  ships  demanded  more  effective  warships,  and  the  dis- 
tinction arose  between  a " man-o’-war,”  or  battleship,  and  a 
" merchantman.”  Corinth  boasted  the  production  of  the  first 
decked  warships,  a great  improvement,  giving  the  warriors 
above  more  room  and  better  footing,  and  protecting  the  oars- 
men below.  For  warships  must  be  independent  of  the  wind, 
and  hence  they  were  still  propelled  by  oars.  The  oarsmen  were 
arranged  in  three  rows,  three  men  on  the  same  bench,  each 
man  wielding  an  oar,  and  thus  the  power  of  an  old  " fifty-oar  ” 
could  be  multiplied  by  three  without  much  increasing  the  size 
of  the  craft.  These  innovations  were  all  in  common  use  by 
500  B.c.  With  their  superior  equipment  on  the  sea,  and  the 
marked  improvement  of  their  industries,  the  Hellenes  were 
soon  beating  the  Phoenicians  in  the  Mediterranean  markets. 

Meantime  Greek  business  life  had  entered  upon  a new  epoch 
due  to  the  introduction  of  coined  money.  From  the  peoples  of 
inner  Asia  Minor  the  lonians  had  learned  to  use  the  precious 
metals  by  weight  in  making  business  payments  after  the  orien- 
tal manner  (§  189).  The  basis  of  weight  was  the  Babylonian 
" mina.”  Sixty  such  minas  (pounds)  made  a talent,  and  a 
talent  of  silver  was  worth  about  $1125.  Not  long  after  700  b.c., 
the  kings  of  Lydia  in  Asia  Minor  (see  map,  p.  262)  began  to 
cut  up  silver  into  lumps  of  a fixed  weight,  small  enough  to  be 
of  convenient  size  and  value.  These  they  stamped  with  some 
symbol  of  the  king  or  State  to  show  that  the  State  guaranteed 
their  value,  and  such  pieces  formed  the  earliest-known  coins 
(Fig.  165). 

The  Ionian  cities  soon  took  over  this  great  convenience,  and 
it  quickly  passed  thence  to  the  islands  and  the  European 
Greeks.  The  Athenians  divided  the  mina  of  silver  into  a hun- 
dred parts.  A lump  of  silver  weighing  the  hundredth  part  of 


458.  Precioui 
metals  and 
coinage  in 
the  Orient 
(700  B.c.) 


459.  Adop- 
tion of  coin- 
age by  the 
Greeks  (early 
seventh  cen- 
tury B.c.) 


300 


Ancient  Times 


Fig.  165.  Specimens  ILLUSTRATING  THE 
Beginning  of  Coinage  , 


a mina  was  worth  from  eighteen  to 
twenty  cents.  This  became  the  ordi- 
nary small  unit  of  value,  and  it  still 
survives  as  such  for  large  sections 
of  Europe  in  the  French  frayic, 
Italian  lira,  and  Austrian  krone,  all 
worth  somewhat  less  than  twenty 
cents  (cf.  § 790).  The  Athenians 
called  this  coin  a dracluna,  meaning 
a " handful,”  because  it  was  equal 
in  value  to  a " handful  ” of  small 
change  consisting  of  little  rods  of 
iron  or  copper  used  by  the  common 
people,  like  our  cop- 
per cents.  Our  Amer- 
ican dollar  is  simply 
five  of  these  drachmas, 
and  the  Athenians 
themselves  issued  a 
four-drachma  piece 
(Fig.  165,  4)  which 
served  as  their  dol- 
lar. The  purchasing 
power  of  a drachma 
was  in  ancient  times 
very  much  greater 
than  in  our  day.  For 
example,  a sheep  cost 
one  drachma,  an  ox 
five  drachmas,  and 


These  are  rough  lumps  of  silver  such  as 
were  long  before  used  in  the  Orient  (§  189), 
flattened  by  the  pressure  of  the  stamp.  Two 
of  the  examples  (i  and  2)  are  marked  by 
the  bench  tool  which  held  the  lump  while 
the  stamp  was  struck  upon  it.  This  defect 
was  slowly  overcome,  and  the  coins  became 
round  as  the  stamp  itself  was  made  round 
instead  of  square,  i,  both  sides  of  a Lydian 
coin  (§  458)  (about  550  B.c.) ; 2,  both  sides  of 
a coin  of  the  Greek  island  of  Chios  (500  b.c.), 

showing  how  the  Greeks  followed  the  Lydian  model  (7) ; j , both  sides  of 
a Carian  coin  of  Cnidus  (650-550  B.C.),  an  example  of  the  square  stamp; 
4,  both  sides  of  a four-drachma  piece  of  Athens  (sixth  century  B.c.), 
bearing  head  of  goddess  Athena  and  an  owl  with  olive  branch  (square 
stamp).  The  inscription  contains  the  first  three  letters  of  "Athens” 


The  Industrial  Revolution 


301 


a landowner  with  an  income  of  five  hundred  drachmas  ($100) 
a year  was  considered  a wealthy  man. 

Greek  wealth  had  formerly  consisted  of  lands  and  flocks,  460.  Rise  of 
but  now  men  began  to  accumulate  capital  in  money.  Loans 
were  made  and  the  use  of  interest  came  in  from  the  Orient. 

The  usual  rate  was  18  per  cent  yearly.  Men  who  could  never 
have  hoped  for  wealth  as  farmers  were  now  growing  rich.  For 
the  growing  industries  and  the  commercial  ventures  on  the  seas 
rapidly  created  fortunes  among  a class  before  obscure.  There 
arose  thus  a prosperous  industrial  and  commercial  middle  dass 
who  demanded  a voice  in  the  government.  They  soon  became 
a political  power  of  much  influence,  and  the  noble  class  were 
■obliged  to  consider  them.  At  the  beginning  of  the  sixth  century 
B.c.  even  a noble  like  Solon  could  say,  " Money  makes  the  ma; 

The  prosperity  we  have  sketched  was  still  insufficient  to 
produce  large  cities  as  we  now  have  them.  Athens  and  Corinth 
probably  had  about  25,000  inhabitants  each.  In  spite  of  com- 
mercial prosperity  the  Greeks  were  still  dependent  on  agricul- 
ture as  their  greatest  source  of  income.  But  here  again  the 
farms  and  estates  were  from  our  point  of  view  very  small. 

The  largest  farms  contained  not  over  a hundred  acres,  while 
a man  who  had  fifty  acres  was  classed  among  the  rich. 


Section  47.  Rise  of  the  Democracy  and  the 
Age  of  the  Tyrants 

While  the  prosperous  capitalistic  class  was  thus  arising,  the  462.  Decline 
■condition  of  the  peasant  on  his  lands  grew  steadily  worse.  His  ^tiy^ 
fields  were  dotted  with  stones,  each  the  sign  of  a mortgage, 
which  the  Greeks  were  accustomed  to  mark  in  this  way. 

The  wealthy  creditors  were  foreclosing  these  mortgages  and 
taking  the  lands,  and  the  unhappy  owners  were  being  sold 
into  foreign  slavery  or  were  fleeing  abroad  to  escape  such 
"bonds.  The  nobles  in  control  did  nothing  as  a class  to  im- 
■prove  the  situation ; on  the  contrary,  they  did  all  in  their 


302 


Aficient  Times 


463.  Power 
of  the  people 
increased  by 
prosperity  of 
the  commer- 
cial class  and 
by  military 
changes 


464.  Dis- 
union among 
nobles  and 
rise  of 
tyrants 


465.  The 
tyrant  and 
public  opin- 
ion of  his 
office 


power  to  take  advantage  of  the  helplessness  of  the  peasants 
and  small  farmers  (see  § 432). 

But  new  enemies  now  opposed  the  noble  class.  In  the  first 
place,  the  new  men  of  fortune  (§  460)  were  bitterly  hostile  to 
the  nobles ; in  the  second  place,  the  improvement  in  Greek 
industries  had  so  cheapened  all  work  in  metal  that  it  was 
possible  for  the  ordinary  man  to  purchase  weapons  and  a 
suit  of  armor.  Moreover,  the  development  of  tactics  under 
the  leadership  of  the  Spartans  had  produced  close  masses  of 
spearmen,  each  mass  (phalanx)  standing  like  an  unbroken  wall 
throughout  the  battle  (cf.  Fig.  87).  The  war  chariot  of  the 
individual  hero  of  ancient  times  could  not  penetrate  such  a 
battle  line.  The  chariot  disappeared  and  was  seen  only  in 
chariot  races.  These  changes  increased  the  importance  of  the 
ordinary  citizen  in  the  army  and  therefore  greatly  increased  the 
power  of  the  lower  classes  in  the  State. 

At  the  same  time  the  nobles  were  far  from  united.  Serious 
feuds  between  the  various  noble  families  often  divided  them 
into  hostile  factions.  The  leader  of  such  a faction  among  the 
nobles  often  placed  himself  at  the  head  of  the  dissatisfied  people 
in  real  or  feigned  sympathy  with  their  cause.  Both  the  peasants 
and  the  new  commercial  class  of  citizens  often  rallied  around 
such  a noble  leader.  Thus  supported,  he  was  able  to  over- 
come and  expel  his  rivals  among  the  noble  class  and  to  gain 
undisputed  control  of  the  State.  In  this  way  he  became  the 
ruler  of  the  State. 

Such  a ruler  was  in  reality  a king,  but  the  new  king  differed 
from  the  kings  of  old  in  that  he  had  no  royal  ancestors  and 
had  seized  the  control  of  the  State  by  violence.  The  people 
did  not  reverence  him  as  of  ancient  royal  lineage,  and  while 
they  may  have  felt  gratitude  to  him,  they  felt  no  loyalty.  The 
position  of  such  a ruler  always  remained  insecure.  The  Greeks 
called  such  a man  a " tyrant,”  which  was  not  at  that  time 
a term  of  reproach,  as  it  is  with  us.  The  word  " tyranny  ” 
was  merely  a term  for  the  high  office  held  by  such  a ruler. 


The  Industrial  Revolution 


303 


Nevertheless,  the  instinctive  feeling  of  the  Greeks  was  that 
they  were  no  longer  free  under  such  a prince,  and  the  slayer 
of  a tyrant  was  regarded  as  a fiero  and  a savior  of  the  people. 

By  650  B.c.  such  rulers  had  b^un  to  appear,  but  it  was  es- 
pecially the  sixth  century  (from  600  to  500  b.  c.)  which  we  may 
call  the  Age  of  the  Tyrants.  They  arose  chiefly  in  the  Ionian 
cities  of  Asia  Minor  and  the  islands ; also  Euboea,  Athens, 
Corinth,  and  the  colonies  of  Sicily  — ■ that  is,  in  all  the  progres- 
sive Greek  city-states  where  the  people  had  gained  power  by 
commercial  prosperity.  Their  rise  was  one  of  the  direct  con- 
sequences of  the  growing  power  of  the  people,  and  in  spite 
of  public  opinion  about  them,  they  were  the  first  champions 
of  democracy.  Such  men  as  Periander  of  Corinth  and  Pisis- 
tratus  of  Athens  looked  after  the  rights  of  the  people,  curbed 
the  nobles,  gave  great  attention  to  public  works  like  harbor 
improvements,  state  buildings,  and  temples,  and  cultivated  art, 
music,  and  literature. 

Hitherto  all  law,  so  long  ago  reduced  to  writing  in  the 
Orient  (Fig.  93),  had  been  a matter  of  oraP  tradition  in  Greece. 
It  was  very  easy  for  a judge  to  twist  oral  law  to  favor  the 
man  who  gave  him  the  largest  present  (§  452).  The  people 
were  now  demanding  that  the  inherited  oral  laws  be  put  into 
writing  (Fig.  166).  After  a long  struggle  the  Athenians  se- 
cured such  a written  code,  arranged  by  a man  named  Draco, 
about  624  B.c.  It  was  an  exceedingly  severe  code  — so  severe, 
in  fact,  that  the  adjective  " Draconic  ” has  passed  into  our 
language  as  a synonym  for  " harsh.” 

Meantime  the  situation  in  Athens  was  much  complicated  by 
hostilities  with  neighboring  powers.  The  merchants  of  Megara 
had  seized  the  island  of  Salamis,  overlooking  the  port  of 
Athens  (Fig.  177).  The  loss  of  Salamis  and  the  failure  of  the 
nobles  to  recover  it  aroused  intense  indignation  among  the  Athe- 
nians. Then  a man  of  the  old  family  to  which  the  ancient  kings 
of  Athens  had  belonged,  a noble  named  Solon,  who  had  gained 
wealth  by  many  a commercial  venture  on  the  seas,  roused  his 


466.  Age  of 
the  Tyrants 
(sixth  cen- 
tury B.c.) 


467.  Earliest 
written 
Greek  codes 
of  law 


468.  Foreign 
complications 
of  Athens 


304 


Ancient  Times 


469.  Solon 
elected 
archon ; his 
financial 
reforms 


countrymen  by'  fiery  verses,  calling  upon  the  Athenians  not  to 
endure  the  shame  of  such  a loss.  Salamis  was  recovered,  and 
Solon  gained  great  popularity  with  all  classes  of  Athenians. 


Fig.  166.  Ruins  of  the  Ancient  Courthouse  of  Gortyna  and 
THE  Early  Greek  Code  of  Laws  engraved  on  its  Walls 


This  hall  at  Gortyna  in  Crete,  dating  from  the  sixth  century  B.c.,  was 
a circular  building  about  140  feet  across,  which  served  as  a court- 
house. If  any  citizen  thought  himself  unjustly  treated,  he  could  appeal 
to  the  great  code  engraved  in  twelve  columns  on  the  inside  of  the  stone 
wall  of  the  building.  It  covers  the  curved  surface  of  the  wall  for  about 
30  feet,  but  extends  only  as  high  as  would  permit  it  to  be  read  easily. 
It  forms  the  longest  Greek  inscription  now  surviving.  This  code  shows 
a growing  sense  of  justice  toward  a debtor  and  forbids  a creditor  to 
seize  a debtor’s  tools  or  furniture  for  debt ; this  illustrates  the  tendency 
among  the  Greeks  in  the  age  of  Solon  (§  469) 

The  result  was  Solon’s  election  as  archon  (§  434)  in  594  B.c. 
He  was  given  full  power  to  improve  the  evil  condition  of  the 
peasants.  He  declared  void  all  mortgages  on  land  and  all 
claims  of  creditors  which  endangered  the  liberty  of  a citizen. 


The  hidiistrial  Revohition 


305 


But  Solon  was  a true  statesman,  and  to  the  demands  of  the 
lower  classes  for  a new  apportionment  of  lands  held  by  the 
nobles  he  would  not  yield.  He  did,  however,  set  a limit  to 
the  amount  of  land  which  a noble  might  hold. 

Solon  also  made  a law  that  anyone  who,  like  Hesiod  (§  452), 
had  lost  a lawsuit,  could  appeal  the  case  to  a jury  of  citizens 
over  thirty  years  of  age  selected  by  lot.  This  change  and  some 
others  greatly  improved  a citizen’s  chance  of  securing  justice. 
Solon’s  laws  were  all  written,  and  they  formed  the  first  Greek 
code  of  laws  by  which  all  free  men  were  given  equal  rights 
in  the  courts.  Some  of  these  laws  have  descended  to  our 
own  time  and  are  still  in  force. 

Furthermore,  Solon  proclaimed  a new  constitution  which 
gave  to  all  a voice  in  the  control  of  the  State.  It  made  but 
few  changes.  It  recognized  four  classes  of  citizens,  graded 
according  to  the  amount  of  their  income.  The  wealthy  nobles 
were  the  only  ones  who  could  hold  the  highest  offices,  and  the 
peasants  were  permitted  to  hold  only  the  lower  offices.  The 
government  thus  remained  in  the  hands  of  the  nobles,  but 
the  humblest  free  citizen  could  now  be  assured  of  the  right 
to  vote  in  the  assembly  of  the  people. 

Solon  is  the  first  great  Greek  statesman  of  whom  we  obtain 
an  authentic  picture,  chiefly  through  his  surviving  poems.  The 
leading  trait  of  his  character  was  moderation,  combined  with 
unfailing  decision.  When  all  expected  that  he  would  make 
himself  " tyrant  ” he  laid  down  his  expiring  archonship  with- 
out a moment’s  hesitation  and  left  Athens  for  several  years, 
to  give  his  constitution  a fair  chance  to  work. 

Solon  saved  Attica  from  a great  social  catastrophe,  and  it 
was- largely  due  to  his  wise  reforms  that  Athens  achieved  her 
industrial  and  commercial  triumphs.  But  his  constitution  gave 
the  prosperous  commercial  class  no  right  to  hold  the  leading 
offices  of  government.  They  continued  the  struggle  for  power. 
Hence  Solon’s  work,  though  it  deferred  the  humiliation,  could 
not  save  the  Athenian  State  from  subjection  to  the  tyrant. 


470.  Solon’s 
new  code 
of  laws 


471.  Solon’s 
new  consti- 
tution 


472.  Esti- 
mate of  Solon 


473.  Failure 
of  Solon’s 
work  to  pre- 
vent the  rise 
of  a tyrant 
in  Attica 


3o6 


Ancie^it  Times 


474.  Pisis- 
tratus,  tyrant 
of  Athens 
(540- 
528  B.C.) 


475.  Fall  of 
the  sons  of 
Pisistratus 


476.  The 
reforms  of 
Clisthenes 
reduce  the 
power  of 
the  nobles 


477.  Ostra- 
cism 


Returning  from  exile,  backed  by  an  army  of  hired  soldiers, 
Pisistratus,  a member  of  one  of  the  powerful  noble  families, 
finally  held  control  of  the  Athenian  State.  He  ruled  with 
great  sagacity  and  success,  and  many  of  the  Athenians  gave 
him  sincere  support.  Having  built  a war  fleet  of  probably  forty- 
eight  ships,  he  seized  the  mouth  of  the  Hellespont  (Dardanelles). 
This  control  of  the  gateway  to  the  Black  Sea  proved  of  enor- 
mous value  to  Athens  in  later  days  (§  616).  He  carried 
out  many  public  improvements  at  Athens,  and  transferred  to 
the  city  the  old  peasant  spring  feast  of  Dionysus,  from  which 
were  yet  to  come  the  theater  and  the  great  dramas  of  Athens 
(§  484).  Athenian  manufactures  and  commerce  flourished  as 
never  before,  and  when  Pisistratus  died  (in  the  same  year  as 
Cyrus  the  Persian,  528  b.c.)  he  had  laid  a foundation  to  which 
much  of  the  later  greatness  of  Athens  was  due. 

In  spite  of  their  great  ability,  the  sons  of  Pisistratus,  Hip- 
parchus and  Hippias,  were  unable  to  overcome  the  prejudice  of 
the  people  against  a ruler  on  whom  they  had  not  conferred 
authority.  One  of  the  earliest  exhibitions  of  Greek  patriotism 
is  the  outburst  of  enthusiasm  at  Athens  when  two  youths,  Har- 
modius  and  Aristogiton  (Fig.  169),  at  the  sacrifice  of  their  own 
lives,  struck  down  one  of  the  tyrants  (Hipparchus).  Hippias, 
the  other  one,  was  eventually  obliged  to  flee.  Thus,  shortly 
before  500  b.c.,  Athens  was  freed  from  her  tyrants. 

The  people  were  now  able  to  gain  new  power  against  the 
nobles  by  the  efforts  of  Clisthenes,  a noble  friendly  to  the  lower 
classes.  He  broke  up  the  old  tribal  divisions  on  the  basis  of 
blood  relationship,  and  established  purely  local  lines  of  division. 
He  thus  cut  up  the  old  noble  clans  and  assigned  the  fragments 
to  different  local  divisions,  where  they  were  in  the  minority, 
This  prevented  the  nobles  from  acting  together  and  broke 
their  power. 

In  order  to  avoid  the  rise  of  a new  tyrant,  Clisthenes  estab- 
lished a law  that  once  a year  the  people  might  by  vote  declare 
any  prominent  citizen  dangerous  to  the  State  and  banish  him 


The  Industrial  Revolution  307 

for  ten  years.  To  cast  his  vote  against  a man,  a citizen  had 
only  to  pick  up  one  of  the  pieces  of  broken  pottery  lying 
about  the  market  place,  write  upon  it  the  name  of  the  citizen 
to  be  banished,  and  deposit  it  in  the  voting  urn.  As  such 
a bit  of  potteiy-  was  called  an  ''  ostracon  ” (headpiece,  p.  336), 
to  " ostracize  ” a man  (literally  to  ''  potsherd  ” him)  meant  to 
interrupt  his  political  career  by  banishment.  Although  the 
nobles  were  still  the  only  ones  to  whom  the  high  offices  of 
government  were  open,  the  possession  of  other  forms  of 
wealth  besides  land  gave  a citizen  important  political  rights, 
and  Athens  had  thus  (about  500  b.c.)  gained  a form  of  gov- 
ernment giving  the  people  a high  degree  of  power.  The  State 
was  in  large  measure  a democracy. 

Meantime  Sparta  also  had  greatly  increased  in  power.  The 
Spartans  had  pushed  their  military  successes  until  they  held 
over  a third  of  the  Peloponnesian  peninsula.  The  result  was 
that  long  before  500  b.c.  the  Spartans  had  forced  the  neigh- 
boring states  into  a combination,  the  ''  Spartan  league,”  which 
included  nearly  the  whole  of  the  Peloponnese.  As  the  leader  of 
this  league,  Sparta  was  the  most  powerful  state  in  Greece.  It 
had  no  industries,  and  it  therefore  did  not  possess  the  prosper- 
ous commercial  class  which  had  elsewhere  done  so  much  to  over- 
throw the  nobles  and  bring  about  the  rise  of  the  tyrants.  For 
this  and  other  reasons  Sparta  had  escaped  the  rule  of  a tyrant. 
Mdiile  it  had  divided  the  power  of  its  king  by  appointing  two 
kings  to  rule  jointly,  it  was  opposed  to  the  rule  of  the  people,  and 
it  looked  with  a jealous  eye  on  the  rising  democracy  of  Athens. 

Section  48.  Civilization  of  the  Age  of 
THE  Tyrants 

Although  the  nobles  of  Athens  had  been  forced  to  yield 
much  of  their  political  power  to  the  people,  nevertheless,  as  we 
have  seen,  they  still  held  the  exclusive  right  to  be  elected  to  the 
important  offices  in  the  government.  They  continued  also  to 


478.  Ex- 
pansion of 
Sparta ; foun- 
dation of  the 
Spartan 
" league  ” 


479.  The 
nobles  con- 
tinue to  be 
the  social 
leaders ; ath- 
letic games 


308 


Ancient  Times 


480.  Edu- 
cation 

be  the  leaders  in  all  those  matters  which  we  call  social.  They 
created  the  social  life  of  the  time,  and  they  were  the  prominent 
figures  on  all  public  occasions.  The  multitudes  which  thronged 
to  the  public  games  looked  down  at  the  best-bom  youths  of 
Greece  contesting  for  the  prizes  in  the  athletic  matches  (§  444), 
and  the  wealthier  nobles  put  the  swiftest  horses  into  the  chariot 
races.  To  the  laurel  wreath  which  was  granted  the  winner  at 
the  Olympian  games  Athens  added  a prize  of  five  hundred 
drachmas  when  the  winner  was  an  Athenian.  He  was  also 
entitled  to  take  his  meals  at  tables  maintained  by  the  State. 
Not  seldom  the  greatest  poets  of  the  time,  especially  Pindar 
(§  482),  celebrated  the  victors  in  triumphant  verses. 

In  the  matter  of  education,  noble  youths  might  be  found 
spending  the  larger  part  of  the  day  practicing  in  the  public 
inclosure  devoted  to  athletic  exercises.  To  be  sure,  writing 
was  now  so  common  that  a young  man  could  not  afford  to 
be  without  it,  and  hence  he  submitted  to  some  instruction  in 

481.  Music, 
instrumental 

this  art  — a discipline  which  he  was  probably  very  reluctant  to 
exchange  for  the  applause  of  the  idlers  gathered  around  the 
gymnastic  training  ground.  The  women  had  no  share  in  either 
the  education  or  the  social  life  of  the  men,  and  one  of  the  great- 
est weaknesses  of  Greek  civilization  was  the  very  limited  part 
played  by  women  in  the  life  of  the  nation. 

The  education  of  the  time  was  not  complete  without  some  in- 
struction also  in  music.  It  was  in  the  Age  of  the  Tyrants  that 
the  music  of  Greece  rose  to  the  level  of  a real  art.  A system  of 
writing  musical  notes,  meaning  for  music  what  the  alphabet  meant 
for  literature,  now  arose.  The  flute  had  been  brought  from 
Egypt  to  Crete  in  early  tiines,  and  from  the  Cretans  the  Greeks 
had  received  it  Long  a favorite  instrument,  it  was  now  much 
more  cultivated,  and  one  musician  even  wrote  a composition  for 
the  flute  which  was  intended  to  tell  the  story  of  Apollo’s  fight 
with  the  dragon  of  Delphi.  The  lyre,  which  formerly  had  but 
four  strings,  was  now  made  with  eight,  and  compositions  for  the 
lyre  alone  were  popular.  Either  of  these  instruments  might  be 

The  Industrial  Revohition 


309 


played  as  the  accompaniment  of  song,  or  both  together,  with 
choruses  of  boys  and  girls.  Here  we  have  the  beginnings  of 
orchestral  music  as  the  accompaniment  of  choruses. 

Music  had  a great  influence  on  the  literature  of  the  age, 
for  the  poets  now  began  to  write  verses  to  be  sung  with 
the  music  of  the  lyre,  and  hence  such  verses  are  called  “ lyric  ” 
poetry.  From  serious  discussions  like  those  of  Solon  (§  468) 
the  poets  passed  to  songs  of  momentary  moods,  longings, 
dreams,  hopes,  and  fiery  storms  of  passion.  Each  in  his  way 
found  a wondrous  world  within  himself,  which  he  thus  pic- 
tured in  short  songs.  Probably  the  greatest  of  these  poets 
was  Pindar  of  Thebes.  Proud  of  his  noble  birth,  the  friend 
and  intimate  of  tyrants  and  nobles,  but  also  their  fearless  ad- 
monisher,  Pindar  gloried  both  in  the  pleasures  and  the  respon- 
sibilities of  wealth  and  rank.  He  sang  in  praise  of  pomp  and 
splendor  with  a vividness  which  makes  us  see  the  chariots 
flashing  down  the  course  and  hear  the  shouting  of  the  multitude 
as  the  proud  victor  receives  the  laurel  wreath  of  triumph.  In 
exalted  speech,  often  difficult  to  understand,  Pindar  delighted 
thus  to  glorify  the  life  and  rule  of  the  nobles.  At  the  same 
time  his  immortal  word  pictures  of  their  life  and  their  triumphs 
are  always  suffused  with  the  beauty  of  unquestioning  belief  in 
the  gods,  especially  Apollo,  for  whom  Pindar  seemed  to  speak 
almost  as  a prophet  He  was  the  last  great  spokesman  of  a 
dying  order  of  society,  the  rule  of  the  nobles,  which  was  to 
give  way  to  the  rule  of  the  people.  Another  great  lyric  singer 
of  the  age  was  the  poetess  Sappho,  the  earliest  woman  to  gain 
undying  fame  in  literature.  Indeed,  she  was  perhaps  the 
greatest  poetess  the  world  has  ever  seen. 

A favorite  form  of  song  was  the  chorus,  with  which  the  coun- 
try folk  loved  to  celebrate  their  rustic  feasts  (headpiece,  p.  221). 
The  poet  Stesichorus,  who  lived  • in  Sicily,  began  to  write 
choruses  which  told  the  stories  of  the  gods  as  they  were  found 
in  the  old  myths.  The  singers  as  they  marched  in  rustic  pro- 
cession wore  goatskins,  and  their  faces  were  concealed  by  masks. 


482.  Lyric  po- 
etry: Pindar 
and  Sappho 


483.  Festival 
choruses  be- 
come drama 


310 


Ancient  Times 


484.  Origin 
of  the  theater 


485.  Archi- 
tecture 


Some  of  the  songs  were  sung  responsively  by  the  chorus  and 
their  leader.  For  the  diversion  of  the  listening  peasants  the 
leader  would  illustrate  with  gestures  the  story  told  in  the  song. 
He  thus  became  to  some  extent  an  actor,  the  forerunner  of 
the  actors  on  our  own  stage.  After  Pisistratus  introduced 
the  spring  feast  of  Dionysus  at  Athens  (§  474),  this  form  of 
presentation  made  rapid  progress.  A second  leader  was  intro- 
duced, and  dialogue  between  the  two  was  then  possible,  though 
the  chorus  continued  to  recite  most  of  the  narrative.  Thus 
arose  a form  of  musical  play  or  drama,  the  action  or  narrative 
of  which  was  carried  on  by  the  chorus  and  two  actors.  The 
Greeks  called  such  a play  a tragedy,  which  means  " goat’s 
play,”  probably  because  of  the  rustic  disguise  as  goats  which 
the  chorus  had  always  worn. 

The  grassy  circle  where  the  chorus  danced  and  sang  was 
usually  on  a slope  in  the  hills,  from  which  the  spectators  had 
a fine  view  of  the  country  and  the  sea  beyond.  At  Athens  the 
people  sat  on  the  slope  of  the  Acropolis,  and  as  they  watched  the 
play  they  could  look  far  across  the  sea  to  the  heights  of  Argos. 
Here,  under  the  southern  brow  of  the  Acropolis,  where  Pisistra- 
tus laid  out  the  sacred  precinct  of  Dionysus  (see  plan,  p.  352),  the 
theater  began  to  take  form  and  furnished  the  arrangements  which 
have  finally  been  inherited  by  us  in  our  theaters  (see  Fig.  189). 

The  tyrants  were  so  devoted  to  building  that  architecture 
made  very  important  advances.  The  Greek  cities,  including  the 
buildings  of  the  government,  were  still  simply  groups  of  sun- 
dried-brick  buildings.  Great  stone  buildings  such  as  we  have 
seen  on  the  Nile  had  been  unknown  in  Europe  since  the  time 
of  the  ^geans  (Fig.  145),  but  now  the  rough  Greek  temples 
of  sun-dried  brick  were  rebuilt  in  limestone  by  the  tyrants. 
Indeed,  the  front  of  the  temple  of  Apollo  at  Delphi  was  even 
built  of  marble.  At  no  other  time  before  or  since  were  so  many 
temples  erected  as  in  the  Greek  world  in  the  Age  of  the 
Tyrants.  In  Sicily  and  southern  Italy  a number  of  the  noble 
temples  of  this  age  still  stand  to  display  to  us  the  beauty  and 


The  hidtcstrial  Revolution 


311 


simplicity  of  Greek  architecture  when  it  was  still  at  an  unde- 
veloped stage  (Fig.  219).  Instead  of  the  wooden  posts  of 
the  Age  of  the  Nobles 
(§  449),  these  temples 
were  surrounded  by  lines 
of  plain  stojie  columns 
(colonnades)  in  a style 
which  we  call  Doric 
(Fig.  167).  Although  the 
architects  of  the  tyrants 
borrowed  the  idea  and 
the  forfn  of  these  colon- 
nades from  Egypt,  they 
improved  them  until  they 
made  them  the  most 
beautiful  columns  ever 
designed  by  early  archi- 
tects. Like  those  on  the 
Nile,  these  Greek  tem- 
ples were  painted  in 
bright  colors  (see  p.  340). 

Such  temples  were 
adorned,  in  the  triangu- 
lar gable  end,  with  sculp- 
tured relief  figures  of 
the  gods,  grouped  in 
scenes  representing  in- 
cidents in  the  myths. 

Although  at  first  very 
much  influenced  by  ori- 
ental reliefs,  the  sculptor 
soon  produced  works  of 
real  beauty  and  inde- 
pendence (Fig.  169).  In 
meeting  the  demand  for 


Fig.  167. 

UMN  AND 


An  Old  Egyptian  Col- 
THE  Doric  Column  de- 
rived FROM  IT 


486.  Sculp- 
ture 


The  earliest  form  of  column  used  by  the 
Greeks  was  a fluted  shaft  of  stone  (B) 
closely  resembling  the-  simplest  form  (A) 
which  we  found  in  Egypt,  dating  nearly 
2000  B.c.  (Fig.  57).  Not  only  the  whole 
idea  of  a rhythmic  row  of  piers  but  also 
the  form  of  each  shaft  was  thus  taken 
by  the  Greeks  from  Egypt.  The  Greeks 
gave  this  form  completeness  and  in- 
creased beauty  by  adding  a capital  and 
shaping  it  with  great  refinement  of  line 
and  contour.  We  should  recall  that  col- 
onnades were  not  in  use  in  the  Asiatic 
Orient  until  the  Persians  introduced  them 
there  (Fig.  1 16).  See  also  diagram,  p.  340 


A B 

Fig.  1 68.  Early  Greek  Statue  and  Egyptian  Portrait 
Statue  by  which  it  was  influenced 

The  Egyptian  portrait  (B)  is  over  two  thousand  years  older  than  the 
Greek  figure  (A).  The  noble  (B),  one  of  those  whose  estate  we  visited 
on  the  Nile  (§  8o),  stands  in  the  customary  posture  of  such  figures  in 
Egyptian  art,  with  the  arms  hanging  down  and  the  left  foot  thrust 
forward.  The  Greek  figure  [A)  stands  in  the  same  posture,  with  the 
left  foot  thrust  forward.  Both  look  straight  ahead,  as  was  customary 
in  undeveloped  art.  The  Greek  figure  shows  clearly  the  influence 
of  Egyptian  sculpture 
312 


The  Industrial  Revolution 


313 


statues  of  the  victors  at  the  games,  the  Greek  sculptors  were 
also  much  influenced  by  the  Egyptian  figures  they  had  seen. 
Their  earliest  figures  in  stone  were  therefore  still  stiff  and  un- 
graceful (Fig.  168).  Moved  by  patriotic  impulses,  however. 


Fig.  169.  Monument  of  the  Tvrant  Slayers  of  Athens, 
Har.modius  and  Aristogiton,  from  Two  Points  of  View 


On  the  slopes  of  the  Areopagus  (see  plan,  p.  352,  and  Fig.  182)  over- 
looking the  market  place,  the  Athenians  set  up  this  group,  depicting 
at  the  moment  of  attack  the  two  heroic  youths  who  lost  their  lives  in  an 
attempt  to  slay  the  two  sons  of  Pisistratus  and  to  free  Athens  from 
the  turn  tyrants  (514  B.c.)  (§475).  The  group  was  carried  off  by  the 
Persians  after  the  battle  of  Salamis ; the  Athenians  had  another  made 
to  replace  the  first  one.  It  was  afterward  recovered  in  Persia  by 
Alexander  or  his  successors  and  restored  to  its  old  place  where  both 
groups  stood  side  by  side.  Our  illustration  is  an  ancient  copy  in 
marble,  probably  reproducing  the  later  of  the  two  groups 

the  Athenian  sculptors  went  still  farther  and  attempted  a kind 
of  work  which  never  had  arisen  in  the  Orient.  They  wrought 
a noble  memorial  of  the  two  youths  who  endeavored  to  free 
Athens  from  the  sons  of  Pisistratus.  It  was  in  the  form  of 
a group  depicting  the  two  at  the  moment  of  their  attack  on 
the  tyrants,  and  although  it  still  displayed  some  of  the  old 
stiffness,  it  also  showed  remarkable  progress  toward  free  and 


314 


Ancie7it  Times 


487.  Painting 


vigorous  action  of  the  human  body  (Fig.  169).  These  figures 
were  cast  in  bronze. 

Similar  progress  was  made  by  the  painters  of  the  age.  Just 
as  the  poets  had  begun  to  call  upon  their  own  imagination  for 
subject  matter,  so  the  vase-painters  now  began  to  depict  not 
only  scenes  from  the  myths  of  the  gods  and  heroes,  but  also 
pictures  from  the  everyday  life  of  the  times  (see  the  school. 


Fig.  170.  Greek  Vase-Painting,  showing  the  Home  Life 
OF  Women 

A maidservant  at  the  right  presents  to  her  mistress  an  Egyptian 
alabaster  perfume  bottle  (see  the  same  shape  in  glass,  Fig.  49).  The 
mistress  sits  arranging  her  hair  before  a hand  mirror.  Behind  her 
approaches  another  woman.  At  the  left  a lady  is  working  at  an  em- 
broidery frame,  while  a visitor  in  street  costume  watches  her  work. 
Behind  stands  a lady  with  a basket.  Notice  the  grace  and  beauty  of  the 
figures,  which  at  this  time  were  in  red  (the  natural  color  of  the  terra 
cotta),  showing  through  a shining  black  pigment  laid  on  by  the  artist 

Fig.  1 81).  At  the  same  time  they  improved  their  method  greatly 
(cf.  Fig.  170).  They  made  drawings  of  the  human  figure  that 
were  more  natural  and  true  than  early  artists  had  ever  before 
been  able  to  do.  Their  skill  in  depicting  limbs'^ shortened  by 
being  seen  from  one  end  was  surprising.  These  problems,  called 
foreshortening  and  perspective,  were  first  solved  by  the  Greek 
painters.  The  vases  of  this  age  are  a wonderful  treasury  of 
beautiful  scenes  from  Greek  life  (Fig.  170),  reminding  us  of 
our  glimpses  into  the  life  of  Egypt  two  thousand  five  hundred 
years  earlier,  in  the  tomb-chapel  scenes  of  the  Nile. 


The  Indtistrial  Revolution 


\\ 


Literature  and  painting  show  us  that  the  Greeks  of  this  age  488.  Grow- 
were  intensely  interested  in  the  life  of  their  own  time.  In  thje 
first  place,  they  were  thinking  more  deeply  than  ever  befoi|e 
about  conduct,  and  they  were  better  able  to  distinguish  between  hereafter 
right  and  wrong.  Men  could  no  longer  believe  that  the  gods' 
led  the  evil  lives  pictured  in  the  Homeric  songs.  Stesichorus”^ 

(§  483)  h'ad’^o  hign'an-idearT)!' 'womanly  fideHtjr-tKaTTie  cbtrld — ' 
not  accept  the  tale  of  the  beautiful  Helen’s  faithlessness,  and 
in  his  festival  songs  he  told  the  ancient  story  in  another  way. 

Men  now  felt  that  even  Zeus  and  his  Olympian  divinities  must 
do  the  right.  Mortals  too  must  do  the  same,  for  men  had  now 
com^to  believe~that  in  tHe^lturldlof  Lhe“d'ead~ffiCTe  vras  punish- 
ment~?or  the  evildoerT^diades  became  a place  of^orihdnTTor 
the^ylcked.  miafd^~-hv^eibe'fusValTttrrtsti^S'rjrTsrrT5he~orThb5e 
sentinel  animaiT'oHtire^'Onehf  of'whfch  yhe-Sphinx  of  Gizeh 
(Fig.  54),  also  guarding  the  dead,  is  the  oldest  example. 

Likewise  it  was  believed  that  there  must  be  a place  of^ 
blessedness  for  the  good  in  the  next  world.  Accordingly, 
the  temple  at  Eleusis  scenes  from  the  mysterious  earth  lit 
of  Demeter  and  Dionysus,  to  whom  men  owed  the  fruits 
the  earth,  were  presented  by  the  priests  in  dramatic  form'' 
before  the  initiated,  and  he  who  viewed  them  mysteriously 
received  immortal  life  and  might  be  admitted  into  the  Islands 
of  the  Blessed,  where  once  none  but  the  ancient  heroes  could 
be  received.  Even  the  poorest  slave  was  permitted  to  enter 
this  fellowship  and  be  initiated  into  the  " mysteries,”  as  they 
rere  called. 

sMore  than  ever,  also,  men  now  turned  to  the  gods  for  a 490-  Oracles 
lowledge  of  the  future  in  this  world.  Everywhere  it  was 
believed  that  the  oracle  voice  of  Apollo  revealed  the  outcome 
of  pweTy-m3.tried  venture,  and  his  shrine  at  Delpl^  (FTgy.  l^T* 
and  172)  became  a national  religious  center,  to  which  the  whole 
Greek  world  resorted. 

Some  thoughtful  men,  on  the  other  hand,  were  rejecting 
the  beliefs  of  older  times,  especially  regarding  the  world  and 


3i6 


A^icient  Times 


491.  Thales 
and  his  pre- 
diction of 
an  eclipse 
(585  B.c.) 


its  control  by  the  gods.  The  Ionian  cities,  long  the  com- 
mercial leaders  of  the  JEgean,  now  likewise  led  the  way  in 

thinking  of  these 
new  problems.  In 
constant  contact 
with  Egypt  and  the 
Phoenician  cities, 
they  gained  the 
beginnings  of  math- 
ematics and  as- 
tronomy as  known 
in  the  Orient,  and 
one  of  the  Ionian 
thinkers  had  in- 
deed set  up  an 
Eg\-ptian  shadow 
clock  (Fig.  74). 
At  Miletus,  the 
leader  of  these  Io- 
nian cities,  there 
was  an  able  states- 
man named  Thales, 
who  had  traveled 
widely,  and  re- 
ceived from  Baby- 
lonia a list  of  ob- 
servations of  the 
heavenly  bodies. 
From  such  lists  the 
Babylonians  had  al- 
ready learned  that 
eclipses  of  the  sun 

occurred  at  periodic  intervals  (§  239).  With  these  lists  in  his 
hands  Thales  could  calculate  when  the  next  eclipse  would 
occur.  He  therefore  told  the  people  of  Miletus  that  they  might 


Fig.  1 71.  View  over  the  Valley  and 
Ruins  of  Delphi  to  the  Sea 

This  splendid  gorge  in  the  slopes  of  Mount  Par- 
nassus on  the  north  side  of  the  Corinthian  Gulf 
(see  map,  p.  352)  was  very  early  sacred  to  Apollo, 
who  was  said  to  have  slain  the  dragon  Pytho 
which  lived  here.  The  white  line  of  road  in  the 
foreground  is  the  highway  descending  to  the 
distant  arm  of  the  Corinthian  Gulf.  On  the  left 
of  this  road  the  cliff  descends  sheer  1000  feet, 
and  above  the  road  (on  its  right)  on  the  steep 
slope  are  the  ruins  of  the  sacred  buildings  of 
ancient  Delphi,  excavated  by  the  French  in  re- 
cent years.  We  can  see  the  zigzag  road  lead- 
ing up  the  hill  among  the  ruins  just  at  the  right 
of  the  main  road  (cf.  also  Fig.  172) 


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3i8 


Ancient  Times 


492.  Natural 
law  versus  the 
gods;  rise  of 
science  and 
philosophy 
among  the 
lonians 


493.  Ionian 
geography 
and  history 


expect  an  eclipse  of  the  sun  before  the  end  of  a certain  year. 
When  the  promised  eclipse  (585  b.c.)  actually  occurred  as  he 
had  predicted,  the  fame  of  Thales  spread  far  and  wide. 

The  prediction  of  an  eclipse,  a feat  already  accomplished  by 
the  Babylonians  (§  239),  was  not  so  important  as  the  consc- 
qicences  which  followed  in  the  mind  of  Thales.  IJhherto  men 
had-helieved  that^ed^ses  and  all  the  other  strange  things^ha,^ 
happened  in  the  skies^wer?~cause3~~h5r~fhe  momgnlaiy  angry 
whim  of  .son^  god.  Now,  however,  ThaleThoIdly  proclaimed, 
that  the  movements  of  the  heavenly  bodies  were  in  accordance 
with  fixed  laws.  The  gods  were  thus  banished  from  control 
of  the  sky-world  where  the  eagle  of  Zeus  had  once  ruled 
(§  413).  So  also  when  a Greek  traveler  like  Thales  visitedsthe 
vast  buildings  of  the  Orient,  like  the  pyramids  of  Gizeh,  then 
over  two  thousand  years  old,  he  at  once  saw  that  the  gods  had 
not  been  wandering  on  earth  a few  generations  before  his  own 
time.  This  fact  seemed  to  banish  the  gods  from  the  past,  and 
from  the  beginning  of  the  world  likewise. 

Hence  another  citizen  of  Miletus,  perhaps  a pupil  of  Thales, 
explained  the  origin  of  animals  by  assuming  a development  of 
higher  forms  from  the  lower  ones,  in  a manner  which  reminds 
us  of  the  modern  theory  of  evolution.  He  studied  the  forms 
of  the  seas  and  the  countries,  and  he  made  a map  of  the  world. 
It  is  the  earliest  world  map  known  to  us,  although  maps  of  a 
limited  region  were  already  in  use  in  Egypt  and  Babylonia. 
A little  later  another  geographer  of  Miletus,  named  Hecatasus, 
traveled  widely,  including  a journey  up  the  Nile,  and  he  wrote 
a geography  of  the  world.  In  this  book,  as  in  the  map  just 
mentioned,  the  Mediterranean  Sea  was  the  center,  and  the 
lands  about  it  for  a short  distance  back  from  its  shores  were 
all  those  which  were  known  to  the  author  (see  his  map,  p.  319). 
Hecatasus  also  put  together  a history  made  up  of  the  mythical 
stories  of  early  Greece  and  the  tales  of  the  past  he  had  heard 
in  the  Orient.  After  the  historian  of  the  Hebrew  patriarchs 
(§  302),  he  was  the  first  historical  writer  of  the  early  world. 


TJie  Industrial  Revolution 


319 


Another  Ionian  thinker,  who  migrated  to  southern  Italy,  was 
Pythagoras.  He  investigated  mathematics  and  natural  science. 
He  or  his  pupils  discovered  that  the  square  of  the  hypotenuse 
equals  the  sum  of  the  squares  of  the  other  two  sides  of  a right- 
angled  triangle.  They  also  found  out  that  the  length  of  a musi- 
cal string  is  in  exact  mathematical  relation  to  the  height  of 
its  tone.  They 
likewise  discov- 
ered that  the 
earth  is  a sphere 
which  possesses 
its  ovm  motion. 

Another  of  these 
lonians,  in  his 
account  of  the 
origin  of  the 
earth,  called  at- 
tention to  the 
presence  of  pet- 
rified sea  plants 
and  fish  in  the 
rocks,  to  prove 
that  the  sea  had 
at  one  time  cov- 
ered the  land. 

Thus  these  Ionian  thinkers,  having  gradually  abandoned  the 
old  myths,  took  the  natural  world  out  of  the  hands  of  the  gods. 
They  therefore  became  the  forerunners  of  natural  scientists  and 
philosophers,  for  they  strove  to  discern  what  were  the  natural 
laws- which  in  the  beginning  had  brought  the  world  into  exist- 
ence, and  still  continued  to  control  it.  At  this  point  in  their 
thinking  they  entered  upon  a new  world  of  thought,  which  we 
call  sdence  and  philosophy  — a world  which  had  never  dawned 
upon  the  greatest  minds  of  the  early  East.  This  step,  taken 
by  Thales  and  the  great  men  of  the  Ionian  cities,  remains  and 


Map  of  the  World  by  Hecat/Eus  (517  b.c.) 


494.  Ionian 
mathematics 
and  natural 
science 


495.  The 
great  step 
taken  by 
the  Ionian 
thinkers 


320 


Ancie7it  Times 


496.  Sum- 
mary and  end 
of  the  Age  of 
the  Tyrants 


will  forever  remain  the  greatest  achievement  of  the  human  in 
tellect  — an  achievement  to  call  forth  the  reverence  and  admi- 
ration of  all  time. 

The  Age  of  the  Tyrants  was  therefore  one  of  the  great 
epochs  of  the  world’s  history.  Under  the  stimulus  of  the  keen 
struggle  for  leadership  in  business,  in  government,  and  in 
society,  the  minds  of  the  ablest  men  of  the  time  were  wonder- 
fully quickened,  till  they  threw  off  the  bondage  of  habit  and 
entered  an  entirely  new  world  of  science  and  philosophy.  The 
inner  power  of  this  vigorous  new  Greek  life  flowed  out  in 
statesmanship,  in  literature  and  religion,  in  sculpture  and 
painting,  in  architecture  and  building.  As  a group  the  leaders 
of  this  age,  many  of  them  tyrants,  made  an  impression  which 
never  entirely  disappeared,  and  they  were  called  " the  Seven 
Wise  Men.”  They  were  the  earliest  statesmen  and  thinkers 
of  Greece.  The  people  loved  to  quote  their  sayings,  such  as 
” Know  thyself,”  a proverb  which  was  carved  over  the  door  of 
the  Apollo  temple  at  Delphi  (Fig.  172);  or  Solon’s  wise  maxim, 
" Overdo  nothing.”  After  the  overthrow  of  the  sons  of  Pisis- 
tratus,  however,  the  tyrants  were  disappearing,  and  although  a 
tyrant  here  and  there  survived,  especially  in  Asia  Minor  and 
Sicily,  Greece  at  this  time  (about  500  b.c.)  passed  out  of  the 
Age  of  the  Tyrants. 


QUESTIONS 

Section  46.  How  did  the  new  colonies  of  the  Greeks  influence 
manufacturing  at  home?  What  can  you  tell  of  commerce  and  manu- 
factures? What  step  toward  freedom  from  foreign  influences  did 
Greek  manufactures  take  ? What  evidence  have  we  of  the  extent  of 
Athenian  commerce?  Discuss  the  effect  upon  shipbuilding.  What 
new  business  convenience  came  in  from  the  East?  How  did  coinage 
arise?  What  leading  coins  did  Athens  possess?  How  did  coinage 
affect  business  and  the  accumulation  of  wealth  ? From  our  point  of 
view  did  the  Greeks  have  any  large  cities  or  farms  ? 

Section  47.  What  was  now  happening  to  the  Greek  farmers  in 
the  matter  of  wealth?  in  the  matter  of  military  and  political  power? 


The  Industrial  Revolution 


321 


Were  the  nobles  all  united?  What  attitude  toward  the  common 
people  did  a leading  noble  often  take  ? What  was  the  result  ? How 
did  the  Greeks  feel  toward  a tyrant  ? When  may  we  date  the  period 
of  the  tyrants  ? 

In  what  form  had  Greek  laws  thus  far  existed?  What  did  the 
people  now  demand?  What  code  of  laws  was  made  at  Athens? 
Who  now  aroused  Athens  to  meet  her  foreign  difficulties?  What 
did  Solon  accomplish  after  he  was  elected  archon?  What  can  you 
say  of  his  character?  Did  his  work  save  Athens  from  the  rule  of  a 
tyrant  ? 

What  did  Pisistratus  accomplish  ? When  did  he  die  ? What  hap- 
pened to  his  sons?  How  did  Clisthenes  aid  the  people?  What  was 
ostracism?  What  was  meantime  happening  in  Sparta?  How  did 
Sparta  feel  toward  Athens  ? 

Section  48.  Describe  the  social  position  of  the  nobles  in  the 
Age  of  the  Tyrants.  Mffiat  was  their  attitude  toward  the  athletic 
games  ? What  can  you  say  of  education  in  this  age  ? Discuss  instru- 
mental music ; vocal  music.  What  was  lyric  poetry  ? Who  was  the 
leading  lyric  poet,  and  what  can  you  say  of  his  poetry  ? Of  what  class 
was  he  the  spokesman?  Who  was  the  greatest  poetess?  How  did 
festal  choruses  lead  to  drama?  What  was  the  origin  of  the  theater? 

Had  the  Greeks  any  fine  buildings  in  this  age?  What  was  the 
building  material  ? Had  they  never  seen  any  stone  buildings  ? In 
what  style  of  architecture  were  the  temples  erected  ? Where  did  the 
form  of  the  Doric  column  arise?  Did  the  Greeks  improve  these 
columns  ? Did  they  color  them  ? What  other  adornment  of  his  tem- 
ples did  the  Greek  architect  employ?  Under  what  influences  did 
Greek  sculpture  arise?  What  progress  does  the  monument  of  the 
tyrant-slayers  show? 

Discuss  Greek  vase-painting  in  this  age.  What  subjects  did  the 
vase-painters  select  ? Compare  the  human  figures  in  Fig.  1 70  and 
those  in  Fig.  155  and  express  your  opinion  of  the  progress  made 
in  two  and  a half  centuries.  How  was  the  method  of  vase-painting 
improved?  What  progress  was  made  in  ideas  of  conduct?  Discuss 
the  ideas  of  the  hereafter;  oracles.  What  did  Thales  do?  Was  he 
the  first  to  make  such  a calculation  ? What  conclusions  did  he  make 
about  the  gods  and  their  control  of  the  world?  Tell  about  the  first 
maps  of  the  world.  What  new  world  had  the  Ionian  thinkers  entered 
upon?  What  can  you  say  of  the  Age  of  the  Tyrants  as  a whole? 


CHAPTER  XIII 


THE  REPULSE  OF  PERSIA 


Section  49.  The  Coming  of  the  Persians 


497.  Rise 
of  Lydia  in 
Asia  Minor 


498.  Fall  of 
Lydia  and 
advance  of 
Persia  to 
the  Mgean 


The  leadership  gained  by  the  Ionian  cities  in  the  Age  of  the 
Tyrants  v.as  now  seriously  checked  by  their  neighbors  in  Asia 
Minor.  Here  still  lived  the  descendants  of  the  Hittites  (§  351), 
mingled  with  later  invaders  (§  376).  The  kings  of  Lydia,  their 
leading  kingdom,  where  we  have  already  met  Croesus  (§  260), 
made  their  capital,  Sardis,  the  Wrongest  city  of  Asia  Minor 
(Fig.  173).  From  them  the  practice  of  coinage  had  passed  to 
the  Greeks  (§  458).  The  Lydians  had  finally  conquered  all  the 
Greek  cities  along  the  JEgean  coast  of  Asia  Minor  except  Miletus, 
which  still  resisted  capture. 

The  Lydians  had  been  strong  enough  to  halt  the  Medes,  but 
we  remember  that  when  Cyrus  the  Persian  invaded  Asia  Minor, 
he  defeated  Croesus  and  captured  Sardis  (§  260).  In  the  midst 


Note.  The  above  headpiece  represents  a scene  sculptured  in  relief  on  a door- 
way in  the  palace  of  Xerxes  at  Persepolis  (Fig.  ii6).  It  shows  us  Xerxes  as  he 
was  accustomed  to  appear  when  enthroned  before  his  nobles,  with  his  attendants 
and  fan-bearers.  At  Salamis  he  t''ok  his  station  on  the  heights  of  jEgaleos  over- 
looking the  bay  (§  513),  and  as  he  s.'t  there  viewing  the  battle  below  him,  he  must 
have  been  enthroned  as  we  see  him  here. 

322 


The  Reptdse  of  Persia  323 

of  the  most  remarkable  progress  in  civilization  (§§  491-496), 
the  Ionian  cities  thus  suddenly  lost  their  liberty  and  became  the 
subjects  of  Persia,  a despotic  oriental  power.  Moreover,  the  sud- 
den advance  of  Persia  to  the  ^gean  made  this  power  at  one 
stroke  a close  neighbor  of  the  Greek  world  now  arising  there. 


11 

Fig.  173.  Sardis,  the  City  of  Crcesus,  in  Course  of 


Excavation 

The  natural  drainage  from  the  mountain  slope  in  the  background  has 
covered  the  ruins  of  the  city  with  earth.  The  bank  showing  the  edge 
of  this  earth  and  the  limit  of  the  excavations  can  be  seen  behind  the 
columns  of  the  temple  rising  in  the  middle.  These  excavations,  which 
have  produced  very  important  results,  are  an  American  enterprise 
under  the  direction  of  Professor  Howard  Crosby  Butler,  to  whose  kind- 
ness the  author  owes  this  photograph 

As  we  have  already  learned,  the  Persians  represented  a high 
civilization  and  an  enlightened  rule ; but,  on  the  other  hand, 
the  Orient  lacked  free  citizenship,  and  in  place  of  science  the 
Orientals  felt  complete  subjection  of  the  mind  to  religious 
tradition.  Persian  supremacy  in  Greece  would  therefore  have 


499.  The 
coming  con- 
flict and  the 
revolt  of  the 
lonians 


324 


Ancient  Times 


500.  Firsi, 
Persian  in- 
vasion of 
Europe 


501.  Second 
Persian  in- 


502.  Con- 
sternation 
in  Athens 
and  Greece 


checked  the  free  development  of  Greek  genius- along  its  own 
exalted  lines.  There  seemed  little  prospect  that  the  tiny  Greek 
states,  even  if  they  united,  could  successfully  resist  the  vast 
oriental  empire,  controlling  as  it  did  all  the  countries  of  the 
ancient  East,  which  we  have  been  studying.  Nevertheless  the 
Ionian  cities  revolted  against  their  Persian  lords. 

During  the  struggle  with  Persia  which  followed  this  revolt, 
the  Athenians  sent  twenty  ships  to  aid  their  Ionian  kindred. 
This  act  brought  a Persian  army  of  revenge,  under  Darius, 
into  Europe.  The  long  march  across  the  Hellespont  and 
through  Thrace  cost  the  invaders  many  men,  and  the  fleet 
which  accompanied  the  Persian  advance  was  wrecked  in  trying 
to  round  the  high  promontory  of  Mount  Athos  (492  B.c.). 
This  advance  into  Greece  was  therefore  abandoned  for  a plan 
of  invasion  by  water  across  the  JEgean. 

In  the  early  summer  of  490  B.c.  a considerable  fleet  of 
transports  and  warships  bearing  the  Persian  host  put  out  from 
the  Island  of  Samos,  sailed  straight  across  the  Hfgean,  and 
entered  the  straits  between  Eubcea  and  Attica  (see  map  1, 
p.  344,  and  Fig.  174).  The  Persians  began  by  burning  the 
little  city  of  Eretria,  which  had  also  sent  ships  to  aid  the 
lonians.  They  then  landed  on  the  shores  of  Attica,  in  the  Bay 
of  Marathon  (see  map,  p.  352,  and  Fig.  174),  intending  to 
march  on  Athens,  the  greater  offender.  They  were  guided  by 
the  aged  Hippias,  son  of  Pisistratus,  once  tyrant  of  Athens, 
who  accompanied  them  with  high  hopes  of  regaining  control 
of  his  native  city. 

All  was  excitement  and  confusion  among  the  Greek  states. 
The  defeat  of  the  revolting  Ionian  cities,  and  especially  the 
Persian  sack  of  Miletus,  had  made  a deep  impression  through- 
out Greece.  An  Athenian  dramatist  had  depicted  in  a play  the 
plunder  of  the  unhappy  city  and  so  incensed  the  Athenians  that 
they  passed  weeping  from  the  theater  to  prosecute  and  fine  the 
author.  Now  this  Persian  foe  who  had  crushed  the  Ionian 
cities  was  camping  behind  the  hills  only  a few  miles  northeast 


The  Repulse  of  Persia 


325 


of  Athens.  After  dispatching  messengers  in  desperate  haste  to 
seek  aid  in  Sparta,  the  Athenian  citizens  turned  to  contem- 
plate the  seemingl}^  hopeless  situation  of  their  beloved  city. 


Fig.  174.  The  Plain  of  Marathon 

This  view  is  taken  from  the  hills  at  the  south  end  of  the  plain,  and  we 
look  northeastward  across  a comer  of  the  Bay  of  Marathon  to  the 
mountains  in  the  background,  which  are  on  the  large  island  of  Euboea 
(see  map,  p.  352).  The  Persian  camp  was  on  the  plain  at  the  very  shore 
line,  where  their  ships  w^ere  moored  or  drawn  up.  The  Greeks  held  a 
position  in  the  hills  overlooking  the  plain  (just  out  of  range  on  the  left) 
and  commanding  the  road  to  Athens,  which  is  25  miles  distant  behind 
us.  When  the  Persians  began  to  move  along  the  shore  road  toward 
the  right,  the  Greeks  crossed  the  plain  and  attacked.  The  memorial 
mound  (Fig.  175)  is  too  far  away  to  be  visible  from  this  point 

Thinking  to  find  the  Athenians  unprepared,  Darius  had  not  503.  The 
sent  a large  army.  The  Persian  forces  probably  numbered  G^reek^^*^ 
no  more  than  twenty  thousand  men, 'but  at  the  utmost  the  leadership 
Athenians  could  not  put  more  than  half  this  number  into  the 
field.  Fortunately  for  them  there  was  arriong  their  generals  a 
skilled  and  experienced  commander  named  Miltiades,  a man 


326 


Ancient  Times 


) 


504.  The 
Greek  po- 
sition 


505.  The 
battle  of 
Marathon 
(490  B.c.) 


of  resolution  and  firmness,  who,  moreover,  had  lived  on  the 
Hellespont  and  was  familiar  with  Persian  methods  of  fighting. 

To  his  judgment  the  commander-in-chief,  Callimachus,  yielded 
at  all  points.  As  the  citizen-soldiers  of  Attica  flocked  to  the 
city  at  the  call  to  arms,  Miltiades  was  able  to  induce  the 
leaders  not  to  await  the  assault  of  the  Persians  at  Athens,  but 
to  march  across  the  peninsula  (see  map,  p.  352)  and  block  the 
Persian  advance  among  the  hills  overlooking  the  eastern  coast 
and  commanding  the  road  to  the  city.  This  bold  and  resolute 
move  roused  courage  and  enthusiasm  in  the  downcast  ranks 
of  the  Greeks. 

Nevertheless,  when  they  issued  between  the  hills  and  looked 
down  upon  the  Persian  host  encamped  upon  the  Plain  of  1 
Marathon  (Fig.  174),  flanked  by  a fleet  of  hundreds  of  vessels,  : 

misgiving  and  despair  chilled  the  hearts  of  the  little  Attic  army  ' 

made  up  as  it  was  of  citizen  militia  without  experience  in  ^ 
war,  and  pitted  against  a Persian  army  of  professional  sol- 
diers of  many  battles.  But  Miltiades  held  the  leaders  firmly 
in  hand,  and  the  arrival  of  a thousand  Greeks  from  Plataea 
revived  the  courage  of  the  Athenians.  The  Greek  position 
overlooked  the  main  road  to  Athens,  and  the  Persians  could 
not  advance  without  leaving  their  line  of  march  exposed  on 
one  side  to  the  Athenian  attack. 

Unable  to  lure  the  Greeks  from  their  advantageous  position  * 
after  several  days’  waiting,  the  Persians  at  length  attempted  to 
march  along  the  road  to  Athens,  at  the  same  time  endeavoring 
to  cover  their  exposed  line  of  march  with  a sufficient  force 
thrown  out  in  battle  array.  Miltiades  was  familiar  with  the 
Persian  custom  of  massing  troops  in  the  center.  He  there- 
fore massed  his  own  troops  on  both  wings,  leaving  his  center 
weak.  It  was  a battle  between  bow  and  spear.  The  Athenians 
undauntedly  faced  the  storm  of  Persian  arrows  (§  259  and 
Fig.  1 13),  and  then  both  wings  pushed  boldly  forward  to  the 
line  of  shields  behind  which  the  Persian  archers  were  kneeling. 

In  the  meantime  the  Persian  center,  finding  the  Greek  center 


The  Rep7ilse  of  Persia  327 

weak,  had  pushed  it  back,  while  the  two  Greek  wings  closed  in 
on  either  side  and  thrust  back  the  Persian  wings  in  confusion. 
The  Asiatic  army  crumbled  into  a broken  multitude  between 
the  two  advancing  lines  of  Greeks.  The  Persian  bow  was  use- 
less, and  the  Greek  spear  everywhere  spread  death  and  terror. 
As  the  Persians  fled  to  their  ships  they  left  over  six  thousand 


Fig.  175.  Mound  raised  as  a Monument  to  the  Fallen 
Greeks  on  the  Plain  at  Marathon 

The  mound  is  nearly  50  feet  high.  Excavations  undertaken  in  1890  dis- 
closed beneath  it  the  bodies  of  the  one  hundred  and  ninety-two  Athenian 
citizens  who  fell  in  the  battle.  Some  of  their  weapons  and  the  funeral 
vases  buried  with  them  were  also  recovered 

dead  upon  the  field,  while  the  Athenians  lost  less  than  two  hun- 
dred men  (Fig.  175).  When  the  Persian  commander,  unwilling 
to  acknowledge  defeat,  sailed  around  the  Attic  peninsula  and 
appeared  with  his  fleet  before  the  port  of  Athens,  he  found  it 
unwise  to  attempt  a landing,  for  the  victorious  Athenian  army 
was  already  encamped  beside  the  city.  The  Persians  therefore 
retired,  and  we  can  imagine  with  what  feelings  the  Athenian 
citizens  watched  the  Persian  ships  as  they  disappeared. 


328 


Ancient  Times 


506.  Rise  of 
Themistocles 


507.  Xerxes 
inherits  the 
Persian  quar- 
rel with  the 
Greeks 


Section  50.  The  Greek  Repulse  of  Persians 
AND  Phoenicians 

Among  the  men  who  stood  in  the  Athenian  ranks  at  Mara- 
thon was  Themistocles,  the  ablest  statesman  in  Greece,  a man 
who  had  already  occupied  the  office  of  archon,  the  head  of  the 
Athenian  state.  He  was  convinced  of  the  necessity  of  building 
up  a strong  navy  — • a course  already  encouraged  by  Pisistratus 
(§  474).  As  archon,  Themistocles  had  therefore  striven  to  show 
the  Athenians  that  the  only  way  in  which  Athens  could  hope  to 
meet  the  assault  of  Persia  was  by  making  herself  undisputed 
mistress  of  the  sea.  He  had  failed  in  his  effort.  But  now  the 
Athenians  had  seen  the  Persians  cross  the  ^gean  with  their 
fleet  and  land  at  Marathon.  It  was  evident  that  a powerful 
Athenian  navy  might  have  stopped  them.  They  began  to  listen 
to  the  counsels  of  Themistocles  to  make  Athens  the  great  sea 
power  of  the  Mediterranean. 

Darius  the  Great,  whose  remarkable  reign  we  have  studied 
(§§  267-273),  died  without  having  avenged  the  defeat  of  his 
army  at  Marathon.  His  son  and  successor  Xerxes  therefore 
took  up  the  unfinished  task.  Xerxes  planned  a far-reaching 
assault  on  Greek  civilization  all  along  the  line  from  Greece  to 
Sicily.  This  he  could  do  through  his  control  of  the  Phoenician 
cities.  The  naval  policy  of  his  father  Darius  (§  270)  had  given 
the  Persians  a huge  Phoenician  war  fleet.  In  so  far  as  the  com- 
ing attack  on  Greece  was  by  sea  it  was  chiefly  a Semitic  assault. 
At  the  same  time  Xerxes  induced  Phoenician  Carthage  to  attack 
the  Greeks  in  Sicily.  Thus  the  two  wings  of  the  great  Semitic 
line  represented  by  the  Phoenicians  in  east  and  west  (Carthage) 
were  to  attack  the  Indo-European  line  (Fig.  112)  represented  in 
east  and  west  by  the  Greeks.  Xerxes  was  induced  by  his  general 
Mardonius  to  adopt  the  Hellespont  route  (map  I,  p.  346). 

Meantime  the  Greeks  were  making  ready  to  meet  the  coming 
Persian  assault.  They  soon  saw  that  Xerxes’  commanders  were 
cutting  a canal  behind  the  promontory  of  Athos,  to  secure  a 


The  Repulse  of  Persia 


329 


short  cut  and  thus  to  avoid  all  risk  of  such  a wreck  as  had  over- 
taken their  former  fleet  in  rounding  this  dangerous  point.  When 
the  news  of  this  operation  reached  Athens,  Themistocles  was 
able  to  induce  the  Athenian  Assembly  to  build  a great  fleet  of 
probably  a hundred  and  eighty  triremes.  The  Greeks  were 
then  able  for  the  first  time  to  meet  the  Persian  advance  by 
both  sea  and  land  (see  map  I,  p.  346). 

Themistocles’  masterly  plan  of  campaign  corresponded  ex- 
actly to  the  plan  of  the  Persian  advance.  The  Asiatics  were 
coming  in  combined  land  and  sea  array,  with  army  and  fleet 
moving  together  down  the  east  coast  of  the  Greek  mainland. 
It  was  as  if  the  Persian  forces  had  two  wings,  a sea  wing  and 
a land  wing,  moving  side  by  side.  The  design  of  Themistocles 
was  to  meet  the  Persian  sea  wing  first  with  full  force  and  fight 
a decisive  naval  battle  as  soon  as  possible.  If  victorious,  the 
Greek  fleet  commanding  the  Aigean  would  then  be  able  to  sail 
up  the  eastern  coast  of  Greece  and  threaten  the  communica- 
tions and  supplies  of  the  Persian  army.  There  must  be  no  at- 
tempt of  the  small  Greek  army  to  meet  the  vast  land  forces  of 
the  Persians,  beyond  delaying  them  as  long  as  possible  at  the 
narrow  northern  passes,  which  could  be  defended  with  a few 
men.  An  attempt  to  unite  aU  the  Greek  states  was  not  success- 
ful, but  Sparta  and  Athens  combined  their  forces  to  meet  the 
common  danger.  Themistocles  was  able  to  induce  the  Spartans 
to  accept  his  plan  only  on  condition  that  Sparta  be  given  com- 
mand of  the  allied  Greek  fleets. 

In  the  summer  of  480  b.c.  the  Asiatic  army  was  approaching 
the  pass  of  Thermopylae  (Fig.  176),  just  opposite  the  western- 
most point  of  the  Island  of  Euboea  (see  map,  p.  352).  Their 
fleet  moved  -with  them.  The  Asiatic  host  must  have  numbered 
over  two  hundred  thousand  men,  with  probably  as  many  more 
camp  followers,  while  the  enormous  fleet  contained  presumably 
about  a thousand  vessels,  of  which  perhaps  two  thirds  were 
warships.  Of  these  ships,  the  Persians  lost  a hundred  or  two 
in  a storm,  leaving  probably  about  five  hundred  warships 


508.  The- 
mistocles 
induces  the 
Athenians  to 
build  a fleet 


wg.  Third 
Persian  in- 
vasion— The- 
mistocles’ 
plan  of 
campaign 


510.  Persians 
enter  Greece 


330 


Ancient  Times 


available  for  action.  The  Spartan  king  Leonidas  led  some  five 
thousand  men  to  check  the  Persians  at  the  pass  of  Thermopylae, 
while  the  Greek  fleet  of  less  than  three  hundred  triremes  was 
endeavoring  to  hold  together  and  strike  the  Persian  navy  at 


Fig.  176.  The  Pass  of  Thermopylae 


In  the  time  of  the  Persian  invasion  the  mountains  to  the  left  dropped 
steeply  to  the  sea,  with  barely  room  between  for  a narrow  road.  Since 
then  the  rains  of  twenty-four  hundred  years  have  washed  down  the 
mountainside,  and  it  is  no  longer  as  steep  as  formerly,  while  the  neigh- 
boring river  has  filled  in  the  shore  and  pushed  back  the  sea  several 
miles.  Otherwise  we  would  see  it  here  on  the  right.  The  Persians, 
coming  from  beyond  the  mountains  toward  our  point  of  view,  could  not 
spread  out  in  battle  array,  being  hemmed  in  by  the  sea  on  one  side  and 
the  cliff  on  the  other.  It  was  only  when  a traitorous  Greek  led  a Persian 
force  by  night  over  the  mountain  on  the  left,  and  they  appeared  behind 
the  Greeks  in  the  pass,  that  Leonidas  and  his  Spartans  were  crushed  by 
the  simultaneous  attack  in  front  and  rear  (§§  510-51 1) 

Artemisium,  on  the  northern  coast  of  Euboea.  Thus  the  land 
and  sea  forces  of  both  contestants  were  face  to  face. 

After  several  days’  delay  the  Persians  advanced  to  attack  on 
both  land  and  sea.  The  Greek  fleet  made  a skillful  and  credit- 
able defense  against  superior  numbers,  and  all  day  the  dauntless 


The  Repulse  of  Persia 


331 


» 


Leonidas  held  the  pass  of  Thermopylae  against  the  Persian 
host.  Meantime  the  Persians  were  executing  two  flank  move- 
ments by  land  and  by  sea  — one  over  the  mountains  to  strike 
Leonidas  in  the  rear,  and  the  other  with  two  hundred  ships 
around  Euboea  to  take  the  Greek  fleet  likewise  from  behind. 
A storm  destroyed  the  flanking  Persian  ships,  and  a second 
combat  between  the  two  main  fleets  was  indecisive.  The  flank 
movement  by  sea  therefore  failed ; but  the  flanking  of  the  pass 
was  successful.  Taken  in  front  and  rear,  the  heroic  Leonidas 
died  fighting  at  the  head  of  his  small  force,  which  the  Persian 
host  completely  annihilated.  The  death  of  Leonidas  stirred  all 
Greece.  With  the  defeat  of  the  Greek  land  forces  and  the  ad- 
vance of  the  Persian  army,  the  Greek  fleet,  seriously  damaged, 
was  obliged  to  withdraw  to  the  south.  It  took  up  its  position 
in  the  Bay  of  Salamis  (see  map,  p.  352,  and  Fig.  177),  while 
the  main  army  of  the  Spartans  and  their  allies  was  drawn  up  on 
the  Isthmus  of  Corinth  (Fig.  163),  the  only  point  at  which  the 
Greek  land  forces  could  hope  to  make  another  defensive  stand. 

As  the  Persian  army  moved  southward  from  Thermopylae, 
the  indomitable  Themistocles  gathered  together  the  Athenian 
population  and  carried  them  in  transports  to  the  little  islands 
of  Salamis  and  ^gina  and  to  the  shores  of  Argolis  (see  map, 
p.  352,  and  PI.  Ill,  p.  278).  Meantime  the  Greek  fleet  had 
been  repaired,  and  with  reinforcements  numbered  over  three 
hundred  battleships.  Nevertheless  it  shook  the  courage  of  many 
at  Salamis  as  they  looked  northward,  where  the  far-stretching 
Persian  host  darkened  the  coast  road,  while  in  the  south  they 
could  see  the  Asiatic  fleet  drawn  up  off  the  old  port  of  Athens 
at  Phalerum  (see  map,  p.  352).  High  over  the  Attic  hills  the 
flames  of  the  burning  Acropolis  showed  red  against  the  sullen 
masses  of  smoke  that  obscured  the  eastern  horizon  and  told 
them  that  the  homes  of  the  Athenians  lay  in  ashes.  With 
masterly  skill  Themistocles  held  together  the  irresolute  Greek 
leaders,  while  he  induced  Xerxes  to  attack  by  the  false  message 
that  the  Greek  fleet  was  about  to  slip  out  of  the  bay. 


511.  The 
battles  of 
Thermopylzc 
and  .'trte- 
misium 


512.  Persian 
advance  into 
Attica  and 
burning  of 
Athens 


332 


Ancie7it  limes 


513.  Battle 
of  Salamis 
(480  B.c.) 


On  the  heights  overlooking  the  Bay  of  Salamis  the  Persian 
king,  seated  on  his  throne  (headpiece,  p.  322)  in  the  midst  of 
his  brilliant  oriental  court,  took  up  his  station  to  watch  the  battle. 


Fig.  177.  Piraeus,  the  Port  of  Athens,  and  the  Strait  and 
Island  of  Salamis 


The  view  shows  the  very  modern  houses  and  buildings  of  this  flourish- 
ing harbor  town  of  Athens  (see  map,  p.  352).  The  mountains  in  the 
background  are  the  heights  of  the  island  of  Salamis,  which  extends  also 
far  over  to  the  right  (north),  opposite  Eleusis  (see  map,  p.  352).  The 
four  steamers  at  the  right  are  lying  at  the  place  where  the  hottest 
fighting  in  the  great  naval  battle  here  (§  513)  took  place.  The  Persian 
fleet  advanced  from  the  left  (south)  and  could  not  spread  out  in  a 
long  front  to  enfold  the  Greek  fleet  because  of  the  little  island  just 
beyond  the  four  steamers,  which  was  called  Psyttaleia.  The  Greek 
fleet  lying  behind  Psyttaleia  and  a long  point  of  Salamis  came  into 
action  from  the  right  (north),  around  Psyttaleia,  and  met  the  front  of 
the  Persian  fleet  about  where  the  four  steamers  lie.  A body  of  Persian 
troops  stationed  by  Xerxes  on  Psyttaleia  were  all  slain  by  the  Greeks 

The  Greek  position  between  the  jutting  headlands  of  Salamis 
and  the  Attic  mainland  (see  map,  p.  352,  and  Fig.  177)  was 
too  cramped  for  the  maneuvers  of  a large  fleet.  Crowded  and 
hampered  by  the  narrow  sea  room,  the  huge  Asiatic  fleet  soon 
fell  into  confusion  before  the  Greek  attack.  There  was  no  room 


The  Repulse  of  Persia 


333 


for  retreat  The  combat  lasted  the  entire  day,  and  when  dark- 
ness settled  on  the  Bay  of  Salamis  the  Persian  fleet  had  been 
almost  annihilated.  The  Athenians  were  masters  of  the  sea,  and 
it  was  impossible  for  the  army  of  Xerxes  to  operate  with  the 
same  freedom  as  before.  By  the  creation  of  its  powerful  fleet 
Athens  had  saved  Greece,  and  Themistocles  had  shown  himself 
the  greatest  of  Greek  statesmen. 

Xerxes  was  now  troubled  lest  he  should  be  cut  off  from  Asia 
by  the  victorious  Greek  fleet.  Indeed,  Themistocles  made  every 
effort  to  induce  Sparta  to  join  with  Athens  in  doing  this  very 
thing;  but  the  cautious  Spartans  could  not  be  prevailed  upon 
to  imdertake  what  seemed  to  them  so  dangerous  an  enterprise. 
Had  Themistocles’  plan  of  sending  the  Greek  fleet  immediately 
to  the  Hellespont  been  carried  out,  Greece  would  have  been 
saved  another  year  of  anxious  campaigning  against  the  Persian 
army.  With  many  losses  from  disease  and  insufficient  supplies, 
Xerxes  retreated  to  the  Hellespont  and  withdrew  into  Asia, 
leaving  his  able  general  Mardonius  with  an  army  of  perhaps 
fifty  thousand  men  to  winter  in  Thessaly.  Meandme  the  news 
reached  Greece  that  the  army  of  Carthaginians  which  had 
crossed  from  Africa  to  Sicily  had  been  completely  defeated  by 
the  Greeks  under  the  leadership  of  Gelon,  tyrant  of  Syracuse. 
Thus  the  assault  of  the  Asiatics  upon  the  Hellenic  world  was 
beaten  back  in  both  east  and  west  in  the  same  year  (480  b.c.). 

The  brilliant  statesmanship  of  Themistocles,  so  evident  to  us 
of  to-day,  was  not  so  clear  to  the  Athenians  as  the  winter  passed 
and  they  realized  that  the  victory  at  Salamis  had  not  relieved 
Greece  of  the  presence  of  a Persian  army,  and  that  Mardonius 
would  invade  Attica  with  the  coming  of  spring.  Themistocles, 
whose  proposed  naval  expedition  to  the  Hellespont  would  have 
forced  the  Persian  army  out  of  Greece,  was  removed  from 
command  by  the  factions  of  his  ungrateful  city.  Nevertheless 
the  most  tempting  offers  from  Mardonius  could  not  induce  the 
Athenians  to  forsake  the  cause  of  Greek  hberty  and  join  hands 
with  Persia. 


514.  Retreat 
of  Xerxes 
in  the  East ; 
defeat  of 
Carthage  in 
the  West 


515.  Reac- 
tion against 
Themistocles 


334 


Ancient  Times 


516.  Persians 
again  in 
Attica 


517.  Battle 
of  Platasa ; 
final  defeat 
of  Persia 

(479  B-C.) 


518.  Athe- 
nian fleet  vic- 
torious in 
Ionia  and 
the  North 


As  Mardonius,  at  the  end  of  the  winter  rains,  led  his  army 
again  into  Attica,  the  unhappy  Athenians  were  obliged  to  flee 
as  before,  this  time  chiefly  to  Salamis.  Sparta,  always  reluctant 
and  slow  when  the  crisis  demanded  quick  and  vigorous  action, 
was  finally  induced  to  put  her  army  into  the  field.  When  Mar- 
donius in  Attica  saw  the  Spartan  king  Pausanias  advancing 
through  the  Corinthian  Isthmus  and  threatening  his  rear,  he 
withdrew  northward,  having  for  the  second  time  laid  waste 
Attica  far  and  wide.  With  the  united  armies  of  Sparta,  Athens, 
and  other  allies  behind  him,  Pausanias  was  able  to  lead  some 
thirty  thousand  heavy-armed  Greeks  of  the  phalanx,  as  he  fol- 
lowed Mardonius  into  Boeotia. 

In  several  days  of  preliminary  movements  which  brought  the 
two  armies  into  contact  at  Plataea,  the  clever  Persian  showed 
his  superiority,  out-maneuvering  Pausanias  and  even  gaining 
possession  of  the  southern  passes  behind  the  Greeks  and  cap- 
turing a train  of  their  supply  wagons.  But  when  Mardonius  led 
his  archers  forward  at  double-quick,  and  the  Persians,  kneeling 
behind  their  line  of  shields,  rained  deadly  volleys  of  arrows  into 
the  compact  Greek  lines,  the  Hellenes  never  flinched,  although 
their  comrades  were  falling  on  every  hand.  With  the  gaps  closed 
up,  the  massive  Greek  phalanx  pushed  through  the  line  of 
Persian  shields,  and,  as  at  Marathon,  the  spear  proved  invincible 
against  the  bow.  In  a heroic  but  hopeless  effort  to  rally  his 
broken  lines,  Mardonius  himself  fell.  The  Persian  cavalry 
covered  the  rear  of  the  flying  Asiatic  army  and  saved  it  from 
destruction. 

Not  only  European  Greece,  but  Ionia  too,  was  saved  from 
Asiatic  despotism  ; for  the  Greek  triremes,  having  meantime 
crossed  to  the  peninsula  of  Mycale  on  the  north  of  Miletus, 
drove  out  or  destroyed  the  remnants  of  the  Persian  fleet.  The 
Athenians  now  also  captured  and  occupied  Sestus  on  the  Euro- 
pean side  of  the  Hellespont,  and  thus  held  the  crossing  from 
Asia  into  Europe  closed  against  further  Persian  invasion.  Thus 


The  Repulse  of  Persia 


335 


the  grandsons  of  the  men  who  had  seen  Persia  advance  to  the 
^gean  had  blocked  her  further  progress  in  the  West  and  thrust 
her  back  from  Europe.  Indeed,  no  Persian  army  ever  set  foot 
in  European  Greece  again. 


QUESTIONS 

Section  49.  What  was  the  leading  kingdom  of  Asia  Minor  be- 
yond the  fringe  of  Greek  coast  cities .?  What  had  happened  to  these 
Greek  cities  in  the  middle  of  the  sixth  century  B.c. Who  was  the 
last  king  of  Lydia?  Who  crushed  the  Lydian  kingdom?  When? 
What  great  oriental  power  thus  advanced  to  the  east  side  of  the 
JEgean?  What  do  you  think  of  the  prospects  for  Greek  resistance? 

What  did  the  Ionian  cities  of  Asia  do?  What  part  did  Athens 
take  in  their  revolt?  How  did  the  Persians  respond?  When?  Who 
was  their  king?  Where  did  they  land  in  Greece?  How  far  is 
Marathon  from  Athens?  What  did  the  Athenians  do?  Discuss  the 
numbers  of  the  two  armies.  Did  the  Athenians  wait  for  the  Persians 
at  Athens?  Who  was  their  leader?  What  position  did  the  Greeks 
take  up,  and  what  advantages  were  thus  gained  ? Describe  the  battle 
of  Marathon. 

Section  50.  What  great  Greek  statesman  had  fought  at  Mara- 
thon? What  was  his  policy  for  the  future  defense  of  Athens?  De- 
scribe the  plans  of  Xerxes  for  the  subjection  of  Greece.  What  did 
the  Athenians  do  ? Describe  Themistocles’  plan  of  campaign.  What 
first  two  battles  took  place?  Describe  them.  What  was  the  next 
move  of  the  Persian  army?  Describe  the  battle  of  Salamis. 

What  did  Xerxes  do  after  the  battle  of  Salamis  ? What  move  did 
Themistocles  urge?  What  was  the  result  of  the  Greek  failure  to 
accept  Themistocles’  advice?  What  victory  did  the  Greeks  win  in 
Sicily  at  the  same  time?  What  racial  conflict  do  these  victories 
represent  ? What  happened  to  Themistocles  ? What  did  the  Persian 
commander  now  do?  Who  was  he?  Where  did  the  final  battle  take 
place  ? Describe  it.  What  final  results  were  obtained  by  the  Greeks 
at  sea? 


1 


519*  Athe- 
nian feeling 
after  Salamis 


520.  Spartan 

soldier- 

citiaens 


CHAPTER  XIV 

THE  GROWING  RIVALRY  BETWEEN  ATHENS  AND  SPARTA. 

AND  THE  RISE  OF  THE  ATHENIAN  EMPIRE 

Section  51.  The  Beginnings  of  the  Rivalry 
BETWEEN  Athens  and  Sparta 

As  the  Athenians  returned  to  look  out  over  the  ashes  of 
what  was  once  Athens,  amid  which  rose  the  smoke-blackened 
heights  of  the  naked  Acropolis  (Fig.  182),  they  began  to  realize 
the  greatness  of  their  deliverance  and  the  magnitude  of  their 
achievement.  With  the  not  too  ready  help  of  Sparta,  they  had 
met  and  crushed  the  hoary  power  of  Asia.  They  felt  themselves 
masters  of  the  world.  The  past  seemed  narrow  and  limited. 
A new  and  greater  Athens  dawned  upon  their  vision. 

Of  all  this  the  Spartans,  on  the  other  hand,  felt  very  little. 
The  Spartan  citizens  were  all  soldiers  and  devoted  themselves 
exclusively  to  military  training.  The  State  maintained  public 
meals,  where  each  soldier-citizen  ate  with  a group  of  about  fif- 
teen friends,  all  men,  at  the  same  table  every  day.  Each  citizen 
contributed  to  the  support  of  these  meals,  and  as  long  as  he 
paid  this  contribution  he  retained  his  citizenship.  His  lands 

Note.  The  above  headpiece  represents  a potsherd  bearing  the  name  of 
Themistocles,  which  is  scratched  in  the  surface  of  this  fragment  of  a pottery  jar 
{ostracon,  § 477).  It  was  written  there  by  some  citizen  of  the  six  thousand  who 
desired  and  secured  his  ostracism  in  472  B.C.,  or  may  have  served  a similar  pur- 
pose in  the  earlier  but  unsuccessful  attempt  to  ostracize  him. 

336 


The  Growing  Rivalry  between  Athens  and  Sparta  337 


were  cultivated  for  him  by  slaves,  and  his  only  occupation  was 
military  drill  and  exercise.  The  State  thus  became  a military 
machine. 

The  number  of  such  Spartan  soldier-citizens  was  quite  limited, 
sometimes  being  all  together  only  a few  thousand.  As  distin- 
guished from  the  large  non-voting  population  of  the  other  towns 
in  the  Laconian  peninsula,  the  citizens  of  Sparta  formed  a small 
superior  class.  Thus  their  rule  of  the  larger  surrounding  popu- 
lation was  the  Luanny  of  a limited  military  class  devoted  to 
war  and  almost  without  commerce  or  any  interest  in  the  arts 
and  industries.  So  old-fashioned  were  they,  and  so  confident 
in  their  own  military  power,  that  they  would  not  surround  their 
city  with  a wall  (Fig.  178).  Sparta  remained  a group  of  strag- 
gling villages,  not  deserving  the  name  of  city  and  entirely  with- 
out fine  public  buildings  or  great  monuments  of  any  kind. 
Like  a large  military  club  or  camp,  it  lived  off  its  own  slave- 
worked  lands  and  from  the  taxes  it  squeezed  out  of  its  subject 
towns  without  allowing  them  any  vote.  In  case  of  war  the 
two  kings  (§  478)  were  still  the  military  leaders. 

We  can  now  understand  that  the  stolid  Spartans,  wearing 
the  fetters  of  a rigid  military  organization,  and  gifted  with  no 
imagination,  looked  with  misgivings  upon  the  larger  world 
which  was  opening  to  Greek  life.  Although  they  desired  to 
lead  Greece  in  military  power,  they  shrank  from  assuming  the 
responsibilities  of  expansion.  They  represented  the  past  and 
the  privileges  of  the  few.  Athens  represented  -the  future  and 
the  rights  of  the  many.  Thus  Greece  fell  into  two  camps  as  it 
were:  Sparta  (Fig.  178),  the  bulwark  of  tradition  and  limited 
privileges;  Athens  (Fig.  182),  the  champion  of  progress  and 
the  sovereign  people.  Thus  the  sentiment  of  union  born  in 
the  common  struggle  for  liberty,  which  might  have  united  the 
Hellenes  into  one  Greek  nation,  was  follow'ed  by  an  unquench- 
able rivalry  between  the  two  leading  states  of  Hellas,  which 
went  on  for  another  century  and  finally  cost  the  Greeks  the 
supremacy  of  the  ancient  world. 


521.  Spartan 
soldier- 
citizens  as 
a ruling  class 


522.  Con- 
servative 
Sparta  and 
progressive 
Athens 


338 


Ancient  Times 


1 


Fig.  178.  The  Plain  where  once  Sparta  stood  i 

The  olive  groves  now  grow  where  the  Spartans  once  had  their  houses.  j 

The  town  was  not  walled  until  long  after  the  days  of  Spartan  and  I 

Greek  power  were  over.  From  the  mountains  (nearly  8000  feet  high)  | 
behind  the  plain  the  visitor  can  see  northeastward  far  beyond  Athens, 
almost  to  Euboea;  100  miles  northward  to  the  mountains  on  the  north 
of  the  Corinthian  Gulf  (see  map,  p.  262);  and  125  miles  southward  to 
the  island  of  Crete.  This  view  shows  also  how  Greece  is  cut  up  by 
such  mountains 


523.  The- 
mistocles  and 
the  fortifi- 
cation of 
Athens 


Themistocles  was  now  the  soul  of  Athens  and  her  policy  of 
progress  and  expansion.  He  determined  that  Athens  should  no 
longer  follow  Sparta.  He  cleverly  hoodwinked  the  Spartans  and, 
in  spite  of  their  objections,  completed  the  erection  of  strong 


The  Growing  Rivalry  between  Athens  and  Sparta  339 

walls  around  a new  and  larger  Athens.  At  the  same  time  he 
fortified  the  Piraeus,  the  Athenian  port  (see  map,  p.  352,  and 
Fig.  177)-  When  the  Spartans,  after  the  repulse  of  Persia, 
relinquished  the  command  of  the  combined  Greek  fleets,  the 
powerful  Athenian  fleet,  the  creation  of  Themistocles,  was 
master  of  the  ^gean. 


Section  52.  The  Rise  of  the  Athenian  Empire 
AND  THE  Triumph  of  Democracy 


As  the  Greek  cities  of  Asia  still  feared  the  vengeance  of  the 
Persian  king,  it  was  easy  for  the  Athenians  to  form  a perma- 
nent defensive  league  with  the  cities  of  their  Greek  kindred  in 
Asia  and  the  ^gean  islands.  The  wealthier  of  these  cities  con- 
tributed ships,  while  others  paid  a sum  of  money  each  year  into 
the  treasury  of  the  league.  Athens  was  to  have  command  of 
the  combined  fleet  and  collect  the  money.  She  placed  in  charge 
of  the  important  task  of  adjusting  all  contributions  of  the  league 
and  collecting  the  tribute  money  a patriotic  citizen  named  Aris- 
tides, whose  friends  called  him  "the  Just”  because  of  his 
honesty.  He  had  opposed  the  naval  plans  of  Themistocles  and 
when  defeated  had  been  ostracized,  but  he  had  later  distin- 
guished himself  at  Salamis  and  Platma.  In  spite  of  his  former 
opposition  to  Themistocles’  plans,  he  now  did  important  service 
in  vigorously  aiding  to  establish  the  new  naval  league.  The 
treasure  he  collected  was  placed  for  protection  in  the  temple 
of  Apollo,  on  the  little  island  of  Delos.  Hence  the  federation 
was  known  as  the  Delian  League.  It  was  completed  within 
three  years  after  Salamis.  The  transformation  of  such  a league 
into  an  empire,  made  up  of  states  subject  to  Athens,  could  be 
foreseen  as  a very  easy  step  (see  map  II,  p.  346).  AU  this  was 
therefore  viewed  with  increasing  jealousy  and  distrust  by  Sparta. 

Under  the  leadership  of  Cimon,  the  son  of  Miltiades  the 
hero  of  Marathon,  the  fleet  of  the  league  now  drove  the  Per- 
sians entirely  out  of  the  region  of  the  Hellespont.  Cimon  did  not 


524.  Estab- 
lishment of 
the  Delian 
League  (478- 
477  B.c.) 


525.  Rise 
of  Cimon 


Sima 

Cornice 

Pediment  or 
gable 

Cornice 

Frieze  (alter- 
nate metopes 
and  triglyphs) 


Capital 

Channeled 
shaft  (with 
section  cut 
out  to  save 
space) 

No  base 

Stylobate 


A 


B 


Sima 

Cornice 

Pediment 

Cornice 

Frieze 


Architrave 


Capital 

Channeled 
shaft  (with 
section  cut 
out  to  save 
space) 

Base 

Stylobate 


^1'  i|| 

[■pSi 

i 

M 

11  I 

c 


D 


Comparative  Diagram  of  the  two  Leading  Greek  Styles  of 
Architecture,  the  Doric  {A  and  B)  and  the  Ionic  (C  and  D) 

The  little  Doric  building  (B)  is  the  treasury  of  the  Athenians  at  Delphi 
(Fig.  172),  containing  their  offerings  of  gratitude  to  Apollo.  On  the  low  ■ 
base  at  the  left  side  of  the  building  were  placed  the  trophies  from  the  | 
battle  of  Marathon.  Over  them  on  the  walls  are  carved  hymns  to  Apollo  j 
with  musical  notes  attached,  the  oldest  musical  notation  surviving.  The  i| 
beautiful  Ionic  building  (D)  is  a restoration  of  the  Temple  of  Victory  on  | 
the  Athenian  Acropolis  (Fig.  183,  B,  and  headpiece,  p.  378).  Contrast  the 
slender  columns  with  the  sturdier  shafts  of  the  Doric  style,  and  it  will  be 
seen  that  the  Ionic  order  is  a more  delicate  and  graceful  style.  A and  C I 
show  details  of  both  styles.  (After  Luckenbach) 

340 


The  Growing  Rivalry  between  Atheyis  and  Sparta  34 1 

understand  the  importance  of  Athenian  supremacy  in  Greece, 
but  favored  a policy  of  friendship  and  alliance  with  Sparta. 
Hence  political  conflict  arose  at  Athens  over  this  question. 
Noble  and  wealthy  and  old-fashioned  folk  favored  Cimon  and 
friendship  with  Sparta,  but  progressive  and  modern  Athenians 
followed  Themistocles  and  his  anti-Spartan  plans. 

Themistocles  was  unable  to  win  the  Assembly ; he  was  ostra- 
cized (headpiece,  p.  336),  and  at  length,  on  false  charges  of 
treason,  he  was  condemned  and  obliged  to  flee  for  his  life. 
The  greatest  statesman  in  Athenian  history  spent  the  rest  of 
his  life  in  the  service  of  the  Persian  king,  and  he  never  again 
saw  the  city  he  had  saved  from  the  Persians  and  made  mistress 
of  an  empire. 

In  a final  battle  Cimon  crushed  the  Persian  navy  in  the  west 
(468  B.C.),  and  returned  to  Athens  covered  with  glory.  In 
response  to  a request  from  the  Spartans  for  help  in  quelling 
a revolt  among  their  own  subjects,  Cimon  urged  the  dispatch 
of  troops  to  Sparta.  Herein  Cimon  overestimated  the  good 
feeling  of  the  Spartans  toward  Athens ; for  in  spite  of  the 
continuance  of  the  revolt,  the  Spartans  after  a time  curtly 
demanded  the  withdrawal  of  the  very  Athenian  troops  they 
had  asked  for.  Stung  by  this  rebuff,  to  which  Cimon’s  friendly 
policy  toward  Sparta  had  exposed  them,  the  Athenians  voted 
to  ostracize  Cimon  (461  b.c.). 

The  overthrow  of  Cimon  was  a victory  of  the  people  against 
the  nobles.  They  followed  it  up  by  attacking'  the  Council  of 
Elders,  once  made  up  only  of  nobles  (§431).  It  was  called 
the  Areopagus  and  used  to  meet  on  a hill  of  that  name  by 
the  market  place  (Fig.  182,  and  plan,  p.  352).  The  people  now 
passed  new  laws  restricting  the  power  of  the  Areopagus  to  the 
trial  of  murder  cases  and  the  settlement  of  questions  of  state 
religion,  thus  completely  depriving  it  of  all  political  power. 
Meantime  a more  popular  council  of  five  hundred  members 
had  grown  up  and  gained  the  power  to  conduct  most  of  the 
government  business.  This  it  did  by  dividing  itself  into  ten 


526.  Fall  of 

Themistocles 

(472-471B.C.) 


527.  Fall 
of  Cimon 


528.  Over- 
throw of  the 
Council  of 
the  Areopa- 
gus ; leader- 
ship of  the 
popular 
council  and 
the  citizen- 
juries 


342 


Ancient  Times 


529.  Office  of 
archon  open 
to  all  except 
laboring  class 


530.  Politi- 
cal power 
still  possible 
to  the  elective 
strategus 


groups  of  fifty  each,  each  group  serving  a little  over  a month 
once  a year.  At  the  same  time  the  citizen-juries  introduced  by 
Solon  as  a court  of  appeal  (§  470)  were  enlarged  until  they  con- 
tained six  thousand  jurors  divided  into  smaller  juries,  usually 
of  five  hundred  and  one  each.  Such  a jury  was  really  a group 
or  court  of  temporary  judges  deciding  cases  brought  before 
them.  The  poorest  citizens  could  not  afford  to  leave  their  work 
to  serve  on  these  juries,  and  so  the  people  passed  laws  granting 
pay  for  jury  service.  These  citizen-courts  were  at  last  so  power- 
ful that  they  formed  the  final  lawmaking  body  in  the  State,  and, 
in  cooperation  with  the  Assembly,  they  made  the  laws.  The 
people  were  indeed  in  control. 

Furthermore,  the  right  to  hold  office  was  greatly  extended. 
All  citizens  were  permitted  to  hold  the  office  of  archon  except 
members  of  the  laboring  class  entirely  without  property.  With 
one  exception  there  was  no  longer  any  election  of  the  higher 
officers,  but  they  were  nov/  all  chosen  by  lot  from  the  whole 
body  of  eligible  citizens.  The  result  was  that  the  men  holding 
the  once  influential  positions  in  the  State  were  now  mere  chance 
" nobodies  ” and  hence  completely  without  influence.  But  at 
the  same  time  the  public  services  now  rendered  by  so  large 
a number  of  citizens  were  a means  of  education  and  of  very 
profitable  experience.  Athens  was  gaining  a more  intelligent 
body  of  citizens  than  any  other  ancient  state. 

There  was  one  kind  of  officer  whom  it  was  impossible  to 
choose  by  lot,  and  that  was  the  military  commander  {strategus'). 
This  important  office  remained  elective  and  thus  open  to  men 
of  abi'uy  and  influence,  into  whose  hands  the  direction  of 
affairs  naturally  fell.  There  were  ten  of  these  generals,  one  for 
each  of  the  ten  tribes  established  by  Clisthenes  (§  476),  and 
they  not  only  led  the  army  in  war  but  they  also  managed  the 
war  department  of  the  government,  had  large  control  of  the  gov- 
ernment treasury  and  of  the  Empire,  including  foreign  affairs. 
The  leader,  or  president,  of  this  body  of  generals  was  the  most 
powerful  man  in  the  State,  and  his  office  was  elective.  It  thus 


The  Growing  Rivalry  between  Athens  and  Sparta  343 


Fig.  179.  The  Pnyx,  the  Athenian  Place  of  Assembly 

The  speakers’  platform  with  its  three  steps  is  immediately  in  the  fore- 
ground. The  listening  Athenian  citizens  of  the  Assembly  sat  on  the 
ground  now  sloping  away  to  the  left,  but  at  that  time  probably  level. 
The  ground  they  occupied  was  inclosed  by  a semicircular  wall,  begin- 
ning at  the  further  end  of  the  straight  wall  seen  here  on  the  right, 
extending  then  to  the  left,  and  returning  to  the  straight  wall  again 
behind  our  present  point  of  view  (see  semicircle  on  plan,  p.  352). 
This  was  an  open-air  House  of  Commons,  where,  however,  the  citizen 
did  not  send  a representative  but  came  and  voted  himself  as  he  was 
influenced  from  this  platform  by  great  Athenian  leaders,  like  Themis- 
tocles,  Pericles,  or  Demosthene.^.  Note  the  Acropolis  and  the  Parthe- 
non, to  which  we  look  eastward  from  the  Pnyx  (see  plan,  p.  352).  The 
Areopagus  is  just  out  cf  range  on  the  left  (see  Fig.  182) 

became  more  and  moie  possible  for  a noble  with  military  train- 
ing to  make  himself  ^ strong  and  influential  leader,  and  if  he 
was  a man  of  persr^ive  eloquence,  to  lay  out  a deflnite  series  of 
plans  for  the  natbn,  and  by  his  oratory  to  induce  the  Assembly 
of  the  Athenian  citizens  on  the  Pnyx  (Fig.  179)  to  accept  them. 


344 


Ancient  Times 


S31.  The 
leadership 
of  Pericles 


532.  Com- 
mercial su- 
premacy of 
the  Greeks 
after  the 
Persian 
wars ; rise 
of  Piraeus, 
the  new  port 
of  Athens 


After  the  fall  of  Cimon  there  came  forward  a handsome  and 
brilliant  young  Athenian  named  Pericles,  a descendant  of  one 
of  the  old  noble  families  of  the  line  of  Clisthenes.  He  desired 
to  build  up  the  splendid  Athenian  Empire  of  which  Themis- 
tocles  had  dreamed.  He  put  himself  at  the  head  of  the  party 
of  progress  and  of  increased  power  of  the  people.  He  kept 
their  confidence  year  after  year,  and  thus  secured  his  con- 
tinued reelection  as  strategus.  The  result  was  that  he  became 
the  actual  head  of  the  State  in  power,  or,  as  we  might  say, 
he  was  the  undisputed  political  " boss  ” of  Athens  from  about 
460  B.c.  until  his  untimely  death  over  thirty  years  later. 

Section  53.  Commercial  Development  and  the  Open^ 
ING  OF  THE  Struggle  between  Athens  and  Sparta 

A period  of  commercial  prosperity  followed  the  Persian  wars, 
which  gave  the  Greeks  a leadership  in  trade  like  that  of  the  Eng- 
lish before  the  Great  War  of  1914.  Corinth  and  the  little  island 
of  Algina  at  the  front  door  of  Attica,  and  visible  from  Athens 
(Fig.  177),  rapidly  became  the  most  flourishing  trading  cities 
in  Greece.  They  were  at  once  followed,  however,  by  the  little 
harbor  town  of  Piraeus  (Fig.  177),  built  by  the  foresight  of 
Themistocles  as  the  port  of  Athens.  Along  its  busy  docks 
were  moored  Greek  ships  from  all  over  the  Mediterranean 
world,  for  the  defeat  of  the  Phoenicians  in  East  and  West  had 
broken  up  their  merchant  fleeis  and  throvra  much  of  their 
trade  into  the  hands  of  the  Greeks.  Here  many  a Greek  ship 
from  the  Black  Sea,  laden  with  grain  or  fish,  moored  along- 
side the  grain  ships  of  Egypt  and  'Ee  mixed  cargoes  from 
Syracuse.  For  Attica  was  no  longer  producing  food  enough 
for  her  own  need,  and  it  was  neces>sa:y  to  import  it.  The 
docks  were  piled  high  with  goods  from  Athenian  factories, 
and  long  lines  of  perspiring  porters  were  ’oading  them  into 
ships  bound  for  all  the  harbors  of  the  Medittrranean.  Scores 
of  battleships  stretched  far  along  the  shores,  and  the  busy 


The  Growmg  Rivalry  between  Athens  and  Sparta  345 

pyards  and  drj"  docks  were  filled  with  multitudes  of  workmen 
d noisy  with  the  sound  of  many  hammers. 

In  spite  of  much  progress  in  navigation,  we  must  not  think 
these  ancient  ships  of  Greece  as  very  large.  A merchant 
Issel  carrj'ing  from  two  hundred  and  fifty  to  three  hundred 
(ns  was  considered  large  in  fifth-century  Greece  (contrast 
|g.  61).  Moreover,  the  Greek  ships  still  clung  timidly  to 
(e  shore,  and  they  rarely  ventured  to  sea  in  the  stormy  winter 
|:ason.  They  had  no  compass  or  charts,  there  were  no  light- 
buses,  and  they  were  often  plundered  by  pirates,  so  that 
ommerce  was  still  carried  on  at  great  risks.  Moreover,  ships 
lid  not  last  as  long  as  with  us,  because  the  Greeks  had  no  oil 
laint  and  the  Egyptian  invention  of  painting  with  hot  wax  was 
irobably  too  expensive. 

j On  the  other  hand,  the  profits  gained  from  sea-borne  com- 
aerce  might  be  very  large.  A vessel  which  reached  the  north 
hores  of  the  Black  Sea  or  the  pirate-infested  Adriatic  might 
ell  out  its  cargo  so  profitably  as  to  bring  back  to  the  owner 
double  the  first  cost  of  the  goods,  after  paying  all  expenses, 
i’lenty  of  men  were  therefore  willing  to  risk  their  capital  in 
,iuch  ventures,  and  indeed  many  borrowed  the  money  to  do 
50.  Interest  was  lower  than  in  Solon’s  day,  and  money  could 
ae  borrowed  at  10  and  12  per  cent.  The  returns  from  manu- 
facturing industry  were  also  high,  even  reaching  30  per  cent. 

To  measure  this  increased  prosperity  of  Athens  we  must 
not  apply  the  scale  of  modem  business.  A fortune  of  ten 
thousand  dollars  was  looked  upon  as  considerable,  while  double 
that  amount  was  accounted  great  wealth.  The  day  laborer’s 
wages  were  from  six  to  ten  cents  a day,  while  the  skilled 
craftsman  received  as  much  as  twenty  cents  a day.  Greek 
soldiers  were  ready  to  furnish  their  own  arms  and  enter  the 
ranks  of  any  foreign  king  at  five  dollars  a month.  Men  of 
intellect,  like  an  architect,  received  only  from  twenty  to  thirty 
cents  a day,  while  the  tuition  for  a course  in  rhetoric  lasting 
several  years  cost  the  student  from  sixty  to  eighty  dollars. 


533.  Limita- 
tions of  navi- 
gation and 
shipbuilding 


534.  Profits 
from  com- 
merce and 
industry 


535.  Wealth 
and  wages 


346 


Ancient  Times 


536-  In- 
crease in 
population 
of  Athens 
and  Attica 


537.  Money 
and  prices 


538.  Cost  of 
government ; 
salaries, 
temples, 
and  religious 
services 


For  nearly  thirty  years  after  the  Persian  wars  it  was  easy  t 
obtain  Athenian  citizenship.  Some  thirty  thousand  stranger 
therefore  soon  settled  in  Athens  to  share  in  its  prosperity.  It 
population  rose  to  above  a hundred  thousand  in  the  days  0 
Pericles  (cf.  § 461),  while  the  inhabitants  of  Attica  numberec 
over  two  hundred  thousand.  This  included  probably  eighd 
thousand  slaves,  still  the  cheapest  form  of  labor  obtainable. 

As  a result  of  increased  business  the  volume  of  money  in 
Athens  had  also  greatly  increased.  The  silver  tribute  (§  524) 
and  the  Attic  silver  mines  furnished  metal  for  additional  coin- 
age. In  all  the  markets  of  the  Mediterranean,  Athenian  silver 
money  was  the  leading  coin,  and  many  Persian  darics  of  gold 
(worth  about  five  dollars)  also  came  in.  Just  as  with  us,  as 
money  became  more  plentiful  its  value  decreased,  and  a given 
sum  would  not  buy  as  much  as  formerly.  That  is  to  say,  prices 
went  up.  A measure  of  barley  cost  twice  as  much,  and  a sheep 
five  times  as  much,  as  in  Solon’s  day  (§  459).  Nevertheless 
living  would  be  called  very  cheap  from  our  point  of  view.  Even 
the  well-to-do  citizen  did  not  spend  over  ten  or  twelve  cents 
a day  in  food  for  his  family,  and  a man  of  wealth  was  very 
extravagant  if  he  owned  furniture  to  the  amount  of  two 
hundred  dollars. 

Money  had  now  become  very  necessary  in  carrying  on  the 
government.  Formerly  service  to  the  State  had  been  with- 
out pay.  This  was  quite  possible  in  a nation  of  peasants 
and  shepherds ; but  with  the  incoming  of  coined  money  and 
steady  employment  in  factories,  it  was  no  longer  possible  for  a 
private  citizen  to  give  his  time  to  the  State  for  nothing.  Many 
a citizen  of  Athens  bought  the  bread  his  family  needed  for 
the  day  with  the  money  he  had  earned  the  day  before.  The 
daily  salaries  to  thousands  of  jurymen  (§  528)  and  to  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Council  of  Five  Hundred,  who  were  also  paid, 
amounted  to  not  less  than  a hundred  thousand  dollars  a year. 
Large  sums,  even  sums  that  would  be  large  to-day,  were  also 
required  for  building  the  sumptuous  marble  temples  now 


t 


Sequence  Map  showing  Western  Limits  of  the  Persian  Empire  and  the  Greek  States  from  the 
Persian  Wars  (beginning  490  b.c.)  to  the  Beginning  of  the  Second  Peloponnesian  War  (431  b.c.) 


i(.V 


The  Growing  Rivalry  between  Athens  and  Sparta  347 


frequently  dedicated  to  the  gods  ; while  the  offerings,  feasts,  and 
celebrations  at  these  temples  also  consumed  great  sums. 

Greater  than  all  the  other  expenses  of  the  State,  however, 
was  the  cost  of  war.  The  cost  of  arming  citizens  who  could 
not  undertake  this  expense  themselves  and  of  feeding  the 
army  in  the  field,  of  course,  fell  upon  the  State.  The  war  fleet 
was,  however,  the  heaviest  of  all  such  expenses.  Besides  the 
first  cost  of  building  and  equipping  the  battleships,  there  was 
always  the  further  expense  of  maintaining  them.  A trireme, 
manned  with  about  two  hundred  sailors  and  oarsmen,  receivings 
daily  half  a drachma  (nearly  ten  cents)  per  man,  cost  nearly  six 
hundred  dollars  per  month.  A fleet  of  two  hundred  triremes 
therefore  required  nearly  a hundred  and  twenty  thousand 
dollars  a month  for  wages. 

The  problem  of  securing  the  funds  for  maintaining  and  de- 
fending a nation  had  become  a grave  one.  As  for  Athens, 
the  Attic  silver  mines,  however  helpful,  were  far  from  furnish- 
ing enough  to  support  the  government.  The  bulk  of  the  State 
funds  had  to  be  raised  by  taxation.  The  triumphant  democracy 
disliked  periodic  taxes,  and  they  assessed  taxes  only  when  the 
treasury  w'as  very  low,  especially  in  war  time.  Besides  taxes 
the  treasury  received  a good  income  from  the  customs  duty  on 
all  goods  imported  or  exported  through  Piraeus.  The  Athenians 
kept  these  duties  low,  assessing  only  one  per  cent  of  the  value 
of  the  goods  until  forced  by  war  expenses  to  raise  them.  We 
have  already  mentioned  the  contributions  (tribute)  of  the  sub- 
ject states  of  the  empire  (§  524).  The  total  income  of  the 
Athenian  State  hardly  reached  three  quarters  of  a million  dollars 
in  the  days  of  Pericles. 

Small  as  this  seems  to  us  of  modem  times,  no  other  Greek 
state  could  raise  anything  like  such  an  annual  income.  Least 
of  all  could  Sparta  hope  to  rival  such  resources.  Without  the 
enterprise  to  enter  the  new  world  of  commercial  competition, 
Sparta  clung  to  her  old  ways.  She  still  issued  only  her  ancient 
iron  money  and  had  no  silver  coins.  To  be  sure,  the  standing 


539.  Cost  of 
government : 
war 


540.  Income 
of  the  State ; 
mines,  taxes, 
customs 
duties 


541.  Sparta 
financially 
inferior  to 
Athens 


348 


Ancieyit  Times 


542.  New 
defenses  of 
Athens ; 
Long  Walls 


543.  First 
war  between 
Athens  and 
Sparta  (459- 
446  B.c.) 


544.  War 
with  Persia; 
the  Egyptian 
expedition 


army  of  Sparta  was  always  ready  without  expense  to  the  gov- 
ernment (§  520);  but  when  she  led  forth  the  combined  armies 
of  the  Peloponnesian  League,  she  could  not  bear  the  expense 
longer  than  a few  weeks.  The  still  greater  expense  of  a large 
war  fleet  was  quite  impossible  either  for  Sparta  or  her  League. 
In  so  far  as  war  was  a matter  of  money,  the  com„mercial 
growth  of  Athens  was  giving  her  a constantly  growing  supe- 
riority over  all  other  Greek  states.  We  can  understand  then 
with  what  jealousy  and  fear  Sparta  viewed  Athenian  prosperity. 

I Pericles  had  won  favor  with  the  people  by  favoring  a policy 
of  hostility  to  Sparta  (§  525).  Foreseeing  the  coming  struggle 
with  Sparta,  Pericles  greatly  strengthened  the  defenses  of 
Athens  by  inducing  the  people  to  connect  the  fortifications  of 
the  city  with  those  of  the  Piraeus  harbor  by  two  Long  Walls, 
thus  forming  a road  completely  walled  in,  connecting  Athens 
and  her  harbor  (plan,  p.  352). 

Not  long  after  Pericles  gained  the  leadership  of  the  people, 
the  inevitable  war  with  Sparta  broke  out.  It  lasted  nearly 
fifteen  years,  with  varying  fortunes  on  both  sides.  The  Athe- 
nian merchants  resented  the  keen  commercial  rivalry  of  yEgina, 
planted  as  the  flourishing  island  was  at  the  very  front  door  of 
Attica  (see  map,  p.  352).  They  finally  captured  the  island 
after  a long  siege.  Pericles  likewise  employed  the  Athenian 
navy  in  blockading  for  years  the  merchant  fleets  of  the  other 
great  rival  of  Athens  and  friend  of  Sparta,  Corinth  (Fig.  163), 
and  thus  brought  financial  ruin  on  its  merchants. 

At  the  same  time  Athens  dispatched  a fleet  of  two  hun- 
dred ships  to  assist  Egypt,  which  had  revolted  against  Persia. 
The  Athenians  were  thus  fighting  both  Sparta  and  Persia 
for  years.  The  entire  Athenian  fleet  in  Egypt  was  lost.  This 
loss  so  weakened  the  Athenian  navy  that  the  treasury  of  the 
Delian  League  was  no  longer  safe  in  the  little  island  of  Delos, 
against  a possible  sea  raid  by  the  Persians.  Pericles  therefore 
shifted  the  treasury  from  Delos  to  Athens,  an  act  which  made 
the  city  more  than  ever  the  capital  of  an  Athenian  empire. 


/ 


The  Growing  Rivalry  between  Athens  and  Sparta  349 

When  peace  was  concluded  (445  b.c.)  all  that  Athens  was 
able  to  retain  was  the  island  of  ^gina,  though  at  the  same 
time  she  gained  control  of  the  large  island  of  Euboea.  It  was 
agreed  that  the  peace  should  continue  for  thirty'  years.  Thus 
ended  what  is  often  called  the  FjjsL  Efiloponnesian  War  with 
the  complete  exhaustion  of  Athens  as  well  as  of  her  enemies  in 
the  Peloponnesus.  Pericles  had  not  shown  himself  a great 
naval  or  military  commander  in  this  war.  The  Athenians  had 
also  arranged  a peace  with  Persia,  over  forty  years  after  Mara- 
thon. But  the  rivalry  between  Athens  and  Sparta  for  the 
leadership  of  the  Greeks  was  still  unsettled.  The  struggle 
was  to  be  continued  in  another  long  and  weary  Peloponnesian 
War.  Before  we  proceed  with  the  story  of  this  fatal  struggle 
we  must  glance  briefly  at  the  new  and  glorious  Athens  now 
growing  up  under  the  leadership  of  Pericles. 

QUESTIONS 

Section  51.  Describe  the  Spartan  State.  What  can  you  say  of 
the  reasons  for  rivalry  between  Athens  and  Sparta?  What  did 
Themistocles  now  do? 

Section  52.  What  combination  did  Athens  now  make  with  the 
eastern  Greek  cities?  What  part  did  Aristides  play?  To  what  might 
the  Delian  League  easily  lead?  What  policy  did  Cimon  favor? 
What  was  Themistocles’  attitude  toward  Cimon’s  policy?  What 
then  happened  to  Themistocles?  to  Cimon?  What  new  victories 
did  the  people  gain?  What  new  council  arose,  and  how  did  it 
govern  ? How  could  a statesman  still  hold  the  leadership  ? Who 
now  became  the  leader  of  the  people’s  party  ? 

Section  53.  What  happened  to  Greek  business  after  the  Per- 
sian War?  Discuss  navigation;  business  profits.  What  can  you  say 
of  the  scale  of  values  as  compared  with  to-day  ? What  happened  to 
the  population  of  Athens?  How  were  prices  affected?  What  were 
the  chief  expenses  of  the  Athenian  State  ? its  chief  sources  of  in- 
come ? Could  other  states  raise  as  much  ? Sketch  the  First  Pelopon- 
nesian War. 


545.  Peace 
with  Sparta 
and  Persia 


CHAPTER  XV 


546.  Athe- 
nian society : 
the  wealthy 
classes 


ATHENS  IN  THE  AGE  OF  PERICLES  , 

Section  54.  Society,  the  Home,  Education  and 
Training  of  Young  Citizens 

I 

As  we  have  seen,  the  population  of  Attica  was  made  up  of 
citizens,  foreigners,  and  slaves.  In  a mixed  crowd  there  would 
usually  be  among  every  ten  people  about  four  slaves,  one  or 
two  foreigners,  and  the  rest  free  Athenians  (see  § 536).  A large  ' 
group  of  wealthy  citizens  lived  at  Athens  upon  the  income  from 
their  lands.  They  continued  to  be  the  aristocracy  of  the  nation,  , 
for  land  was  still  the  most  respectable  form  of  wealth.  The  j 
wealthy  manufacturer  hastened  to  buy  land  and  join  the  landed 
aristocracy.  The  social  position  of  his  family  might  thus  become 
an  influential  one,  but  it  could  not  compare  with  that  of  a noble. 

Note.  The  above  headpiece  gives  us  a glimpse  into  the  house  of  a bride  the  j 
day  atter  the  wedding.  At  the  right,  leaning  against  a couch,  is  the  bride.  Before 
her  are  two  young  friends,  one  sitting,  the  other  standing,  both  playing  with  a ! 
tame  bird.  Another  friend  approaches  carrying  a tall  and  beautiful  painted  vase 
as  a wedding  gift.  At  the  left  a visitor  arranges  flowers  in  two  painted  vases, 
while  another  lady,  adjusting  her  garment,  is  looking  on.  The  walls  are  hung 
with  festive  wreaths.  The  furniture  of  such  a house  was  usually  of  wood,  but 
if  the  owner’s  wealth  permitted,  it  was  adorned  with  ivory,  silver,  and  gold.  It  I 
consisted  chiefly  of  beds,  like  the  couch  above,  chairs  (see  also  Fig.  170)1  foot- 
stools (as  at  foot  of  couch  above),  small  individual  tables,  and  clothing  chests 
which  took  the  place  of  closets. 

350 


Athens  in  the  Age  of  Pericles 


351 


On  the  other  hand,  anyone  who  actually  performed  manual 
labor  was  looked  down  upon  as  without  social  station.  Athens 
was  a great  beehive  of  skilled  craftsmen  and  small  shopkeepers. 
These  classes  were  beginning  to  organize  into  guilds  or  unions 
of  masons,  carpenters,  potters,  jewelers,  and  many  others  — 
organizations  somewhat  like  our  labor  unions.  Below  them  was 
an  army  of  unskilled  laborers,  free  men,  but  little  better  than 
slaves,  like  the  army  of  porters  who  swarmed  along  the  docks 
at  Piraeus.  All  these  classes  contained  many  citizens.  Never- 
theless the  majority  of  the  Athenian  citizens  were  still  the 
farmers  and  peasants  throughout  Attica,  although  the  Persian 
devastation  (§§  512,  516)  had  seriously  reduced  the  amount  of 
land  still  cultivated. 

The  hasty  rebuilding  of  Athens  after  the  Persians  had  burned 
it  did  not  produce  any  noticeable  changes  in  the  houses,  nor 
were  there  any  of  great  size  or  splendor.  Since  the  appearance 
of  the  first  European  houses  (§  26)  many  thousand  years  had 
passed,  but  there  were  still  no  beautiful  houses  anywhere  in 
Europe,  such  as  we  found  on  the  Nile  (Eig.  51).  The  one- 
story  front  of  even  a wealthy  man’s  house  was  simply  a blank 
wall,  usually  of  sun-dried  brick,  rarely  of  broken  stone  masonry. 
Often  without  any  windows,  it  showed  no  other  opening  than 
the  door,  but  a house  of  two  stories  might  have  a small  window 
or  two  in  the  upper  story.  The  door  led  into  a court  open  to 
the  sky  and  surrounded  by  a porch  with  columns.  Here  in  the 
mild  climate  of  Greece  the  family  could  spend  much  of  their 
time  as  in  a sitting  room.  In  the  middle  stood  an  altar  of  the 
household  Zeus,  the  protector  of  the  family ; while  around  the 
court  opened  a number  of  doors  leading  to  a living  room,  sleep- 
ing rooms,  dining  room,  storerooms,  and  also  a tiny  kitchen. 

This  Greek  house  lacked  all  conveniences.  There  was  no 
chimney,  and  the  smoke  from  the  kitchen  fire,  though  intended 
to  drift  up  through  a hole  in  the  roof,  choked  the  room  or 
floated  out  the  door.  In  winter  gusty  drafts  filled  the  house, 
for  many  doorways  were  without  doors,  and  glass  in  the  form 


547.  Athe- 
nian society; 
the  poorer 
classes 


548.  Athe- 
nian houses 


549.  Lack  of 
conveniences 
in  the  Athe- 
nian house 


352 


Ancient  Times 


550.  Deco- 
ration and 
equipment 


551.  Streets 
of  Athens 


of  flat  panes  for  the  windows  was  still  unknown.  In  the  mild 
Greek  climate,  however,  a pan  of  burning  charcoal,  called  a 
brazier,  furnished  enough  heat  to  temper  the  chilly  air  of  a 
room.  Lacking  windows,  the  ground-floor  rooms  depended  en- 
tirely on  the  doors  opening  on  the  court  for  light.  At  night 
the  dim  light  of  an  olive-oil  lamp  was  all  that  was  available. 
There  was  no  plumbing  or  piping  of  any  kind  in  the  house, 
no  drainage,  and  consequently  no  sanitary  arrangements.  The 
water  supply  was  brought  in  jars  by  slaves  from  the  nearest 
well  or  flowing  spring. 

The  floors  were  simply  of  dirt,  with  a surface  of  pebbles 
tramped  and  beaten  hard.  There  was  no  oil  paint,  and  a plain 
water-color  wash,  such  as  we  call  calcimine,  might  be  used  on 
the  inside,  but  if  used  on  the  outside  would  soon  wash  off, 
exposing  the  mud  brick.  The  simplicity  and  bareness  of  the 
house  itself  were  in  noticeable  contrast  with  the  beautiful  furni- 
ture which  the  Greek  craftsmen  were  now  producing  (headpiece, 
p.  350  ; see  also  the  beautiful  chairs  in  Fig.  170).  There  were 
many  metal  utensils,  among  which  the  ladies’  hand  mirrors  of 
polished  bronze  were  common ; and  most  numerous  of  all  were 
lovely  painted  jars,  vases,  and  dishes,  along  with  less  preten- 
tious potteiy  forming  the  household  " crockery.”  For  it  will 
be  remembered  that  Greek  pottery  was  the  most  beautiful  ever 
produced  by  ancient  man  (Fig.  164,  and  headpiece,  p.  350). 

The  view  from  the  Acropolis  over  the  sea  of  low  flat  roofs 
disclosed  not  a single  chimney,  but  revealed  a much  larger  city 
than  formerly.  Though  not  laid  out  in  blocks,  the  city  was 
about  ten  modem  city  blocks  wide  and  several  more  in  length. 
The  streets  were  merely  lanes  or  alleys,  narrow  and  crooked, 
winding  between  the  bare  mud-brick  walls  of  the  low  houses 
standing  wall  to  wall.  There  was  no  pavement,  nor  any  side- 
walk, and  a stroll  through  the  town  after  a rain  meant  wading 
through  the  mud.  All  household  rubbish  and  garbage  was 
thrown  directly  into  the  street,  and  there  was  no  system  of 
sewage.  When  one  passed  a two-story  house  he  might  hear  a 


[jamia_. 


SCAL£  OF  MILES 


lermopyj® 


'^Orchomenus” 


liurn. 


=^Thebe3^-an<iS3: 
taea^^^se  f -- 


I c 

3^9fS<% 

Jhisbae^ 


fess5Si>  % % ' 

y 

r 4f^/  ^ M}.Peritellcus» 
1 f 'Marble 


Eleusis 


'M^ar^ 


.^•^thens- 

Thaler^irh 

VNymettus 


SAI^^sg^  ^ ^ 


^ipylo^Gate 


oS«.<- 


y^xurrC 


SCaIe  Of'yaros 


P I Athens  before  the  Persian  Wars 

I I Additions  to  the  city  by 

I J Themistocles,  479  B.C 

j I Addition  to  the  city  by 

I I Emperor  Hadrian  125  A.D. 


Central  Greece  and  Athens 


Athens  in  the  Age  of  Pericles 


353 


warning  cry,  and  spring  out  of  the  way  barely  in  time  to  escape 
being  deluged  with  sweepings  or  filth  thrown  from  a second- 
storv  window.  The  few  wells  and  fountains  fed  by  city  water 


pipes  did  not  furnish  enough 
water  to  flush  the  streets,  and 
there  was  no  system  of  street 
cleaning.  During  the  hot  sum- 
mers of  the  south,  therefore, 
Athens  was  not  a healthful 
place  of  residence. 

All  Athens  lived  out  of  doors. 
Athenian  life  was  beautifully 
simple  and  unpretentious,  es- 
pecially since  richly  embroidered 
and  colored  oriental  garments 
had  passed  away.  Almost  all 
citizens  now  appeared  in  the 
simple  white  garments  which 
we  of  modem  times  have  come 
to  associate  with  the  classical 
Greeks.  Gorgeous  costume  thus 
disappeared  in  Greece,  as  it  did 
among  ns  in  the  days  of  our 
great  great-grandfathers.  Never- 
theless, the  man  of  elegant 
habits  gained  a practiced  hand 
in  draping  his  costume,  and  was 
proud  of  the  gracefulness  and 
the  sweeping  lines  with  which 
he  could  arrange  its  folds 
(Fig.  i8o). 

The  wmmen  were  less  in- 


Fig.  i8o.  Statue  of  the 


Tr.vgic  Poet  Sophocles 

The  great  poet  stands  in  thought- 
ful repose  in  an  attitude  of  ease, 
which  incidentally  reveals  the 
wonderful  beauty  of  a well-draped 
Greek  costume  (§  552).  The  figure 
is  probably  our  most  beautiful 
Greek  portrait,  and  as  a work 
of  art  illustrates  the  sculpture  of 
the  fourth  century  B.c.,  almost  a 
century  after  Pericles 


552.  Cos- 
tume of  men 


553.  Women 


dined  to  give  up  the  old  finery,  for  unhappily  they  had  little 
to  think  about  but  clothes  and  housekeeping  (Fig.  170).  For 
Greek  citizens  still  kept  their  wives  in  the  background,  and 


354 


Ancient  Times 


554.  Child- 
hood and 
school 


555.  Sub- 
jects taught 
at  school 


they  were  more  than  ever  mere  housekeepers.  They  had  no 
share  in  the  intellectual  life  of  the  men,  could  not  appear  at 
their  social  meetings,  where  serious  conversation  was  carried 
on ; nor  were  they  permitted  to  witness  the  athletic  games  at 
Olympia.  Their  position  was  even  worse  than  in  the  Age  of 
the  Tyrants  (§  480),  and  a poetess  like  Sappho  never  appeared 
again  among  the  later  Greeks. 

The  usual  house  had  no  garden  and  the  children  therefore 
played  in  the  court,  running  about  with  toy  cart  and  dog 
or  enjoying  a swing  at  the  hands  of  the  nurse.  There  were 
no  schools  for  the  girls,  but  when  the  boy  was  old  enough 
he  was  sent  to  school  in  charge  of  an  old  slave  called  a 
" pedagogue  ” (paidagogos),  which  really  means  " leader  of  a 
child.”  He  carried  the  boy’s  books  and  outfit.  There  were 
no  schools  maintained  by  the  state  and  no  schoolhouses. 
School  was  conducted  in  his  own  house  by  some  poor  citizen, 
who  had  perhaps  lost  his  means,  or  by  some  other  poor  per- 
son, perhaps  an  old  soldier  or  even  a foreigner.  In  any  case 
the  teacher  was  much  looked  down  upon.  He  received  his 
pay  from  the  parents ; but  there  was  a board  of  state  officials 
appointed  to  look  after  the  schools  and  to  see  that  nothing 
improper  was  taught. 

Without  special  education  for  his  work,  the  teacher  merely 
taught  the  old-time  subjects  he  had  learned  in  his  own  youth 
without  change  (§  480).  Proficiency  in  music  was  regarded 
very  seriously  by  the  Greeks,  not  merely  for  entertainment  but 
also  and  chiefly  as  an  influence  toward  good  conduct.  Besides 
learning  to  read  and  write  as  of  old  (§  480  and  Fig.  18 1),  the 
pupil  learned  by  heart  many  passages  from  the  old  poets,  and 
here  and  there  a boy  with  a good  memory  could  repeat  the  en- 
tire Iliad  and  Odyssey.  On  the  other  hand,  the  boys  still 
escaped  all  instruction  in  mathematics,  geography,  or  natural 
science.  This  was  doubtless  a welcome  exemption,  for  the 
masters  were  severe,  and  the  Greek  boy  hated  both  school 
and  schoolmaster. 


A thens  in  the  Age  of  Pericles 


355 


When  the  Athenian  lad  reached  the  age  of  eighteen  years 
and  left  school,  he  was  received  as  a citizen,  providing  that 
both  his  parents  were  of  Athenian  citizenship.  The  oath  which 


Fig.  i8i.  Ax  Athenian  School  in  the  Age  of  Pericles 

These  scenes  are  painted  around  the  center  of  a shallow  bowl,  hence 
their  peculiar  shape.  In  A we  see  at  the  left  a music  teacher  seated  at 
his  lyre,  giving  a lesson  to  the  lad  seated  before  him.'  In  the  middle  sits 
a teacher  of  reading  and  literature,  holding  an  open  roll  (Fig.  223)  from 
which  the  boy  standing  before  him  is  learning  a poem.  Behind  the 
boy  sits  a slave  (pedagogue)  (§  554)  who  brought  him  to  school  and 
carried  his  books.  In  B we  have  at  the  left  a singing  lesson,  aided  by 
the  flute  to  fix  the  tones.  In  the  middle  the  master  sits  correcting  an 
exercise  handed  him  by  the  boy  standing  before  him,  while  behind  the 
boy  sits  the  slave  (pedagogue)  as  before 

he  took  was  a solemn  reminder  of  the  obligarions  he  now 
assumed.  It  had  been  composed  by  Solon,  and  it  called  upon 
the  youth  " never  to  disgrace  his  sacred  arms ; never  to  forsake 


556.  Attain- 
ment  of 
citizenship 


356 


Ancient  Times 


557.  Incom- 
ing citizens’ 
military 
service 


558.  Athletic 
grounds ; 
Academy  and 
Lyceum 


559.  The  ath- 
letic events  of 
the  Greeks 


his  comrade  in  the  ranks,  but  to  fight  for  the  sacred  temples 
and  the  common  welfare,  whether  alone  or  with  others ; to 
leave  his  country  not  in  a worse,  but  in  a better  state  than  he 
found  it ; to  obey  the  magistrates  and  the  laws  and  to  defend 
them  against  attack ; finally  to  hold  in  honor  the  religion  of 
his  country." 

The  youth  then  spent  a year  in  garrison  duty  at  the  harbor 
of  Piraeus,  where  he  was  put  through  military  drill.  Then  at 
nineteen  the  young  recruits  received  spear  and  shield,  given  to 
each  by  the  State.  Thereupon  they  marched  to  the  theater  and 
entered  the  orchestra  circle,  where  they  were  presented  to  the 
citizens  of  Athens  assembled  in  the  theater  before  the  play. 
Another  year  of  garrison  service  on  the  frontier  of  Attica 
usually  completed  the  young  man’s  military  service,  although 
some  of  the  recruits,  whose  means  permitted,  joined  the  small 
body  of  select  Athenian  cavalry. 

On  completion  of  his  military  service,  if  the  wealth  and 
station  of  his  family  permitted,  the  Athenian  youth  was  more 
than  ever  devoted  to  the  new  athletic  fields  in  the  beautiful 
open  country  outside  the  city  walls.  On  the  north  of  Athens, 
outside  the  Dipylon  Gate,  was  the  field  knov/n  as  the  Academy. 
It  had  been  adorned  by  Cimon,  who  gave  great  attention  to 
the  olive  groves,  and,  with  its  shady  walks  and  seats  for  loungers, 
it  became  a place  where  the  Athenians  loved  to  spend  their  idle 
hours.  On  the  east  of  the  city  there  was  another  similar  athletic 
ground  known  as  the  Lyceum.  The  later  custom  of  holding 
courses  of  instructive  lectures  in  these  places  (§  759)  finally 
resulted  in  giving  to  the  words  " academy  ” and  ” lyceum  ” the 
associations  which  they  now  possess  for  us. 

The  chief  events  were  boxing,  wrestling,  running,  jump- 
ing, casting  the  javelin,  and  throwing  the  disk.  Omitting 
the  boxing,  the  remaining  events  formed  a fivefold  match 
called  the  pentathlon,  which  it  was  a great  honor  to  win  at 
Olympia.  The  earliest  contest  established  at  Olympia  seems 
to  have  been  a two-hundred-yard  dash,  which  the  Greeks 


Athens  in  the  Age  of  Pericles 


IS7 


called  a stadion,  that  is,  six  hundred  Greek  feet.  Many  other 
contests  were  added  to  this,  and  in  the  age  of  Pericles,  box- 
ing, or  boxing  and  wrestling  combined,  the  pentathlon,  chariot 
racing,  and  horseback  races  made  up  a program  in  which  all 
Greek  youths  were  anxious  to  gain  distinction  (§  479).  A 
generation  later  some  of  the  philosophers  severely  criticized 
the  Greeks  for  giving  far  too  much  of  their  time  and  attention 
to  athletic  pursuits. 

But  other  pastimes  less  worthy  were  common.  An  hour  or 
two  of  gossip  with  his  friends  in  the  market  place  often  preceded 
the  Greek  youth’s  daily  visit  to  the  athletic  grounds.  The  after- 
noon might  be  passed  in  dawdling  about  in  the  barber  shop 
or  dropping  in  at  some  drinking  resort  to  shake  dice  or  venture 
a few  drachmas  in  other  games  of  chance.  As  the  shadows 
lengthened  in  the  market  place  he  frequently  joined  a company 
of  young  men  at  dinner  at  the  house  of  a friend.  Often  followed 
by  heavy  drinking  of  wine  and  much  singing  with  the  lyre,  such 
a dinner  might  break  up  in  a drunken  carouse  leading  to  harum- 
scarum  escapades  upon  the  streets,  that  in  our  time  would  cause 
the  arrest  of  the  company  for  disorderly  conduct. 

Section  55.  Higher  Education,  Science,  and  the 
Training  gained  by  State  Service 

On  the  other  hand,  there  were  serious-minded  men,  to  whom 
such  dinners  meant  delightful  conversation  -with  their  com- 
panions on  art,  literature,  music,  or  personal  conduct.  Such 
life  among  the  Athenians  had  now  been  quickened  by  the 
appearance  of  more  modem  private  teachers  called  Sophists, 
a class  of  new  and  clever-witted  lecturers  who  wandered  from 
city  to  city.  Many  a bright  youth  who  had  finished  his  music, 
reading,  and  writing  at  the  old-fashioned  private  school  (§  554) 
annoyed  his  father  by  insisting  that  such  schooling  was  not 
enough  and  by  demanding  money  to  pay  for  a course  of 
lectures  delivered  by  one  of  these  new  teachers. 


560.  Social 
and  other 
diversions 


561.  Coming 
of  the 
Sophists 


358 


Ancient  Times 


562.  Higher 
education 
offered  by 
the  Sophists 


563.  The 
intellectual 
revolution ; 
chasm  be- 
tween young 
and  old 


For  the  first  time  a higher  education  was  thus  open  to  young 
men  who  had  hitherto  thought  of  little  more  than  a victory  in 
the  Olympic  games  or  a fine  appearance  when  parading  with 
the  crack  cavalry  of  Athens.  The  appearance  of  these  new 
teachers  therefore  marked  a new  age  in  the  history  of  the 
Greeks,  but  especially  in  that  of  Athens.  In  the  first  place, 
the  Sophists  recognized  the  importance  of  effective  public 
speaking  in  addressing  the  large  citizen  juries  (§  528)  or  in 
speaking  before  the  Assembly  of  the  people.  The  Sophists 
therefore  taught  rhetoric  and  oratory  with  great  success,  and 
many  a father  who  had  no  gift  of  speech  had  the  pleasure  of 
seeing  his  son  a practiced  public  speaker.  It  was  through  the 
teaching  of  the  Sophists  also  that  the  first  successful  writing 
of  Greek  prose  began.  At  the  same  time  they  really  founded 
the  study  of  language,  which  was  yet  to  become  grammar 
(§  753).  They  also  taught  mathematics  and  astronomy,  and 
the  young  men  of  Athens  for  the  first  time  began  to  learn  a 
little  natural  science.  Thus  the  truths  which  Greek  philosophers 
had  begun  to  observe  in  the  days  of  Thales  (§§  492-493)  were, 
after  a century  and  a half,  beginning  to  spread  among  the 
people. 

In  these  new  ideas  the  fathers  were  unable  to  follow  their 
sons.  When  a father  of  that  day  found  in  the  hands  of  his  son 
a book  by  one  of  the  great  Sophists,  which  began  with  a state- 
ment doubting  the  existence  of  the  gods,  the  new  teachings 
seemed  impious.  The  old-fashioned  citizen  could  at  least  vote 
for  the  banishment  of  such  impious  teachers  and  the  burning 
of  their  books,  although  he  heard  that  they  were  read  aloud  in 
the  houses  of  the  greatest  men  of  Athens.  Indeed,  some  of  the 
leading  Sophists  were  friends  of  Pericles,  who  stepped  in  and 
tried  to  help  them  when  they  were  prosecuted  for  their  teach- 
ings. The  revolution  which  had  taken  place  in  the  mind  of 
Thales  (§  495)  was  now  taking  place  in  the  minds  of  ever- 
increasing  numbers  of  Greeks,  and  the  situation  was  yet  to 
grow  decidedly  worse  in  the  opinion  of  old-fashioned  folk. 


Athens  in  the  Age  of  Pericles 


359 


In  spite  of  the  spread  of  knowledge  due  to  the  Sophists,  the 
average  Athenian’s  acquaintance  with  science  was  still  very 
limited.  This  gave  him  great  trouble  in  the  measurement  of 
time.  He  still  called  the  middle  of  the  forenoon  the  " time  of 
full  market,”  and  the  Egyptian  shadow  clock  in  the  market 
place  had  not  yet  led  him  to  speak  of  an  hour  of  the  day  by 
number,  as  the  Egyptians  had  been  doing  for  a thousand  years. 
When  it  was  necessary  to  limit  the  length  of  a citizen’s  speech 
before  the  law-court,  it  was  done  by  allowing  him  to  speak  as 
long  as  it  took  a given  measure  of  water  to  run  out  of  a jar 
with  a small  hole  in  it.  The  Greeks  still  used  the  moon-months, 
and  they  were  accustomed  to  insert  an  extra  month  every  third, 
fifth,  and  eighth  year  (§150).  To  be  sure,  they  had  often  seen 
on  the  Pnyx,  where  the  Assembly  met  (Eig.  179),  a strange- 
looking  tablet  bearing  a new  calendar,  set  up  by  a builder  and 
engineer  named  Meton.  This  man  had  computed  the  length  of 
the  year  with  only  half  an  hour’s  error.  He  had  then  devised 
his  new  calendar  with  a year  still  made  up  of  moon-months,  but 
so  cleverly  arranged  that  the  last  day  of  the  last  moon-month  in 
every  nineteenth  year  would  also  be  the  last  day  of  the  year  as 
measured  by  the  sun.  But  all  this  was  quite  beyond  the  average 
citizen’s  puzzled  mind.  The  archons  too  shook  their  heads  at 
it  and  would  have  nothing  to  do  with  it.  The  old  inconvenient, 
inaccurate  moon-month  calendar,  with  three  thirteen-month 
years  in  every  eight  years,  was  quite  good  enough  for  them 
and  continued  in  use. 

Individual  scientists  continued  to  make  important  discoveries. 
One  of  them  now  taught  that  the  sun  was  a glowing  mass  of 
stone  " larger  than  the  Peloponnesus.”  He  maintained  also 
that  the  moon  received  its  light  from  the  sun,  that  it  had 
mountains  and  valleys  like  the  earth,  and  that  it  was  inhabited 
by  living  creatures.  Travel  was  difficult,  for  there  were  no 
passenger  ships.  Except  rough  carts  or  wagons,  there  were 
no  conveyances  by  land.  The  roads  were  bad,  and  the 
traveler  went  on  foot  or  rode  a horse.  Nevertheless,  Greeks 


564.  Lack 
of  general 
knowledge 
of  science 
shown  in  time 
measurement 


565.  Prog- 
ress of  as- 
tronomy and 
geography 


36o 


Ancient  Times 


566.  Prog- 
ress  in 
medicine 


with  means  were  now  beginning  to  travel  more  frequently. 
This,  however,  was  for  information ; travel  for  pleasure  was 
still  a century  and  a half  in  the  future.  From  long  journeys 
in  Egypt,  and  other  Eastern  countries,  Herodotus  returned  with 
much  information  regarding  these  lands.  His  map  (p.  360) 
showed  that  the  Red  Sea  connected  with  the  Indian  Ocean, 
a fact  unknown  to  his  predecessor  Hecataeus  (see  map,  p.  319). 


Map  of  the  World  according  to  Herodotus 


The  scientists  were  still  much  puzzled  by  the  cold  of  the  north 
and  the  warmth  of  the  south,  a curious  difference  which  they 
could  not  yet  explain. 

Although  without  the  microscope  or  the  assistance  of  chemis- 
try, medicine  nevertheless  made  progress.  In  the  first  place,  the 
Greek  physicians  rejected  the  older  belief  that  disease  was 
caused  by  evil  demons,  and  endeavored  to  find  the  natural 
causes  of  the  ailment.  To  do  this  they  sought  to  understand 
the  organs  of  the  body.  They  had  already  discovered  that  the 
brain  was  the  organ  of  thought,  but  the  arterial  system,  the 


Athens  in  the  Age  of  Pericles 


361 


circulation  of  the  blood,  and  the  nervous  system  were  still  en- 
tirely unknown.  Without  a knowledge  of  the  circulation  of  the 
blood,  surgery  was  unable  to  attempt  amputation,  but  other- 
wise it  made  much  progress.  The  greatest  physician  of  the 
time  was  Hippocrates,  and  he  became  the  founder  of  scientific 
medicine.  The  fame  of  Greek  medicine  was  such  that  the 
Persian  king  called  a Greek  physician  to  his  court. 

Just  at  the  close  of  Pericles’  life,  in  the  midst  of  national 
calamities,  the  historian  Herodotus,  who  had  long  been  at  work 
on  his  histor)',  finally  published  his  great  work.  It  was  a history 
of  the  world  so  told  that  the  glorious  leadership  of  Athens 
would  be  clear  to  all  Greeks  and  would  show  them  that  to  her 
the  Hellenes  owed  their  deliverance  from  Persia.  Throughout 
Greece  it  created  a deep  impression,  and  so  tremendous  was  its 
effect  in  Athens  that,  in  spite  of  the  financial  drain  of  war,  the 
Athenians  voted  Herodotus  a reward  of  ten  talents,  some 
twelve  thousand  dollars.  In  this  earliest  history  of  the  world 
which  has  come  down  to  us,  Herodotus  traced  the  course  of 
events  as  he  believed  them  to  be  directed  by  the  will  of  the 
gods,  and  as  prophesied  in  their  divine  oracles.  There  was 
little  or  no  effort  to  explain  historical  events  as  the  result  of 
natural  processes. 

Besides  the  instruction  received  from  the  Sophists  by  many 
young  men,  their  constant  share  in  public  affairs  was  giving 
them  an  experience  which  greatly  assisted  in  producing  an  in- 
telligent body  of  citizens.  In  the  Council  of  Five  Hundred,  citi- 
zens learned  to  carry  on  the  daily  business  of  the  government. 
On  some  days  also  as  many  as  six  thousand  citizens  might  be 
serving  as  jurors  (§  52S).  This  service  alone  meant  that  one 
citizen  in  five  was  engaged  in  duties  which  sharpened  his  wits 
and  gave  him  some  training  in  legal  and  business  affairs.  At 
the  same  time  such  duties  kept  constantly  in  the  citizen’s  mind 
his  obligations  toward  the  State  and  community. 

This  led  many  citizens  to  surprisingly  generous  contributions. 
It  was  not  uncommon  for  a citizen  to  undertake  the  entire 


567.  Prog- 
ress in 
history 
writing ; 
Herodotus 


568.  Edu- 
cation and 
discipline 
gained  from 
State  service 


362 


Ancient  Times 


569.  Volun- 
tary contri- 
butions by 
citizens 


570.  State 
feasts 


equipment  of  a warship  except  the  hull  and  spars,  though  this 
service  may  have  been  compulsory.  At  national  festivals  a 
wealthy  man  would  sometimes  furnish  a costly  dinner  for  all  the 
members  of  his  " tribe.”  The  choruses  for  public  performances, 
especially  at  the  theater,  were  organized  by  private  citizens,  who 
paid  for  their  training  and  for  their  costumes  at  great  expense 
(Fig.  190).  We  know  of  one  citizen  who  spent  in  the  voluntary 
support  of  feasts  and  choruses  in  nine  years  no  less  than  four- 
teen thousand  dollars,  a considerable  fortune  in  those  days. 

Public  festivals  maintained  by  the  State  also  played  an  im- 
portant part  in  the  lives  of  all  Athenians.  Every  spring  at  the 
ancient  Feast  of  Dionysus  (§  483)  the  greatest  play-writers  each 
submitted  three  tragedies  and  a comedy  to  be  played  in  the 
theater  for  a prize  given  by  the  State.  All  Athens  streamed  to 
the  theater  to  see  them.  Many  other  State  festivals,  celebrated 
with  music  and  gayety,  filled  the  year  with  holidays  so  numerous 
that  they  fell  every  six  or  seven  days.  The  great  State  feast, 
called  the  Panathencea,  occurred  every  four  years.  A brilliant 
procession  made  up  of  the  smart  young  Athenian  cavalry, 
groups  of  dignified  government  officials,  priests  and  sacrificial 
animals,  marched  with  music  and  rejoicing  across  the  market 
place,  carrying  a beautiful  new  robe  embroidered  by  the  women 
of  Athens  for  the  goddess  Athena.  The  procession  marched  to 
the  Acropolis,  where  the  robe  was  delivered  to  the  goddess 
amid  splendid  sacrifices  and  impressive  ceremonies.  Contests 
in  music  and  in  athletic  games,  war  dances  and  a regatta  in 
the  channel  off  Salamis,  served  to  furnish  entertainment  for  the 
multitude  which  flocked  to  Athens  for  the  great  feast. 


Section  56.  Art  and  Literature 

571.  The  Although  the  first  fifteen  years  of  the  leadership  of  Pericles 

oHraperial  were  burdened  with  the  Spartan  and  Persian  wars,  the  higher 

Athens;  the  ]jfg  Qf  Athens  Continued  to  unfold.  Under  influences  like  those 
glonned 

State  we  have  been  discussing,  a new  vision  of  the  glory  of  the  State, 


Athens  in  the  Age  of  Pericles 


363 


discerned  nowhere  else  in  the  world  before  this  age,  caught  the 
imagination  of  poet  and  painter,  of  sculptor  and  architect ; and 
not  of  these  alone,  but  also  of  the  humblest  artisan  and  trades- 
man, as  all  classes  alike  took  part  in  the  common  life  of  the 
community.  Music,  the  drama,  art,  and  architecture  were  pro- 
foundly inspired  by  this  new  and  exalted  vision  of  the  State,  and 
the  citizen  found  great  works  of  art  so  inspired  thrust  into  the 
foreground  of  his  life. 

We  can  still  follow  the  Athenian  citizen  and  note  a few  of 
the  noble  monuments  that  met  his  eye  as  he  went  about  the 
new  Athens  which  Pericles  was  creating.  When  he  wandered 
into  the  market  place  and  stood  chatting  with  his  friends  under 
the  shade  of  the  plane  trees,  he  found  at  several  points  colon- 
naded porches  looking  out  upon  the  market.  One  of  these, 
which  had  been  presented  to  the  city  by  Cimon’s  family,  was 
called  the  " Painted  Porch  ” ; for  the  wall  behind  the  columns 
bore  paintings  by  Polygnotus,  an  artist  from  one  of  the  is- 
land possessions  of  Athens,  a gift  of  the  painter  to  the  Athe- 
nians, depicting  their  glorious  victory  at  Marathon.  Here  in 
splendid  panorama  was  a vision  of  the  heroic  devotion  of  the 
fathers.  In  the  thick  of  the  fray  the  citizen  might  pick  out  the 
figure  of  Themistocles,  of  Miltiades,  of  Callimachus,  who  fell 
in  the  battle,  of  .^schylus  the  great  tragic  poet.  He  could  see 
the  host  of  the  fleeing  Persians  and  perhaps  hear  some  old 
man  tell  how  the  brother  of  ^schylus  seized  and  tried  to  stop 
one  of  the  Persian  boats  drawn  up  on  the  beach,  and  how  a 
desperate  Persian  raised  his  ax  and  slashed  off  the  hand  of  the 
brave  Greek.  Perhaps  among  the  group  of  eager  listeners  he 
noticed  one  questioning  the  veteran  carefully  and  making  full 
notes  of  all  that  he  could  learn  from  the  graybeard.  The  ques- 
tioner was  Herodotus,  collecting  from  survivors  the  tale  of  the 
Persian  wars  for  his  great  history  (§  567). 

Behind  the  citizen  rose  a low  hill,  known  as  Market  Hill," 
around  which  were  grouped  plain,  bare  government  buildings. 
Plere  were  the  assembly  rooms  of  the  Areopagus  (§  528)  and 


572.  Painting 


573.  Lack  of 
fine  buildings 
for  govern- 
ment offices 


\ 


364 


Fig.  182.  The  So-called  Temple  of  Theseus,  the  Areopagus,  and  the  Acropolis  of  Athens* 


Athens  in  the  Age  of  Pericles  365 

the  Council  of  Five  Hundred.  The  Council’s  Committee  of 
Fifty  (§  528),  carrying  on  the  current  business  of  the  govern- 
ment, also  had  its  offices  here.  The  citizen  recalled  how,  as  a 
member  of  this  Council,  he  had  lived  here  for  over  a month 
while  serving  on  that  committee  and  had  taken  his  meals  in 
the  building  before  him,  at  the  expense  of  the  State,  along 
with  the  Athenian  victors  in  the  Olympic  games  and  other 
deserving  citizens  who  were  thus  pensioned  by  the  govern- 
ment. In  spite  of  the  growing  sentiment  for  the  glory  of  the 
State,  these  plain  buildings,  like  the  Athenian  houses,  were  all 
built  of  sun-dried  mud  brick  or,  at  most,  of  rough  rubble.  The 
idea  of  great  and  beautiful  buildings  for  the  offices  of  the 
government  was  still  unknown  in  the  Mediterranean  world, 
and  no  such  building  yet  existed  in  Europe. 

The  sentiment  toward  the  State  was  so  mingled  with  rever- 
ence for  the  gods  who  protected  the  State  that  patriotism 
was  itself  a deeply  religious  feeling.  Hence  the  great  public 
buildings  of  Greece  were  temples  and  not  quarters  for  the 
offices  of  the  government.  As  the  citizen  turned  from  the 
Painted  Porch,  therefore,  he  might  observe  crossing  the  market 

* In  this  view  we  stand  inside  the  wall  of  Themistocles,  near  the 
Dipylon  Gate  in  the  Potters’  Quarter  (see  plan,  p.  352).  In  the  fore- 
ground is  the  temple  of  Theseus,  the  legendary  unifier  of  Attica,  whom 
all  Athenians  honored  as  a god  and  to  whom  this  temple  was  long 
supposed  (perhaps  wrongly)  to  have  been  erected.  It  is  built  of  Pen- 
telic  marble  and  was  finished  a few  years  after  the  death  of  Pericles; 
but  now,  after  tw'enty-three  hundred  years  or  more,  ft  is  still  the  best 
preserved  of  all  ancient  Greek  buildings.  Above  tbe  houses,  at  the  ex- 
treme right,  may  be  seen  one  corner  of  the  hill  called  the  Areopagus 
(see  plan,  p.  352),  often  called  Mars’  Hill.  It  was  probably  here  that  the 
apostle  Paul  (§  1068)  preached  in  Athens  (see  Acts  xvii).  The  buildings 
we  see  on  the  Acropolis  are  all  ruins  of  the  structures  erected  after  the 
place  had  been  laid  waste  by  the  Persians  (§  512).  The  Parthenon  (§  576), 
in  the  middle  of  the  hill  (see  Fig.  183),  shows  the  gaping  hole  caused 
by  the  explosion  of  a Turkish  powder  magazine  ignited  by  a Venetian 
shell  in  1687,  when  the  entire  central  portion  of  the  building  was  blown 
out.  The  space  between  the  temple  of  Theseus,  the  Areopagus,  and 
the  Acropolis  was  largely  occupied  by  the  market  place  of  Athens 
(§  572,  and  plan,  p.  352). 


574.  The 
great  State 
buildings 
are  temples 


366 


Ancient  Times 


575-  Plans 
of  Pericles 
for  the  resto- 
ration of  the 
Acropolis 


576.  The 
entrance  to 
the  Acropolis 
and  the 
Parthenon 


many  a creaking  wagon,  heavily  loaded  with  white  blocks 
of  marble  for  a new  and  still  unfinished  temple  of  Theseus 
(Fig.  182),  the  hero-god,  who,  as  the  Athenians  thought,  had 
once  united  Attica  into  a single  nation. 

Above  him  towers  the  height  of  the  Acropolis,  about  one 
thousand  feet  in  length,  two  of  our  city  blocks  (Figs.  182  and 
183).  There,  on  its  summit,  had  always  been  the  dwelling 
place  of  Athena,  whose  arm  was  ever  stretched  out  in  protec- 
tion over  her  beloved  Athens.  But  for  long  years  after  the  re- 
pulse of  the  Persians,  the  Acropolis  rose  smoke-blackened  over 
the  rebuilt  houses  of  the  city,  and  no  temple  of  Athena  ap- 
peared to  replace  the  old  building  of  Pisistratus,  which  the 
Persians  had  burned.  Now  at  last  Pericles  has  undertaken  the 
restoration  of  the  ancient  shrines  on  a scale  of  magnificence 
and  beauty  before  unknown  anywhere  in  the  Greek  world.  His 
sumptuous  plans  have  demanded  an  expense  of  about  two 
and  a quarter  millions  of  dollars,  a sum  far  exceeding  any 
such  public  outlay  ever  heard  of  among  the  Greeks.  As  he 
passes  the  Market  Hill,  where  the  Areopagus  meets,  the  citizen 
remembers  the  discontented  mutterings  of  the  old  men  in  this 
ancient  Council  as  they  heard  of  these  vast  expenses,  and  he 
smiles  in  satisfaction  as  he  reflects  that  this  unprogressive  old 
body,  once  so  powerful  in  Athenian  affairs,  has  been  deprived 
of  all  power  to  obstruct  the  will  of  the  people.  From  here  he 
also  catches  a glimpse  of  the  Pnyx  (Fig.  179),  where  he  has 
heard  Pericles  make  one  eloquent  speech  after  another  in  sup- 
port of  his  new  building  plans  before  the  assembly  of  the 
people,  and  he  recalls  with  what  enthusiasm  the  citizens  voted 
to  adopt  them. 

As  he  looks  up  at  the  gleaming  marble  shafts,  he  feels  that 
the  architectural  splendor  now  crowning  the  Acropolis  is  the 
work  of  the  Athenian  people,  a world  of  new  beauty  in  the 
creation  of  which  eveiy  Athenian  citizen  has  had  a voice, 
Here  before  him  rise  the  imposing  marble  colonnades  of  the 
magnificent  monumental  entrance  to  the  Acropolis  (Fig.  183). 


Athens  in  the  Age  of  Pericles  367 


Fig.  183.  Restoration  of  the  Athenian  Acropolis 

The  lower  entrance  {A)  is  of  Roman  date.  Beyond  it  we  have  on  the 
right  the  graceful  little  Temple  of  Victory  {B,  and  see  headpiece,  p.  378), 
while  before  us  rises  the  colonnaded  entrance  building  (C)  designed 
by  Mnesicles  (§  576).  As  we  pass  through  it  we  stand  beside  the  colossal 
bronze  statue  of  Athena  {D)  by  Phidias  (§  577),  beyond  which  at  the 
left  is  the  ancient  sanctuary  of  the  Erechtheum  (A and  § 644).  To  the 
right,  along  the  south  edge  of  the  hill,  is  the  wonderful  temple  of  the 
Parthenon  (A)  (Fig.  185,  and  Plate  IV,  p.  380).  Its  farther  corner  looks 
down  upon  the  theater  (H)  (Fig.  i89).  The  other  theater-like  building  (/) 
in  the  foreground  is  a concert  hall,  built  by  Herodes  Atticus,  a wealthy 
citizen,  in  Roman  times  (second  century  A.D.).  A is  the  foundation  of  an 
ancient  temple  (now  destroyed)  older  than  the  present  Parthenon 

It  is  still  unfinished,  and  the  architect  Mnesicles,  with  a roll  of 
plans  under  his  arm,  is  perhaps  at  the  moment  directing  a group 
of  workmen  to  their  task.  He  is  beginning  to  employ  a new 
style  of  column,  called  the  Ionic  (Fig.  184) ; it  is  lighter  and 
more  ornate  than  the  stately  Doric.  The  tinkle  of  many  distant 


Fig.  184.  The  Ionic  Column  and  its  Oriental  Predecessors 
(After  Puchstein) 

A is  a.  column  of  wood  as  used  in  houses  and  shrines  in  Egypt  (fifteenth 
century  b.c.);  notice  at  the  top  of  A the  lily  with  the  ends  of  the  petals 
rolled  over  in  spirals  called  vohites.  B is  part  of  a wall  with  beauti- 
fully decorative  designs  in  colored  glazed  brick  from  the  throne  room 
of  Nebuchadnezzar  at  Bab)'lon  (Fig.  1 10) ; on  this  wall  we  see  the  same 
lily  design  appearing  twice.  D shows  us  a capital  used  in  the  begin- 
nings of  Greek  architecture  in  Asia  Minor,  with  the  lily  petals  forming 
the  volutes  rolled  further  over  but  still  showing  its  relationship  with  A. 
This  process  is  carried  so  far  in  F,  a capital  dug  up  on  the  Acropolis 
of  Athens,  that  we  lose  sight  of  the  lily.  H finally  shows  us  the  fully 
developed  Ionic  column,  in  which  the  volutes  hardly  resemble  any 
longer  the  lily  from  which  they  came.  This  column  {H)  is  taken  from 
the  colonnade  of  the  Temple  of  Victory  on  the  Acropolis  of  Athens 
(headpiece,  p.  378).  Examples  of  this  style  of  column  are  now  common 
in  our  own  public  buildings 


368 


1 


Athens  in  the  Age  of  Pericles  369 

hammers  from  the  height  above  tells  where  the  stonecutters  are 
shaping  the  marble  blocks  for  the  still  unfinished  Parthenon,  a 
noble  temple  dedicated  to  Athena  (Figs.  183,  185,  and  Plate  IV, 
p.  378);  and  there,  too,  the  people  often  see  Pericles  intently 
inspecting  the  building,  as  Phidias  the  sculptor  and  Ictinus  the 
architect  of  the  building  pace  up  and  down  the  inclosure,  ex- 
plaining to  him  the  progress  of  the  work.  In  these  wondrous 
Greek  buildings  architect  and  sculptor  work  hand  in  hand. 

Phidias  is  the  greatest  of  the  sculptors  at  Athens.  In  a long 
band  of  carved  marble  extending  entirely  around  the  four  sides 
of  the  Parthenon,  at  the  top  inside  the  colonnades  (Plate  IV, 
p.  378),  Phidias  and  his  pupils  have  portrayed,  as  in  a glorified 
vision,  the  sovereign  people  of  Athens  moving  in  the  stately 
procession  (Fig.  186)  of  the  Pan-Athenaic  festival  (§  570). 
To  be  sure,  these  are  not  individual  portraits  of  actual  Athenian 
folk,  but  only  types  which  lived  in  the  exalted  vision  of  the 
sculptor,  and  not  on  the  streets  of  Athens.  But  such  sculpture 
had  never  been  seen  before.  How  different  is  the  supreme 
beauty  of  these  perfect  human  forms  from  the  cruder  figures 
which  adorned  the  temple  burned  by  the  Persians.  The  citizen 
has  seen  the  shattered  fragments  of  these  older  works  cleared 
away  and  covered  with  rubbish  when  the  architects  leveled  off 
the  summit  of  the  Acropolis.^  Inside  the  new  temple  gleams 
the  colossal  figure  of  Athena,  wrought  by  the  cunning  hand  of 
Phidias  in  gold  and  ivory.  Even  from  the  city  below  the  citizen 
can  discern,  touched  with  bright  colors,  the  heroic  figures  of 
the  gods  with  which  Phidias  has  filled  the  triangular  gable  ends 
of  the  building  (Fig.  185).  Out  in  the  open  area  behind  the 
colonnaded  entrance  rises  another  great  work  of  Phidias,  a 
colossal  bronze  statue  of  Athena,  seventy  feet  high  as  it  stands 
on  its  tall  base  (Fig.  183,  D).  With  shield  and  spear  the  goddess 
stands,  the  gracious  protectress  of  Athens,  and  the  glittering 

r Till  recently  they  lay  buried  under  the  rubbish  on  the  slope  (Fig.  182). 
The  excavations  of  the  Greek  government  have  recovered  them,  and  they  are 
now  in  the  Acropolis  Museum  at  Athens. 


577.  Phidias 
and  the  sculp- 
tures of  the 
Parthenon 


370 


Ancient  Times 


point  of  her  gilded  spear  can  be  seen  shining  like  a beacon 
far  across  the  land,  even  by  the  sailors  as  they  round  the 
southern  tip  of  Attica  (see  map,  p.  352)  and  sail  homeward. 


I 


Fig.  185.  Restoration  of  the  Parthenon,  as  it  was  in  the  i 
Fifth  Century  b.c.  (After  Thiersch  and  Michaelis) 

This  is  the  noble  temple  of  Athena  erected  on  the  Acropolis  of  Athens 
(Fig.  183,  E)  by  Pericles  with  the  architect  Ictinus  and  the  sculptor 
Phidias  (§  576).  The  restoration  shows  us  the  wonderful  beauty  of 
the  Doric  colonnades  as  they  were  when  they  left  the  hands  of  the  j 

builders.  In  Plate  IV,  p.  378,  we  gain  a glimpse  of  the  same  colon-  j 

nades  as  they  are  to-day,  after  the  explosion  of  the  Turkish  powder  1 

magazine,  the  effect  of  which  can  be  seen  in  Fig.  182.  The  gable  | 

ends  each  contained  a triangular  group  of  sculpture  depicting  the  j 
birth  of  Athena  and  her  struggle  with  Poseidon,  god  of  the  sea,  for 
possession  of  Attica.  The  wonderful  frieze  of  Phidias  (Fig.  186  and 
§ 577)  extended  around  the  building  inside  the  colonnades  at  the  top 
of  the  wall 


578.  The 
drama ; 
vEschylus 


In  spite  of  the  Sophists  (§  563),  these  are  the  gods  to  whom 
the  faith  of  the  Athenian  people  still  reverently  looks  up.  Have 
not  Athena  and  these  gods  raised  the  power  of  Athens  to  the 


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Fig.  187.  Praxiteles’  Figure  of  Hermes  playing  with  the 
Child  Dionysus 

This  wonderful  statue  was  discovered  in  the  ruins  of  the  Hera  temple  at 
Olympia  (headpiece,  p.  295),  and  is  one  of  the  few  original  works  of  the 
great  Greek  sculptors  found  in  Greece.  Nearly  all  such  Greek  originals 
have  perished,  and  we  know  them  only  in  Roman  copies  (§  1053).  In  his  up- 
lifted right  hand  (now  broken  off)  the  god  probably  held  a bunch  of  grapes, 
with  which  he  was  amusing  the  child  (§  648) 


Athens  in  the  Age  of  Petioles 


371 


imperial  position  which  she  now  occupies  ? Do  not  all  the 
citizens  recall  ^schylus’  drama  " The  Persians  ” ? It  told 
the  stoiy  of  the  glorious  victory  of  Salamis,  and  in  it  the 
memories  of  the  great  deliverance  from  Persian  conquest  were 
enshrined.  How  that  tremendous  day  of  Salamis  was  made 
to  live  again  in  the  imposing  picture  which  the  poet’s  genius 
brought  before  them,  disclosing  the  mighty  purpose  of  the  gods 
to  save  Hellas! 

As  he  skirts  the  sheer  precipice  of  the  Acropolis  the  citizen  579.  Theater 
reaches  the  theater  (see  plan,  p.  352,  and  Fig.  183,^7),  where 
he  finds  the  people  are  already  entering,  for  the  Feast  of  Diony- 
sus (§  570)  has  arrived.  Only  yesterday  he  and  his  neighbors 
received  from  the  State  treasury  the  money  for  their  admission. 

It  is  natural  that  they  should  feel  that  the  theater  and  all  that 
is  done  there  belong  to  the  people,  and  not  the  less  as  the 
citizen  looks  down  upon  the  orchestra  circle  and  recognizes 
his  friends  and  neighbors  and  their  sons  in  the  chorus  for 
that  day’s  performance.  The  seats  are  of  wood,  and  they 
occupy  the  slope  at  the  foot  of  the  Acropolis.  Hence  they 
are  not  elevated  on  timbers,  and  there  is  no  danger  of  their 
falling  and  killing  the  spectators  as  they  once  did  when  the 
theater  was  a temporaiy  structure  in  the  market  place,  in  the 
days  of  the  citizen’s  grandfather.  All  the  citizens  have  turned 
out,  including  some  less  worthy  and  intelligent,  who  do  not 
hesitate  to  indulge  in  cat-calls,  or  pelt  the  actors  with  food,  if 
the  play  displeases  them.  The  play  would  seem  strange  enough 
to  us,  for  there  is  little  or  no  scenery;  and  the  actors,  who  are 
always  men,  wear  grotesque  masks,  a survival  of  old  days 
(§  483).  The  narrative  is  largely  carried  on  in  song  by  the 
chorus  (§  483),  but  this  is  varied  by  the  dialogue  of  the  actors, 
and  the  whole  is  not  unlike  an  opera. 

A play  of  Sophocles  (Fig.  180)  is  on,  and  the  citizen’s  neigh-  580.  Sopho- 
bor  in  the  next  seat  leans  over  to  tell  him  how  as  a lad  many 
years  ago  he  stood  on  the  shore  of  Salamis,  whither  his  family 
had  fled  (§  512),  and  as  they  looked  down  upon  the  destruction 


372 


Ancient  Times 


of  the  Persian  fleet  this  same  Sophocles,  a boy  of  sixteen,  was  ^ 
in  the  crowd  looking  on  with  the  rest.  How  deeply  must  the 
events  of  that  tragic  day  have  sunk  into  the  poet’s  soul  1 For  ! 
does  he  not  see  the  will  of  the  gods  in  all  that  happens  to  men? 
Does  he  not  celebrate  the  stern  decree  of  Zeus  everywhere 
hanging  over  human  life,  at  the  same  time  that  he  uplifts  his  i 

audience  to  adore  the  splen- 
dor of  Zeus,  however  dark 
the  destiny  he  lays  upon  | 

men  ? For  Sophocles  still  | 

believes  in  the  gods,  and  is  1 
no  friend  of  the  Sophists.  | 
Hence  the  citizen  feels  that  > 
Sophocles  is  a veritable  voice  ! 
of  the  people,  exalting  the  j 
old  gods  in  the  new  time.  ! 
Moreover,  in  place  of  the 
former  two,  Sophocles  has 
three  actors  in  his  plays,  a 
change  which  makes  them 
more  interesting  and  full  of 
action.  Even  old  Htschylus 
yielded  to  this  innovation 
once  before  he  died.  Yet  too 
much  innovation  is  also  un- 
welcome to  the  citizen. 

The  citizen  feels  this  es- 
pecially if  it  is  one  of  the  new  sensational  plays  of  Euripides 
which  is  presented.  Euripides  (Fig.  i88)  is  the  son  of  a farmer 
who  lives  over  on  the  island  of  Salamis  (Fig.  177).  He  has  for 
some  time  been  presenting  plays  at  the  spring  competition 
(§  570).  He  is  a friend  and  companion  of  the  Sophists,  and 
in  matters  of  religion  his  mind  is  shadowed  with  doubts. 

His  new  plays  are  all  inwrought  with  problems  and  mental 
struggle  regarding  the  gods,  and  they  have  raised  a great 


Fig.  188.  Portrait  of 
Euripides 

The  name  of  the  poet  (§  581)  is  en- 
graved in  Greek  letters  along  the 
lower  edge  of  the  bust 

581.  Euripi- 


Athens  in  the  Age  of  Pericles 


373 


many  questions  and  doubts  which  the  citizen  has  never  been 
able  to  banish  from  bis  own  mind  since  he  heard  them. 
The  citizen  determines  that  he  will  use  all  the  influence  he  has 
to  prevent  the  plays  of  Euripides  from  winning  the  prize.  In- 
deed, Sophocles  suits  all  the  old-fashioned  folk,  and  it  is  very 
rarely  that  Euripides  has  been  able  to  carry  off  the  prize,  in 
spite  of  his  great  ability.  The  citizen  feels  some  anxiety  as  he 
realizes  that  his  own  son  and  most  of  the  other  young  men  of 
his  set  are  enthusiastic  admirers  of  Euripides.  They  constantly 
read  his  plays  and  talk  them  over  with  the  Sophists. 

The  great  tragedies  were  given  in  the  morning,  and  in  the 
afternoon  the  people  were  ready  for  less  serious  entertainment, 
such  as  the  comedy  offered.  Out  of  the  old-time  masques  and 
burlesque  frolics  of  the  village  communities  at  country  feasts 
the  comedy  had  developed  into  a stage  performance,  with  all 
the  uproarious  antics  of  the  unbridled  comedian.  The  play- 
writer  did  not  hesitate  to  introduce  the  greatest  dignitaries  of 
the  State.  Even  Pericles  was  not  spared,  and  great  philosophers, 
or  serious-minded  writers  like  Euripides,  were  shown  in  absurd 
caricatures  and  made  irresistibly  ridiculous  on  the  stage,  while  the 
multitudes  of  Athens  vented  their  delight  in  roars  of  laughter 
mingled  with  shouts  and  cheers.  Parodies  on  great  passages  of 
literature,  too,  were  sure  of  a quick  response,  so  keen  was  the 
wit  of  the  Athenians  and  so  widespread  the  acquaintance  of  the 
people  with  the  literature  which  they  had  inherited. 

When  all  was  over  they  must  wait  until  the  next  spring  feast 
of  Dionysus  before  they  were  privileged  to  see  any  more  plays. 
But  meantime  they  were  greatly  interested  in  the  decision  of 
the  jury  of  citizens  awarding  prizes  for  tragedy,  for  comedy, 
and  for  the  best  chorus  a bronze  tripod  to  the  citizen  who  had 
equipped  and  trained  it  (Fig.  190).  Moreover,  the  interest  in 
drama  and  the  theater  continued,  for  the  next  competition 
soon  demanded  that  probably  two  thousand  men  and  boys 
of  Athens  should  put  all  their  leisure  time  into  learning  their 
parts  written  out  for  them  on  sheets  of  papyrus  and  into 


582.  Com 
edies 


583.  Con- 
tinued and 
widespread 
interest  in 
drama  and 
literature 


Fig.  189.  The  Theater  of  Athens 

This  theater  was  the  center  of  the  growth  and  development  of  Greek 
drama,  which  began  as  a part  of  the  celebration  of  the  spring  feast  of 
Dionysus,  god  of  the  vine  and  the  fruitfulness  of  the  earth  (§  420). 
The  temple  of  the  god  stood  here,  just  at  the  left.  Long  before  any- 
one knew  of  such  a thing  as  a theater,  the  people  gathered  at  this 
place  to  watch  the  celebration  of  the  god’s  spring  feast,  where  they 
formed  a circle  about  the  chorus,  which  narrated  in  song  the  stories  of 
the  gods  (§  483).  This  circle  (called  the  orchestra)  was  finally  marked 
out  permanently,  seats  of  wood  for  the  spectators  were  erected  in  a 
semicircle  on  one  side,  but  the  singing  and  action  all  took  place  in  the 
circle  on  the  level  of  the  ground.  On  the  side  opposite  the  public  was 
a booth,  or  tent  (Greek,  skene,  " scene  ”),  for  the  actors,  and  out  of  this 
finally  developed  the  stage.  Here  we  see  the  circle,  or  orchestra, 
with  the  stage  cutting  off  the  back  part  of  the  circle.  The  seats  are  of 
stone  and  accommodated  possibly  seventeen  thousand  people.  The 
fine  marble  seats  in  the  front  row  were  reserved  for  the  leading  men  of 
Athens.  The  old  wooden  seats  were  still  in  use  in  the  days  when 
Aischylus,  Sophocles,  and  Euripides  presented  their  dramas  here 
(§§  578-582).  From  the  seats  the  citizens  had  a grand  view  of  the  sea, 
with  the  island  of  Algina,  their  old-time  rival  (§  543) ; and  even  the 
heights  of  Argolis,  40  miles  away,  were  visible ; for  orchestra  and  seats 
continued  roofless,  and  a Greek  theater  was  always  open  to  the  sky. 
In  Roman  times  a colonnaded  porch  across  the  back  of  the  stage 
was  introduced,  and  such  columns  of  Roman  date  may  be  seen  in 
Plate  VII,  p.  558.  For  the  best-preserved  early  Greek  theater,  see 
tailpiece,  p.  393 

374 


Athens  in  the  Age  of  Pericles 


375 


training  and  rehearsals  for  the  various  choruses.  ^Thousands 
of  citizens  too  were  reading  the  old  plays  that  had  already 
been  presented. 

For  now  at  length  books  too  had  come  to  take  an  important 
place  in  the  life  of  Athens.  Rows  of  baskets  of  cylindrical 
shape  held  the  books  which  filled  the  shelves  in  our  Athenian 
citizen’s  libraiy\  Homer  and  the  works  of  the  old  classic  poets 
were  now  written  on  long  rolls  of  papyrus,  as  much  as  a hun- 
dred and  fifty  or  sLxty  feet  in  length.  To  one  of  these  rolls  the 
educated  Greek  sat  down  as  the  Egyptian  had  so  long  before 
been  accustomed  to  do  (Fig.  19 1).  For  lack  of  good  artificial 
light,  reading  was  necessarily  done  mostly  by  day,  but  studious 
Greeks  also  ventured  to  try  their  eyes  in  reading  by  the  dim 
olive-oil  lamp.  Besides  literary  works,  all  sorts  of  books  of  in- 
struction began  to  appear.  The  sculptors  wrote  of  their  art, 
and  Ictinus  produced  a book  on  his  design  of  the  Parthenon 
(§  576).  There  was  a large  group  of  books  on  medicine,  bear- 
ing the  name  of  Hippocrates.  Textbooks  on  mathematics  and 
rhetoric  circulated,  and  the  Athenian  housekeeper  could  even 
find  a cookbook  at  the  bookshop. 

In  our  voyage  up  the  Nile  (§  115),  we  found  that  far  back 
in  the  Eg}'ptian  Empire,  a thousand  years  before  the  days  of 
Pericles,  there  was  a group  of  gifted  men  who  created  at  Thebes 
a grand  and  imperial  city  of  noble  architecture.  But  that  group 
of  great  Egyptians  was  not  made  up  of  citizens,  nor  had  the 
multitudes  of  Thebes  any  share  in  government  or  in  the 
creation  of  the  magnificent  city.  It  was  very  different  in  the 
Athens  of  Pericles.  Here  had  grown  up  a whole  community 
of  intelligent  men,  who  were  the  product  of  the  most  active 
interest  in  the  life  and  government  of  the  community,  con- 
stantly sharing  in  its  tasks  and  problems,  in  daily  contact 
with  the  greatest  works  of  ar^  in  literature,  drama,  painting, 
architecture,  and  sculpture  — such  a wonderful  community 
indeed  as  the  ancient  world,  Greek  or  oriental,  had  never 
seen  before. 


584.  Books 
and  reading 


585  Con- 
trast  between 
Athens  and 
Egyptian 
Thebes 


376 


Ancient  Times 


586.  The  old 
Athens  and 
the  new 


Not  only  was  it  totally  different  from  any  that  we  have  found 
in  the  ancient  Orient,  but  we  see  also  how  very  different  from 
the  Athens  of  the  old  days  before  the  Persian  Wars  was  this 
imperial  Athens  of  Pericles ! — throbbing  with  new  life  and 
astir  with  a thousand  questions  eagerly  discussed  at  every 
comer.  Keenly  awake  to  the  demands  of  the  greater  State  and 
the  sovereign  people,  the  men  of  the  new  Athens  were  deeply 
pondering  also  the  duties  and  privileges  of  the  individual,  who 
felt  new  and  larger  visions  of  himself  conflicting  with  the  exac- 
tions of  the  State  and  the  old  faith.  Troubled  by  serious  doubts, 
they  were,  nevertheless,  clinging  with  wistful  apprehension  to 
the  old  gods  and  the  old  truths.  Under  Pericles  Athens  was 
becoming  as  he  desired  it  should,  the  teacher  of  the  Greek 
world.  It  now  remained  to  be  seen  whether  the  people,  in 
sovereign  control  of  the  State,  could  guide  her  wisely  and 
maintain  her  new  power.  As  we  watch  the  citizens  of  Athens 
endeavoring  to  furnish  her  with  wise  and  successful  guidance, 
we  shall  find  another  and  a sadly  different  side  of  the  life  of 
this  wonderful  community. 

QUESTIONS 

Section  54.  What  can  you  say  of  the  population  of  Attica  as  to 
social  classes.?  Discuss  the  rich  and  the  poor.  Were  there  any 
beautiful  houses  in  Europe  in  Pericles’  time  ? Describe  an  Athenian 
house  of  this  age  ; its  conveniences ; its  equipment ; its  decoration. 
What  were  the  streets  of  Athens  like?  Describe  Greek  costume  in 
this  age.  What  was  now  the  position  of  women?  Describe  the 
usual  school  and  its  teacher.  What  subjects  were  taught  ? What  did 
a boy  do  when  he  left  school  ? What  oath  of  citizenship  did  he  take? 
Tell  about  his  military  service;  his  athletic  training.  What  were 
the  chief  events  in  athletics  ? 

Section  55.  What  new  private  teachers  now  began  to  appear? 
What  did  these  men  teach  ? Did  a boy  learn  from  them  anything 
which  his  father  had  not  been  taught  ? What  did  the  fathers  think 
about  the  teaching  of  the  Sophists  ? Was  there  any  general  knowl- 
edge of  science?  How  was  the  time  of  day  designated?  How  was 
time  measured  within  the  day?  within  the  year?  What  were  the 


Athens  in  the  Age  of  Pericles 


377 


difficulties?  What  discoveries  were  made  in  astronomy?  in  geog- 
raphy? What  progress  was  made  in  medicine?  in  history-writing? 
How  did  government  business  train  the  citizens  of  Athens?  Tell 
about  voluntary  contributions  by  the  citizens.  What  can  you  say 
about  official  State  feasts  at  Athens? 

Section  56.  How  did  warmth 'of  patriotic  feeling  affect  music, 
the  drama,  art,  and  architecture  ? Discuss  the  painting  of  Marathon 
in  the  Athenian  market  place.  Do  you  see  any  connection  between 
art  and  patriotism  in  such  a work?  Were  there  any  fine  government 
office  buildings  in  Athens  under  Pericles  ? What  was  the  material  of 
such  buildings  ? What  were  the  beautiful  public  buildings  of  Greece 
at  this  time  ? How  did  the  Athenian  Acropolis  look  after  the  Persian 
Wars?  What  did  Pericles  do  about  it?  Who  opposed  him?  Was 
there  a majority  of  Athenian  citizens  who  wanted  such  great  works 
as  Pericles  planned  ? How  then  did  he  put  his  plan  through  ? Who 
assisted  Pericles  in  carrying  out  the  actual  work  on  the  Acropolis? 
What  buildings  did  they  erect?  Describe  the  sculpture  of  Phidias. 

What  play  did  ^schylus  write  about  the  war  with  Persia?  Do 
you  see  any  connection  between  literature  and  patriotism  in  such  a 
work?  Describe  the  theater  where  such  plays  were  presented  at 
Athens.  Did  a citizen  pay  for  his  own  ticket?  Describe  a play  in 
such  a theater.  Who  was  Sophocles?  What  did  he  think  about  the 
gods  and  the  Sophists?  How  many  actors  did  he  have? 

What  did  Euripides  think  about  the  gods?  To  which  of  these 
two  men  did  the  Athenians  vote  the  most  prizes  ? What  did  an  old- 
fashioned  citizen  think  about  having  his  son  read  the  plays  of  Eurip- 
ides? Tell  about  the  comedies  played  at  Athens.  How  did  the 
Athenians  take  part  in  drama  and  music  ? What  did  a book  look  like 
in  this  age  ? What  books  could  a citizen  find  at  the  bookshop  ? 
Contrast  Athens  and  Egyptian  Thebes.  In  wha't  ways  was  the 
Athens  of  Pericles  different  from  that  of  Solon? 

Note.  The  sketch  below  shows  us  vase-paintings  of  Greek  children  at  play. 


Section  57.  The  Tyranny  of  Athens  and  the  S 
Second  Peloponnesian  War  ■ 

While  Athens  under  the  guiding  hand  of  Pericles  had  thusj 
made  herself  the  chief  center  of  refined  and  civilized  life  in  the  ■ 
Greek  world,  her  political  situation  was  in  a number  of  ways® 
becoming  a serious  one  both  within  and  without  her  empire.* 
When  the  danger  from  Persia  had  long  passed  and  some  of* 
the  island  states  of  the  Empire  wished  to  withdraw,  Athens  ^ 

Note.  The  above  headpiece  shows  us  the  lovely  little  Temple  of  Victory,  still  , 
standing  on  the  Acropolis  {B  in  Fig.  183).  It  was  demolished  by  the  Turks,  who 
built  a battery  out  of  its  blocks.  When  the  Turkish  works  were  cleared  away  in 
1835,  fragments  of  the  temple  were  discovered  and  it  was  put  together  again. 
The  roof,  however,  is  still  lacking  (but  see  Dm  restoration,  p.  340).  It  was  prob- 
ably built,  or  at  least  begun,  in  the  latter  part  of  the  leadership  of  Pericles.  Thel 
columns  display  the  incoming  Ionic  form  (Fig.  184)  and  are  among  the  most  ■ 
beautiful  examples  of  this  style,  or,  as  it  is  commonly  called,  " order.”  A 

-878  i 


587.  States  of 
the  Athenian 
Empire  be- 
come help- 
less subjects 


© H.  Lt.  Teubner 

Plate  I\  . A Corner  of  the  Parthenon 


Looking  through  the  Doric  colonnades  as  they  are  to-day,  at  the  southeast 
corner  of  the  building,  to  the  distant  hills  of  Hymettus.  On  the  left  is  the 
base  of  the  wall  of  the  interior,  destroyed  by  the  explosion  fp.  365,  footnote). 
At  the  top  of  this  wall  was  the  frieze  of  Phidias  (Fig.  1S6  and  § t;;) 


The  Struggle  between  Athens  a7id  Sparta  3/9 


would  not  permit  them  to  do  so.  She  sent  out  her  war  fleet, 
conquered  the  rebellious  islands,  and  forced  them  to  pay- 
money  tribute  instead  of  contributing  ships.  Often  many  of 
their  citizens  were  driven  out  and  their  lands  were  divided 
among  the  Athenian  settlers.  A section  of  the  Athenian  fleet 
was  on  constant  duty  to  sail  about  in  the  ^gean  and  collect 
the  tribute  money  by  force  (see  map  II,  p.  346),  These  funds 
were  used  by  Athens  as  she  pleased,  and  the  magnificent  build- 
ings of  Pericles  were  paid  for  out  of  this  tribute. 

Moreover,  the  democracy  of  Athens  was  most  undemocratic 
in  its  treatment  of  these  outsiders  in  the  other  cities  of  the 
Empire.  For,  about  the  middle  of  the  century  the  Athenians, 
led  by  Pericles,  abolished  the  former  liberal  policy  of  granting 
citizenship  to  outsiders  (§  536)  and  passed  a veiy  strict  law  limit- 
ing Athenian  citizenship  to  those  whose  parents  were  themselves 
citizens  of  Athens.  This  law  kept  the  people  of  the  Empire 
really  foreigners  and  deprived  Athens  of  the  large  body  of 
loyal  citizens  which  she  might  have  gained  from  among  the 
subject  cities. 

At  the  same  time  Athens  forced  the  people  of  the  Empire 
to  come  there  to  settle  their  legal  differences  before  her  citizen- 
juries.  For  this  purpose  the  people  of  distant  island  states 
were  often  obliged  to  make  the  expensive  and  inconvenient 
journey  to  Athens.  There  was  no  feeling  of  unity  within  the 
Empire,  for  the  Council  of  representatives  from  the  states  of 
the  Empire,  which  once  guided  its  affairs,  no  longer  held  any 
meetings.  Athens  was  in  complete  control  and  governed  them 
as  she  liked.  They  saw  how  much  easier  were  the  conditions 
under  which  the  members  of  the  Spartan  League  lived,  and 
more  than  one  of  them  sent  secret  messages  to  Sparta,  with 
the  purpose  of  throwing  off  Athenian  control  and  going  over 
to  Sparta. 

\Vhile  such  was  the  state  of  affairs  within  the  Athenian 
Empire,  conditions  outside  were  even  more  serious.  The  out- 
ward splendor  of  Athens,  her  commercial  prosperity,  the  visible 


588.  Change 
in  the  policy 
of  Athens 
regarding 
citizenship 


589.  Tyranny 
of  Athens 
and  discon- 
tent in  her 
Empire 


590.  Hos- 
tility of  the 
rivals  of 
Athens 


380 


Ancient  Times 


591.  Open- 
ing of  Second 
Pelopon- 
nesian War 
(431  B.c.) 
and  Pericles’ 
plan  of  cam- 
paign 


growth  of  her  power,  her  not  very  conciliatory  attitude  toward 
her  rivals,  and  the  example  she  offered  of  the  seeming  success 
of  triumphant  democracy  — all  these  things  were  causes  of 
jealousy  to  a backward  and  conservative  military  State  like 
Sparta,  where  most  of  the  citizens  were  still  unable  to  read, 
iron  money  continued  in  use,  and  the  town  remained  an  open 
settlement  without  walls  or  defenses  (Fig.  178).  Moreover, 
this  feeling  of  unfriendliness  toward  Athens  was  not  confined 
to  Sparta  but  was  quite  general  throughout  Greece.  The  mer- 
chants of  Corinth  (Fig.  163)  found  Athenian  competition  a con- 
tinuous vexation,  and  when  Athenian  possessions  in  the  north 
^gean  revolted  and  received  support  from  Corinth  and  Sparta, 
the  fact  that  hardly  half  of  the  thirty  years’  term  of  peace 
(§  545)  had  expired  did  not  prevent  the  outbreak  of  war. 

It  seemed  as  if  all  European  Greece  not  included  in  the 
Athenian  Empire  had  united  against  Athens,  for  Sparta  con- 
trolled the  entire  Peloponnesus  except  Argos,  and  north  of 
Attica,  Boeotia  led  by  Thebes,  as  well  as  its  neighbors  on  the 
west,  were  hostile  to  Athens.  The  support  of  Athens  consisted 
of  the  JEgean  cities  which  made  up  her  empire  and  a few  out- 
lying allies  of  little  power.  She  began  the  struggle  with  a large 
war  treasury  and  a fleet  which  made  her  undisputed  mistress 
of  the  sea.  But  she  could  not  hope  to  cope  with  the  land 
forces  of  the  enemy,  which,  some  thirty  thousand  strong,  had 
planned  to  meet  in  the  Isthmus  in  the  spring  of  431  b.c. 
Accordingly,  Pericles’  plan  for  the  war  was  to  throw  all  the 
resources  of  Athens  into  naval  enterprises  and  make  no  effort 
to  defend  Attica  by  land.  When  the  Peloponnesian  army 
entered  Attica  the  country  communities  were  directed  by 
Pericles  to  leave  their  homes  and  take  refuge  in  the  open 
markets  and  squares  of  Athens,  the  sanctuaries,  and  especially 
between  the  Long  Walls  leading  to  the  Piraeus.  Here  they 
were  safe  behind  the  strong  defenses  of  Athens  and  her  port. 
To  offset  the  devastation  of  Attica  by  the  Spartan  army,  all 
that  Athens  could  do  was  to  organize  destructive  sea  raids  and 


The  Struggle  between  Athens  and  Sparta  381 


inflict  as  much  damage  as  possible  along  the  coasts  of  the 
Peloponnesus  or  blockade  and  destroy  Corinthian  commerce  as 
of  old  (map  II,  p.  346). 

The  masses  of  people 
crowded  within  the  walls 
of  Athens  under  the 
unsanitary  conditions  we 
ha\-e  already  described 
(§  551),  exposed  the  city 
to  disease ; a plague, 
brought  in  from  the 
Orient,  raged  with  inter- 
missions for  several  sea- 
sons. It  carried  off 
probably  a third  of  the 
population,  and  from 
this  unforeseen  disaster 
Athens  never  recovered. 

Constantly  under  arms 
for  the  defense  of  the 
walls,  deprived  of  any 
opjjortunity  to  strike  the  Fig.  190.  Monument  com.memorat- 
enemy,  forced  to  sit  still  Triumph  of  an  Athenian 

j ..u  • 1 j Citizen  in  Music 

and  see  their  land  rav- 


aged, the  citizens  at  last 
broke  out  in  discontent. 

Even  before  the  be- 
ginning of  the  war  there 
had  been  signs  that  the 
power  of  Pericles  was 
waning.  He  was  a 
thoroughly  modem  man, 
associated  openly  with 
the  Sophists,  and  very 
evidently  held  their  views. 


An  entire  street  of  Athens  was  filled 
with  such  monuments  (§  583).  We  learn 
the  name  of  the  citizen,  Lysicrates,  who 
erected  this  beautiful  monument,  from 
the  inscription  it  still  bears,  which  reads : 
" Lysicrates  . . . was  choragus  [leader  of 
the  chorus]  when  the  boy-chorus  of  the 
tribe  of  Akamantis  won  the  prize;  Theon 
was  a flute-player,  Lysiades  of  Athens 
trained  the  choir.  Euaenetus  wasarchon.” 
The  archon’s  name  dates  the  erection  of 
the  monument  for  us  in  335  to  334  B.c. 
Beyond  the  monument  we  look  west- 
ward to  the  back  of  the  Acropolis  (see 
plan.  p.  352) 


592.  The 
plague  in 
Athens 


593.  Decline 
and  fall  of 
Pericles 


382 


Ancient  Times 


594.  Restora- 
tion, and  death 
of  Pericles 
(429  B.  c.) 


We  can  understand  what  this  meant  10  the  people,  if  we 


imagine  one  of  our  own  political 


Fig.  1 91.  Greek  Youth  reading 
FROM  A Roll 


It  will  be  seen  that  the  young  man 
holds  the  roll  so  that  he  rolls  up  a por- 
tion of  it  with  one  hand  as  he  unrolls 
another  portion  with  the  other.  He 
soon  has  a roll  in  each  hand,  while  he 
holds  smoothly  stretched  out  between 
the  two  rolls  the  exposed  portion  from 
which  he  reads  a column  of  writing 
like  that  which  we  see  photographed 
from  the  oldest-preserved  Greek  book 
(roll),  in  Fig.  223.  Such  a column 
formed  for  him  a page,  but  when  it  was 
read,  instead  of  turning  a page  as  we 
do,  he  rolled  it  away  to  the  left  side, 
and  brought  into  view  a new  column 
from  the  other  roll  on  the  right  side 

pie  soon  turned  to  Pericles  again 


leaders  of  to-day  declaring 
himself  an  infidel.^  One  of 
Pericles’  particular  friends 
among  the  Sophists  had 
been  prosecuted  by  the 
people  for  irreligious  views 
(§  was  legally 

condemned  for  his  infidel- 
ity and,  in  spite  of  all  that 
Pericles  could  do,  was 
obliged  to  flee  from  Athens. 
At  the  same  time  a popu- 
. lar  attack  on  the  honesty 
of  Pericles’  friend  Phidias, 
the  great  sculptor,  resulted 
in  his  being  thrown  into 
prison,  where  he  died.  Fi- 
nally, Pericles  himself  lost 
control,  was  tried  for  mis- 
appropriation of  funds, 
and  fined. 

The  absence  of  his 
steadying  hand  and  power- 
ful leadership  was  at  once 
felt  by  the  people,  for 
there  was  no  one  to  take 
his  place,  although  a swarm 
of  small  politicians  were 
contending  for  control  of 
the  Assembly.  Realizing 
their  helplessness  the  peo- 
and  elected  him  strategus. 


1 Those  who  remember  Robert  G.  IngersoU  will  recall  that  he  sacrificed  a 
political  career  because  of  his  religious  views. 


The  Struggle  between  Athens  and  Sparta  383 


But  the  great  days  of  his  leadership  were  over.  His  two 
sons  died  of  the  plague.  Then  he  was  himself  stricken  with 
it  and  died  soon  after  his  return  to  power  (429  b.c.).  Great 
statesman  as  he  was,  he  had  left  Athens  with  a system  of 
government  w’hich  did  not  provide  for  the  continuation  of  such 
leadership  as  he  had  furnished,  and  without  such  leadership 
the  Athenian  Empire  was  doomed. 

Men  of  the  prosperous  manufacturing  class  now  came  to 
the  fore.  They  possessed  neither  the  high  station  in  life,  the 
ability  as  statesmen,  nor  the  qualities  of  leadership  to  win  the 
confidence  and  respect  of  the  people.  Moreover,  these  new 
leaders  were  not  soldiers  and  could  not  command  the  fleet 
or  the  army  as  Pericles  had  done.  The  most  notable  exception 
was  Alcibiades,  a brilliant  young  man,  a relative  of  Pericles 
and  brought  up  in  his  house.  The  two  legal  sons  of  Pericles 
(there  was  another  son  by  an  illegal  marriage,  § 614)  having 
died,  Alcibiades,  if  he  had  enjoyed  the  guidance  of  his  foster 
father  a few  years  longer,  might  have  become  the  savior  of 
Athens  and  of  Greece.  As  it  happened,  however,  this  young 
leader  was  more  largely  responsible  than  anyone  else  for  the 
destruction  of  the  Athenian  Empire  and  the  downfall  of  Greece. 

Lacking  the  steadying  hand  of  a statesman  whose  well- 
formed  plans  and  continuous  policy  might  furnish  a firm  and 
guiding  influence,  the  management  of  Athenian  affairs  fell  into 
confusion.  Wavering  and  changeableness  were  rarely  interrupted 
by  any  display  of  stability,  firmness,  and  wisdom ; the  leaders 
drifted  from  one  policy  to  another,  and  usually  from  bad  to 
worse.  It  seemed  impossible  to  regain  stable  leadership.  The 
youthful  Aristophanes  (§  659)  pictured  the  rudderless  condition 
of  the  ship  of  State  in  one  clever  comedy  after  another,  in 
which  he  ridiculed  in  irresistible  satire  the  pretense  to  states- 
manship of  such  " men  of  the  people  ” as  Cleon  the  tanner. 

A typical  example  of  the  ill-considered  actions  of  the  As- 
sembly was  their  treatment  of  the  revolting  citizens  of  Mitylene. 
When  the  men  of  Mitylene  were  finally  subdued,  the  Assembly 


595.  Lack  of 
leaders  after 
death  of 
Pericles 


596.  Unsta- 
ble leader- 
ship of  the 
Assembly 


597.  Inci- 
dent of 
Mitylene 


384 


Ancient  Times 


598.  Cleon 
the  tanner 


599.  The  first 
ten  years  of 
the  war,  and 
the  Peace 
of  Nicias 
(421  B.c.) 


I 


on  the  Pnyx  (Fig.  179)  voted  that  they  should  all  be  put  to 
death,  and  a ship  departed  with  these  orders.  It  was  with 
great  difficulty  that  a more  moderate  group  in  the  Assembly 
secured  a rehearing  of  the  question  and  succeeded  in  inducing 
the  people  to  modify  their  barbarous  action  to  the  condemna- 
tion and  execution  of  the  ringleaders  only.  A second  ship  then 
overtook  the  first  barely  in  time  to  save  from  death  the  entire 
body  of  the  citizens  of  Mitylene. 

In  spite  of  such  revolts  Athenian  naval  supremacy  continued; 
but  as  the  war  dragged  on,  the  payment  of  army  and  fleet  re- 
duced Athenian  funds  to  a very  low  state.  Cleon  the  tanner 
was  a man  of  much  energy  and  a good  deal  of  financial  ability. 
He  succeeded  in  having  an  income  tax  introduced,  and  later  on 
the  tribute  of  the  Aigean  cities  was  raised.  But  having  always 
been  a manufacturer,  he  lacked  all  militaiy  experience.  For 
years  the  operations  on  both  sides  were  in  most  cases  utterly 
insignificant.  This  is  best  seen  in  Cleon’s  siege  and  capture  of 
four  hundred  Spartans  on  one  of  the  islands  on  the  west  coast 
of  Greece  — ■ a disaster  which  made  a great  impression  and,  in 
view  of  some  other  reverses,  led  the  Spartans  to  sue  for  peace ! 
Later  in  an  absurdly  mismanaged  expedition  on  the  northern 
coast  of  the  ALgean,  Cleon  lost  his  army  of  fifteen  hundred 
men  and  his  own  life. 

The  attack  of  the  allies  on  Athens  did  not  succeed  in  break- 
ing up  her  empire  and  overthrowing  her  leadership  of  the 
Higean  cities.  It  was  the  devastation  wrought  by  the  plague 
which  had  seriously  affected  her.  Athens  and  the  whole  Greek 
world  were  demoralized  and  weakened.  The  contest  had  in 
it  no  longer  the  inspiration  of  a noble  s'truggle  such  as  the 
Greeks  had  maintained  against  Persia.  Unprecedented  brutality, 
like  that  at  first  adopted  toward  Mitylene,  gave  the  struggle 
a savagery  and  a lack  of  respect  for  the  enemy  which  com- 
pletely obscured  all  finer  issues,  if  there  were  any  such  involved 
in  the  war.  With  Cleon  gone,  Athenian  leadership  fell  into  the 
hands  of  a wealthy  and  noble  citizen  named  Nicias,  a man  of 


I 

i 

I 

\ 


The  Struggle  between  Athens  and  Sparta  385 

no  ability,  ten  years  of  indecisive  warfare  had  passed, 

Nicias  arranged  a peace  to  be  kept  for  fifty  years.  Each  con- 
testant agreed  to  give  up  all  new  conquests  and  to  retain  only 
old  possessions  or  subject  cities  (see  map  II,  p.  346). 

Section  58.  Third  Peloponnesian  War  and 
Destruction  of  the  Athenian  Empire 

Meantime  serious  difficulties  arose  in  carrying  out  the  con- 
ditions of  the  peace.  One  of  the  northern  subject  cities  of 
Athens  which  had  gone  over  to  Sparta  refused  to  return  to 
Athenian  allegiance.  Athens  took  the  questionable  ground  that 
Sparta  should  force  the  unwilling  city  to  obey  the  terms  of 
peace.  It  was  at  this  juncture  that  Athens  especially  needed 
such  guidance  as  a statesman  like  Pericles  could  have  fur- 
nished. She  was  obliged  to  depend  upon  the  feeble  leadership 
of  Nicias  and  the  energetic  but  unprincipled  Alcibiades. 

Nicias  continued  to  urge  a conciliatory  attitude  toward 
Sparta,  but  he  failed  of  election  as  strategus.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  gifted  and  reckless  Alcibiades,  seeing  a great  oppor- 
tunit}'  for  a brilliant  career,  did  all  that  he  could  to  excite  the 
war  party  in  Athens.  He  was  elected  strategus,  and,  in  spite 
of  the  fact  that  troubles  at  home  had  forced  Sparta  into  a 
treat}’  of  alliance  with  Athens,  Alcibiades  was  able  to  carry 
the  Assembly  with  him.  He  then  involved  Athens  in  an  alliance 
with  Argos  against  Sparta.  In  this  way  Attica,-  exhausted  with 
plague  and  ten  years  of  warfare,  was  enticed  into  a life-and- 
death  struggle  which  was  to  prove  final. 

Several  years  of  ill-planned  militaiy^  and  naval  operations 
followed  the  fruitless  peace  of  Nicias.  The  Spartans  did  not 
at  once  respond  with  hostilities  and  sent  no  army  into  Attica. 
Alcibiades  at  length  persuaded  the  x\thenians  to  plan  a great 
joint  expedition  of  army  and  navy  against  Sicily,  where  the 
mighty  city  of  Syracuse,  founded  as  a colony  of  Corinth,  was 
leading  in  the  oppression  of  certain  Western  cities  in  alliance 


600.  Diffi- 
culties in 
maintaining 
the  new  peace 


601.  Alci- 
biades brings 
on  war  again 


602.  Third 
Pelopon- 
nesian W ar ; 
Sicilian  ex- 
pedition 


386 


Ancient  Times 


603.  Arrest 
of  Alcibiades 
and  his  flight 
to  Sparta 


with  Athens.  The  Athenians  placed  Alcibiades  and  Nicias 
in  command  of  the  expedition. 

Just  as  the  fleet  was  about  to  sail,  certain  sacred  images  in 
Athens  were  impiously  mutilated,  and  the  deed  was  attributed 
to  Alcibiades.  In  spite  of  his  demand  for  an  immediate  trial, 
the  Athenians  postponed  the  case  until  his  return  from  Sicily. 


Plan  of  the  Siege  of  Syracuse 


When  the  fleet  reached  Italy,  however,  the  Athenian  people, 
with  their  usual  inability  to  follow  any  consistent  plan  and  also 
desiring  to  take  Alcibiades  at  a great  disadvantage,  suddenly 
recalled  him  for  trial.  This  procedure  not  only  deprived  the 
expedition  of  its  only  able  leader  but  also  gave  Alcibiades  an 
opportunity  to  desert  to  the  Spartans,  which  he  promptly  did. 
His  advice  to  the  Spartans  now  proved  fatal  to  the  Athenians. 


The  Struggle  between  Athens  and  Sparta  3^7 


The  appearance  of  the  huge  Athenian  fleet  off  their  coast 
struck  dismay  into  the  hearts  of  the  Syracusans,  but  Nicias 
entirely  failed  to  see  the  importance  of  immediate  attack  before 
the  Syracusans  could  recover  and  make  preparations  for  the 
defense  of  their  city.  He  wasted  the  early  days  of  the  cam- 
paign in  ill-planned  maneuvers,  only  winning  a barren  victory 
over  the  Syracusan  land  forces.  When  Nicias  was  Anally  in- 
duced by  the  second  general  in  command  to  begin  the  siege 
of  the  city,  courage  had  returned  to  the  Syracusans,  and  their 
defense  was  well  organized. 

The  Athenians  now  built  a siege  wall  behind  Syracuse  nearly 
across  the  point  of  land  on  which  the  city  was  situated,  in  order 
to  cut  it  entirely  off  from  the  outside  world.  The  spirit  of  the 
Syracusans  was  much  depressed,  and  surrender  seemed  not  far 
off.  Just  at  this  point  Gylippus,  a Spartan  leader  and  his  troops, 
sent  by  the  advice  of  Alcibiades,  succeeded  in  passing  the  Athe- 
nian lines  and  gained  entrance  to  the  city.  The  courage  of  the 
S}Tacusans  was  at  once  restored.  The  Athenians  were  thrown 
upon  the  defensive.  Meantime  the  Syracusans  had  also  organ- 
ized a fleet.  The  Athenian  fleet  had  entered  the  harbor,  and 
in  these  narrow  quarters  they  were  unable  to  maneuver  or  to 
take  advantage  of  their  superior  seamanship.  After  some 
Athenian  success  at  first,  the  fleet  of  Syracuse  was  victorious. 

There  was  now  no  prospect  of  the  capture  of  the  city,  and 
Nicias  would  have  withdrawn,  but  the  leaders  at  home  would 
not  allow  it.  In  spite  of  renewed  Spartan  invasion,  the  blinded 
democratic  leaders  sent  out  another  fleet  and  more  land  forces 
to  reinforce  Nicias.  No  Greek  state  had  ever  mustered  such 
power  and  sent  it  far  across  the  waters.  All  Greece  watched 
the  spectacle  with  amazement.  A night  assault  by  the  rein- 
forced Athenians  failed  with  large  losses,  and  the  position  of 
the  whole  expedition  at  once  became  a dangerous  one. 

With  disaster  staring  them  in  the  face  there  was  nothing  for 
the  Athenians  to  do  but  withdraw.  But  just  at  this  point,  an 
eclipse  of  the  moon  occurred,  and  the  superstitious  Nicias 


604.  Incom- 
petence of 
Nicias 


605.  Athe- 
nian siege 
unsuccessful 


606.  Re- 
inforced 
Athenians 
repulsed 


388 


Ancient  Times 


fxri.  Capture 
of  Athenian 
fleet  and 
army  before 
Syracuse 
(4x3  B.c.) 


insisted  on  waiting  for  another  more  favorable  moon.  This 
month’s  delay  was  fatal  to  the  Athenians.  The  Syracusans 
blockaded  the  channel  to  the  sea  and  completely  shut  up  the 
Athenian  fleet  within  the  harbor,  so  that  an  attempt  to  break 
through  and  escape  disastrously  failed.  The  desperate  Athenian 


Fig.  192.  Stone  Quarries  of  Syracuse  in  which  the  Athe- 
nians WERE  Imprisoned 

We  look  across  the  deep  quarry  and  the  Small  Harbor  to  the  ancient 
island  of  Ortygia  (see  map,  p.  386).  It  is  now  a cape,  occupied  by  the 
modern  city  of  which  we  can  see  the  buildings.  The  quarries  are  over- 
grown with  ivy  and  masked  with  beautiful  green  foliage.  Here  the  seven 
thousand  Athenians  captured  by  the  Syracusans  (§  607)  were  imprisoned 
without  sufficient  water  and  provisions,  and  here  most  of  them  died 

army,  abandoning  sick  and  wounded,  too  late  endeavored  to 
escape  into  the  interior,  but  was  overtaken  and  forced  to  sur- 
render. The  Syracusans  treated  the  captured  Athenians  with 
savage  barbarity.  After  executing  the  commanding  generals, 
they  took  the  prisoners,  seven  thousand  in  number,  and  sold 
them  into  slavery  or  threw  them  into  the  stone  quarries  of  the 
city  (Fig.  192),  where  most  of  them  miserably  perished.  Thus 


The  Struggle  between  Athens  and  Sparta  389 


the  Athenian  expedition  was  completely  destroyed  (413  b.c.). 
This  disaster,  together  with  the  earlier  ravages  of  the  plague, 
brought  Athens  near  the  end  of  her  resources. 

Heretofore  Sparta  had  stood  more  or  less  aloof,  seemingly 
unwilling  to  break  the  peace  of  Nicias,  and  had  not  invaded 
Attica.  But  now  seeing  the  unprotected  condition  of  Athens, 
after  the  dispatch  of  the  Sicilian  expedition,  Sparta  again  in- 
vaded Attica  and,  on  the  advice  of  Alcibiades,  occupied  the  town 
of  Decelea,^  almost  within  sight  of  Athens.  Here  the  Spartans 
established  a permanent  fort  held  by  a strong  garrison,  and  thus 
placed  Athens  in  a state  of  perpetual  siege.  All  agriculture 
ceased,  and  the  Athenians  lived  on  imported  grain.  The  people 
now  understood  the  folly  of  having  sent  away  on  a distant  ex- 
pedition the  ships  and  the  men  that  should  have  been  kept  at 
home  to  repel  the  attacks  of  a powerful  and  still  uncrippled  foe. 

After  these  disasters  the  Athenian  Empire  began  to  show 
signs  of  breaking  up.  The  failure  of  the  democracy  in  the 
management  of  the  war  enabled  the  nobles  to  denounce  popu- 
lar rule  as  unsuccessful.  The  nobles  regained  power  for  a time ; 
violence  and  bloodshed  within  were  added  to  the  dangerous 
assaults  of  the  enemy  from  without.  The  finances  were  in  a 
desperate  condition.  The  tribute,  already  raised  to  the  breaking 
point,  was  abolished  and  a customs  duty  of  five  per  cent  was 
levied  on  all  goods  exported  or  imported.  The  plan  was  a suc- 
cess and  brought  in  a larger  income  than  the  tribute.  But  the 
measure  did  not  unite  nor  quiet  the  discontented  communities 
of  which  the  Empire  was  made  up.  One  after  another- they  fell 
away.  Spartan  warships  sailed  about  in  the  .Tigean,  aiding  the 
rebels,  who  had  of  course  dared  to  revolt  only  on  promise  of 
such  assistance  from  Sparta. 

To  add  to  the  Athenian  distress,  the  powerful  Persian  satrap 
in  western  Asia  Minor  was  supporting  the  Spartan  fleet 
with  money.  Indeed,  both  Athens  and  Sparta  had  long  been 

1 On  this  account  the  war  with  Sparta  which  now  followed,  lasting  nine  years 
(from  413  to  404  B.  c.),  is  often  called  the  " Decelean  War  ” (see  map,  p.  352). 


608.  Spartan 
garrison  in 
Attica 


609.  Internal 
troubles  of 
the  Athenian 
Empire 


610.  Persia 
aids  the  Pelo 
ponnesians 
against 
Athens 


390 


Ancient  Times 


6ii.  Alcibia- 
des  recovers 
command  of 
the  Athe- 
nian fleet 
(41 1 B.c.) 


612.  Resto- 
ration of 
Alcibiades 
(407  B.c.) 


613.  Fall  and 
death  of 
Alcibiades 


negotiating  with  Persia  for  aid,  and  Sparta  had  recognized  Per- 
sian rule  over  the  Greek  cities  of  Asia.  The  Greek  islands 
and  the  cities  of  Asia  Minor  which  had  once  united  in  the 
Delian  League  with  iVthens  to  throw  off  Persian  rule  were  now 
combining  with  Sparta  and  Persia  against  Athens.  Thus  the 
former  union  of  the  Greeks  in  a heroic  struggle  against  the 
Asiatic  enemy  had  given  way  to  a disgraceful  scramble  for 
Persian  support  and  favor. 

Meantime  Alcibiades,  under  the  protection  of  the  Persian 
satrap,  had  himself  encouraged  the  revolters  against  Athens, 
hoping  that  her  distress  would  finally  oblige  her  to  recall  him 
and  seek  his  aid.  He  was  not  disappointed.  The  small  fleet 
which  the  Athenians  were  still  able  to  put  into  the  fight  called 
upon  Alcibiades  for  help,  and  finally  put  itself  under  his  com- 
mand, without  any  authorization  from  Athens.  In  several  con- 
flicts, chiefly  through  the  skill  of  Alcibiades,  the  Peloponnesian 
fleet  was  finally  completely  destroyed,  and  Athens  regained  the 
command  of  the  sea. 

Sparta  now  made  offers  of  peace,  but  Alcibiades  skillfully 
used  the  war  sentiment  in  the  fleet  against  their  acceptance, 
and  the  democratic  leaders  in  power  at  Athens  also  refused  to 
make  peace.  Alcibiades  was  then  (407  b.c.)  elected  strategus 
and  legally  gained  command  of  the  fleet  which  he  had  already 
been  leading  for  four  years.  At  the  head  of  a triumphant  pro- 
cession he  entered  Athens  again  for  the  first  time  since  he  had 
left  it  for  Sicily  eight  years  before.  He  was  solemnly  purified 
from  the  religious  curse  which  rested  upon  him , and  his  for- 
tune, which  had  been  confiscated,  was  returned  to  him. 

It  now  needed  only  the  abilities  of  such  a leader  as  Alcibi-  [ 
ades  to  accomplish  the  union  of  the  distracted  Greek  states,  ! 
and  the  foundation  of  a great  Greek  nation.  At  this  supreme  - 
moment,  however,  Alcibiades  lacked  the  courage  to  seize  the  | 
government,  and  the  opportunity  never  returned  again.  When  ; 
he  put  to  sea  again  a slight  defeat,  inflicted  on  a part  of  his 
fleet  when  he  was  not  present,  cost  him  the  favor  of  the  fickle  ‘ 


The  Struggle  between  Athens  and  Sparta  39 1 

Athenians.  When  they  failed  to  reelect  him  strategus  he  retired 
to  a castle  which  he  had  kept  in  readiness  on  the  Hellespont. 
He  never  saw  his  native  land  again  and  died  in  exile,  the  victim 
of  a Persian  dagger. 

The  Athenians  had  now  lost  their  ablest  leader  again,  but 
they  continued  the  war  on  the  sea  as  best  they  could.  They 
won  another  important  victory  over  a new  Peloponnesian  fleet 
on  the  coast  of  Asia  Minor  by  the  little  islands  of  Arginusm. 
As  the  battle  ended  a storm  arose  which  prevented  the  com- 
manders from  saving  the  Athenian  survivors  clinging  to  the 
wreckage.  For  this  accident  the  Athenian  commanders  were 
accused  of  criminal  neglect  before  the  Assembly  and  con- 
demned to  death.  In  spite  of  all  that  could  be  done,  sLx  of  the 
eight  naval  commanders  were  executed,  including  the  young 
Pericles,  a son  of  the  great  statesman.  The  other  two  com- 
manders had  been  wise  enough  to  flee  from  such  justice  as 
they  might  expect  at  the  hands  of  the  Athenian  democracy. 

Athens  now  suffered  worse  than  ever  before  for  lack  of 
competent  commanders.  The  fleet  numbering  about  one  hun- 
dred and  eighty  triremes  was  placed  in  command  of  a group 
of  officers,  each  of  whom  was  to  lead  for  a day  at  a time.  The 
democratic  leaders  who  had  made  this  absurd  arrangement 
watched  the  fleet  sail  out  to  continue  a war  which  they  them- 
selves were  prolonging  by  again  refusing  Spartan  proffers  of 
peace.  For  several  days  in  succession  the  Athenians  sailed  out 
from  their  station  near  the  river  called  ^gospotami  on  the 
Hellespont,  and  offered  battle  to  the  Peloponnesian  fleet  lying 
in  a neighboring  harbor.  But  the  Peloponnesians  refused 
battle.  On  their  return  from  these  maneuvers  each  day,  the 
Athenians  left  their  ships  along  the  beach  and  themselves  went 
ashore.  Alcibiades  from  his  neighboring  castle,  where  he  still 
was,  came  down  and  pointed  out  to  the  Athenian  commanders 
the  great  danger  they  ran  in  leaving  the  fleet  in  this  condition 
so  near  the  enemy.  His  advice  received  no  attention.  The 
■ able  Spartan,  Lysander,  the  commander  of  the  Peloponnesian 


614.  Athe- 
nian victory 
of  Arginusae . 
execution 
of  the  com- 
manders 
(406  B.c.) 


615.  Capture 
of  the  Athe- 
nian fleet  at 
the  battle  ot 
Aigospotami 
(405  B.c.) 


392 


Ancient  Times 


616.  Sur- 
render of 
Athens  and 
fall  of  the 
Athenian 
Empire 
(404  B.c.) 


fleet,  seeing  this  daily  procedure,  waited  until  the  Athenians  had 
gone  ashore  and  left  their  ships  as  usual.  Then,  sailing  over, 
he  surprised  and  captured  practically  the  whole  Athenian  fleet. 

At  last,  twenty-seven  years  after  Pericles  had  provoked  the 
war  with  Sparta,  the  resources  of  Athens  were  exhausted.  Not 
a man  slept  on  the  night  when  the  terrible  news  of  final  ruin 
reached  Athens.  It  was  soon  confirmed  by  the  appearance  of 
Lysander’s  fleet  blockading  the  Piraeus.  The  grain  ships  from 
the  Black  Sea  could  no  longer  reach  the  port  of  Athens.  The 
Spartan  king  pitched  his  camp  in  the  grove  of  the  Academy 
(§  558)  and  called  on  the  city  to  surrender.  For  some  months 
the  stubborn  democratic  leaders  refused  to  accept  terms  of  peace 
which  meant  the  complete  destruction  of  Athenian  power.  But  : 
the  pinch  of  hunger  finally  convinced  the  Assembly,  and  the 
city  surrendered.  The  Long  Walls  and  the  fortifications  of  the  ' 
Piraeus  were  torn  down,  the  remnant  of  the  fleet  was  handed  ^ 
over  to  Sparta,  all  foreign  possessions  were  given  up,  and 
Athens  was  forced  to  enter  the  Spartan  League.  These  hard 
conditions  saved  the  city  from  the  complete  destruction  de- 
manded by  Corinth.  Thus  the  century  which  had  begun  so 
gloriously  for  Athens  with  the  repulse  of  Persia,  the  century 
which  under  the  leadership  of  such  men  as  Themistocles  and 
Pericles  had  seen  her  rise  to  supremacy  in  all  that  was  best  1 
and  noblest  in  Greek  life,  closed  with  the  annihilation  of  the 
Athenian  Empire  (404  b.c.). 


QUESTIONS  ! 

Section  57.  How  did  Athens  treat  the  subject  states  of  her  : 
Empire?  What  was  now  her  policy  regarding  citizenship?  regard-  I 
ing  lawsuits  in  the  subject  states?  How  did  these  states  now  feel  ■ 
toward  Athens?  How  did  the  states  outside  the  Athenian  Empire  I 
feel  ? What  was  the  result  ? Who  were  the  enemies  of  Athens  in  I 
this  war?  What  were  her  resources? 

What  was  Pericles’  plan  of  campaign  ? What  disaster  overtook 
Athens?  How  did  this  affect  the  fortunes  of  Pericles?  By  what  ! 


■ The  Struggle  between  Athens  and  Sparta  393 

associations  had  he  displeased  the  people?  What  was  the  result? 
What  young  leader  now  came  forward?  What  kind  of  leadership 
did  the  Assembly  now  furnish?  Give  an  example.  What  business 
man  now  tried  to  lead  the  nation?  How  did  he  succeed?  Were 
the  military  operations  of  the  war  on  a large  scale  ? What  was  the 
result  of  ten  years’ war?  Who  arranged  the  peace ? When? 

Section  58.  Who  was  chiefly  responsible  for  the  reopening  of 
the  war  ? What  great  expedition  did  the  Athenians  plan  ? Who  were 
the  commanders?  What  prevented  Alcibiades  from  going?  Tell  the 
story  of  the  expedition  and  its  end.  What  did  Sparta  now  do? 
What  was  now  the  internal  condition  of  the  Athenian  Empire? 
What  part  did  Persia  play  in  the  war?  What  can  you  state  of  the 
restoration  of  Alcibiades  to  office?  What  was  the  result?  How  did 
the  Athenians  treat  their  naval  commanders?  What  was  the  re- 
sult? What  was  the  situation  of  Athens  after  the  loss  of  her  fleet? 
What  conditions  did  Sparta  make  ? Contrast  the  beginning  and  the 
end  of  the  fifth  century  in  Athenian  history. 

Note.  The  tailpiece  below  shows  us  the  theater  of  Epidaurus,  which  is  un- 
usually instructive  because  it  is  the  best  preserved  of  the  Greek  theaters. 
Although  it  was  built  late  in  the  fourth  century  B.c.,  we  see  that  the  orchestra 
circle  is  still  complete  and  has  not  been  cut  into  by  later  stage  arrangements 
behind  it  as  at  Athens  (Fig.  189). 


6i7-  Unfit- 
ness of  Sparta 
for  leadership 
of  the  Greeks 


CHAPTER  XVII 

THE  FINAL  CONFLICTS  AMONG  THE  GREEK  STATES 

Section  59.  Spartan  Leadership  and  the  Decline  ’ 
OF  Democracy 

The  long  struggle  of  Athens  for  the  political  leadership  of 
the  Greek  world  had  ignominiously  failed.  It  now  remained 
to  be  seen  whether  her  victorious  rival,  Sparta,  was  any  better 
suited  to  undertake  such  leadership.  No  nation  which  devotes  ; 
itself  exclusively  to  the  development  of  military  power,  as  ! 
Sparta  had  done,  is  fitted  to  control  successfully  the  affairs  of 
its  neighbors.  Military  garrisons  commanded  by  Spartan  offi- 
cers were  now  placed  in  many  of  the  Greek  cities,  and  Spartan  1 


Note.  The  above  headpiece  shows  us  the  lovely  Porch  of  the  Maidens  built  to 
adorn  the  temple  on  the  Acropolis  known  as  the  Erechtheum  (A" in  Fig.  183).  This 
was  a very  ancient  sanctuary  of  Athena,  supposed  to  have  gained  its  name  because 
it  was  originally  a shrine  in  the  castle  of  the  prehistoric  king  Erechtheus  on  the 
Acropolis.  It  was  believed  to  stand  on  the  spot  where  Athena  overcame  Poseidon 
in  her  battle  with  him  for  the  possession  of  Attica,  and  here  was  the  mark  of  the 
Sea-god’s  trident  which  he  struck  into  the  earth.  Here  also  grew  the  original  olive 
tree  which  Athena  summoned  from  the  earth  as  a gift  to  the  Athenians  (§  654). 
The  building  was  erected  during  the  last  Peloponnesian  war,  in  spite  of  the  finan- 
cial distress  of  Athens  at  that  time.  It  is  one  of  the  most  beautiful  architectural 
works  left  us  by  the  Greeks. 


394 


The  Final  Conflicts  among  the  Greek  States  395 


control  was  maintained  in  a much  more  offensive  form  than 
was  the  old  tyranny  of  Athens. 

By  such  violent  means  Sparta  was  able  to  repress  the  democ- 
racies which  had  everywhere  been  hostile  to  her.  In  each  city 
the  Spartans  established  and  supported  by  military  force  the 
rule  of  a small  group  of  men  from  the  noble  or  upper  class. 
Such  rule  of  a small  group  was  called  oligarchy,  a Greek 
term  meaning  " rule  of  a few.”  The  oligarchs  were  guilty  of 
the  worst  excesses,  murdering  and  banishing  their  political 
opponents  and  confiscating  their  fortunes.  When  the  people 
regained  power,  they  retaliated  in  the  same  way  and  drove  the 
oligarchs  from  the  city.  As  this  kind  of  conflict  went  on,  both 
parties  banished  so  many  that  a large  number  of  the  leading 
Athenian  citizens  constantly  lived  in  exile.  From  their  foreign 
homes  they  plotted  against  their  banishers  and  formed  a 
constant  danger  from  abroad. 

In  spite  of  the  failure  of  oligarchy,  thoughtful  men  every- 
where regarded  popular  rule  also  as  an  open  failure.  The  splen- 
did achievements  of  citizenship  under  Pericles  (Chapter  XV) 
must  not  blind  us  to  the  weaknesses  of  Athenian  democracy. 
Some  of  these  we  have  already  seen  in  following  the  course 
of  the  Peloponnesian  Wars ; but  the  same  weaknesses  were 
evident  in  the  people’s  control  of  the  internal  affairs  of  Athens. 
Let  us  examine  some  of  the  leading  matters  in  which  popular 
control  had  failed  and  continued  to  fail. 

Nowhere  were  the  mistakes  of  democracy  more  evident  than 
in  the  Athenian  law  courts.  The  payment  of  the  large  citizen- 
juries  (§  538)  often  exhausted  the  treasury.  When  there  was 
no  money  in  the  treasury  with  which  to  pay  the  juries,  the  jury- 
men, who  preferred  such  service  to  hard  work,  found  it  very 
easy  to  fill  the  treasury  again  by  fining  any  accused  citizen 
brought  before  them,  whether  he  was  guilty  or  innocent.  More 
than  one  lawyer  of  the  time  urged  the  court  to  confiscate  the 
fortune  of  an  accused  citizen,  in  order  that  the  jurymen  to  whom 
the  lawyer  was  talking  might  thus  receive  their  pay.  It  became 


618.  Stnjggle 
of  oligarchy 
and  de- 
mocracy 


619.  Dis- 
repute and 
weaknesses 
of  democracy 


620.  Corrup- 
tion and  class 
prejudice  of 
the  Athenian 
citizen-juries 


396 


Ancient  Times 


621.  Evils  of 
one-sided 
class  rule 


622.  Unwise 
financial  pol- 
icy of  the 
democracy 


623.  Expen- 
sive means  of 
collecting 
taxes 


a profitable  trade  to  bring  accusations  and  suits  against  wealthy 
men  on  all  sorts  of  trumped-up  charges.  A man  thus  threat- 
ened usually  preferred  to  buy  off  his  accusers,  in  order  to  avoid 
going  before  five  hundred  poor  and  ignorant  jurors. 

In  the  days  of  Solon  we  remember  that  the  rule  of  the  npper 
classes  over  the  lower  was  so  oppressive  that  it  almost  resulted 
in  the  destruction  of  the  State  (§  473).  In  the  course  of  less 
than  two  hundred  years  the  lower  classes  had  gained  complete 
control,  and  their  rule,  as  we  have  just  seen  (§  620),  became  so 
corruptly  oppressive  toward  the  upper  classes  that  the  final  situ- 
ation was  again  one-sided  class  rule,  as  bad  as  any  that  Athens 
had  ever  seen.  To  Athenian  misfortunes  in  foreign  wars  were 
thus  added  the  constant  violence  of  weakening  inner  struggles 
between  classes. 

Another  weakness  of  popular  rule  was  its  unwise  financial 
policy,  which  continually  exhausted  the  treasury  of  Athens.  Her 
empty  treasury  was  due  to  a number  of  causes,  chiefly  three. 
First,  the  payment  of  large  numbers  of  citizens  for  services  to 
the  State,  especially  the  thousands  of  citizen-jurors  ; second,  the 
payment  to  all  citizens  of  " show-money  ” (§  579),  a heavy  drain 
on  the  treasury ; and  third,  the  long-continued  expenses  and 
losses  of  war  (§  539). 

To  these  we  might  add  the  expensive  means  of  collecting 
taxes  employed  by  both  parties,  tl nlike  the  great  oriental  gov- 
ernments we  have  studied  (Fig.  40),  no  Greek  state  possessed 
any  officials  to  undertake  the  task  of  collecting  taxes.  It  there- 
fore sold  its  tax  claims  to  the  highest  bidder,  who  then  had  the 
right  to  collect  the  taxes.  In  order  to  secure  the  large  sums 
necessary  for  making  such  bids,  a number  of  men  of  money 
would  form  themselves  into  a company.  These  companies 
by  secretly  combining  gained  a monopoly  in  the  business  of  tax 
collecting.  Their  bid  was  always  far  less  than  the  amount  of 
the  tax  claims  to  be  collected.  Thus  the  people  paid  far  more 
taxes  than  the  State  received  from  the  collectors,  into  whose 
pockets  the  difference  went.  Consequently,  the  rate  of  taxation 


The  Final  Conflicts  among  the  Greek  States  397 


at  Athens  was  now  high,  being  at  least  from  one  to  two  per 
cent  of  a man’s  fortune  and  sometimes  much  higher. 

The  Athenians  had  early  begun  to  use  the  treasure  which 
had  accumulated  in  the  temple  of  Athena.  The  obligation  to 
pay  back  this  borrowed  treasure  was  engraved  upon  a stone 
tablet  set  up  on  the  Acropolis.  To  this  day  the  surviving  frag- 
ments of  this  broken  stone  bear  witness  to  the  unpaid  debt  to 
Athena  and  the  bankruptcy  of  Athens.  After  the  long  struggle 
between  Athens  and  Sparta  was  over,  all  the  Greek  states 
were  practically  bankrupt.  An  admiral  or  a general  of  this  time 
often  found  himself  facing  the  enemy  without  the  money  to  pay 
his  forces  or  to  feed  them.  i\t  the  same  time,  if  he  failed  in 
his  campaign  he  would  be  punished  for  his  failure  by  the  democ- 
racy at  home.  There  were  times  when  the  Athenian  courts 
ceased  to  hold  any  sessions,  for  lack  of  funds  to  pay  the  citizen- 
juries,  and  a man  with  an  important  lawsuit  on  his  hands  could 
not  get  it  tried. 

Under  these  circumstances  the  Mediterranean  states  for  the 
first  time  began  to  study  the  methods  and  theory  of  raising 
money  for  government  expenses.  A beginning  was  thus  made  in 
the  science  of  national  finances  and  political  economy.  Neverthe- 
less, the  method  of  collection  of  the  taxes  continued  to  be  that 
of  " farming  ” out  the  undertaking  to  the  highest  bidder.  In 
this  matter  the  Orient  still  remained  far  in  advance  of  the  north- 
ern Mediterranean  states  (§  74).  From  now  on  the  finances  of 
a nation  became  more  and  more  a matter  of  special  training, 
and  it  became  more  difficult  for  the  average  citizen  without 
experience  to  manage  the  financial  offices  of  the  government. 

Notwithstanding  the  great  losses  in  property  and  in  men 
during  the  long  Peloponnesian  Wars,  Athens  at  length  began 
to  recover  herself.  The  farms  of  Attica  had  been  laid  waste  so 
often  by  the  Spartan  armies  that  agriculture  never  wholly  re- 
covered its  former  prosperity.  There  was  a tendency  among 
fanners  to  sell  their  land  and  to  undertake  some  form  of  manu- 
facturing in  the  city.  This  was  a natural  thing  to  do,  for  the 


624.  Exhaus- 
tion of 
temple  treas- 
ures ; bank- 
ruptcy of  the 
Greek  states 


625.  Begin- 
nings of 
financial 
theory  and 
political 
economy 


626.  Begin- 
ning of  the 
decline  of 
farming,'  and 
appearance 
of  large  land- 
owners 


398 


Ancient  Times 


627.  Growth 
of  manufac- 
turing and 
rise  of  banks 


628.  Rise  of 
prices ; grow- 
ing luxury 


industries  of  Athens  offered  attractive  opportunities  to  make  a 
fortune.  At  the  same  time,  men  who  had  already  gained  wealth 
in  manufactures  bought  one  farm  after  another.  This  was  a 
process  which  would  finally  concentrate  the  lands  of  Attica  in 
the  hands  of  a few  large  city  landlords  who  were  not  farmers, 
but  worked  their  great  estates,  each  made  up  of  many  farms, 
with  slaves  under  superintendents.  The  landowning  farmers 
who  worked  their  own  lands  and  lived  on  them  tended  to 
disappear.  In  their  place  the  great  estates  common  in  neigh- 
boring Asia  Minor  under  the  Persians  (§  269)  were  also 
appearing  among  the  Greeks. 

Athens  was  still  the  leading  business  center  and  the  greatest 
city  in  the  Mediterranean  world.  While  manufacturing  business 
was  not  often  conducted  by  companies,  groups  of  wealthy  men, 
as  we  have  seen,  united  to  furnish  the  large  sums  necessary  to 
bid  for  the  contract  to  collect  the  taxes.  Such  combinations 
formed  one  of  the  evils  of  Athenian  business  life,  as  they  have 
sometimes  done  in  our  own  time.  Other  men  combined  their 
capital  to  form  the  first  banks.  The  Greeks  no  longer  left  their 
accumulated  money  in  a temple  treasury,  for  safe-keeping,  but 
gave  it  to  such  a bank  that  it  might  be  loaned  out,  used  in 
business,  and  earn  interest.  Athens  thus  became  the  financial 
center  of  the  ancient  world,  as  New  York  and  London  are  to- 
day, and  her  bankers  became  the  proverbially  wealthy  men  of 
the  time.  The  most  successful  among  them  was  Pasion,  a 
former  slave,  who  had  been  able  to  purchase  his  liberty  because 
of  his  great  business  ability. 

As  the  banking  system  resulted  in  keeping  more  money  in 
circulation  the  old  increase  in  prices  (§  537)  went  on,  and  the 
expenses  for  government  were  consequently  higher;  but  the 
democracy  continued  to  pay  itself  vast  sums  for  juiy  service 
and  show-money.  There  was  a freer  use  of  money  in  private 
life  among  the  well-to-do  classes.  The  houses  of  such  people 
began  to  display  rooms  with  painted  wall  decorations  and 
adorned  with  rugs  and  hangings.  An  orator  of  the  time 


The  Final  Conflicts  among-  the  Greek  States  399 


condemns  such  luxurious  houses,  which  he  says  were  unknown 
in  the  days  of  Miltiades  and  the  Persian  War,  just  as  some 
criticize  our  own  modem  fine  houses  and  contrast  them  with 
the  simplicity  of  George  Washington  and  Revolutionary  days. 

Men  were  now  becoming  more  and  more  interested  in  their 
owm  careers,  and  they  were  no  longer  so  devoted  to  the  State 
as  formerly.  This  was  especially  true  in  the  matter  of  military 
sendee.  Except  in  Sparta,  a Greek  had  heretofore  left  his  occu- 
pation for  a brief  space  to  bear  arms  for  a single  short  cam- 
paign, and  then  returned  to  his  occupation.  Such  men  made 
up  a citizen  militia,  no  more  devoted  to  arms  than  our  own 
modem  militia.  But  the  long  Peloponnesian  Wars  had  kept 
large  numbers  of  Greeks  so  long  under  arms  that  many  of 
them  permanently  adopted  military  life  and  became  professional 
soldiers,  sendng  for  pay  wherever  they  could  find  opportunity. 
Such  soldiers  serving  a foreign  state  for  pay  are  called  " mer- 
cenaries.” There  were  few  unoccupied  lands  to  which  a young 
Greek  could  migrate  as  in  the  colonizing  age  ; and  Persia  blocked 
all  such  enterprises  in  the  East.  The  Greek  youths  who  could 
find  no  opportunities  at  home  were  therefore  enlisting  as  soldiers 
in  Egypt,  in  Asia  Minor,  and  in  Persia,  and  the  best  young  blood 
of  Greece  was  being  spent  to  strengthen  foreign  states  instead 
of  building  up  the  power  of  the  Greeks. 

During  the  Peloponnesian  Wars  militaiy  leadership  had  also 
become  a profession.  It  was  no  longer  possible  for  a citizen  to 
leave  private  life  and  casually  assume  command  of  an  army  or 
a fleet.  Athens  produced  a whole  group  of  professional  military 
leaders  whose  romantic  exploits  made  them  famous  throughout 
the  ancient  world.  The  most  talented  among  these  was  the 
Athenian,  Xenophon.  About  400  b.  c.  he  took  service  in  Asia 
Minor  with  Gyms,  a young  Persian  prince,  who  was  planning 
to  overthrow  his  brother,  the  Persian  king.  With  ten  thousand 
Greek  mercenaries  Gyms  marched  entirely  across  Asia  Minor 
to  the  Euphrates,  and  down  the  river  almost  to  Babylon.  Here 
the  Greeks  defeated  the  army  of  the  Persian  king ; but  Cyrus 


629.  Rise  of 
the  profes- 
sional soldier 
as  a result  of 
the  Pelopon- 
nesian Wars 


630.  Rise  of 

professional 

military 

leaders ; 

Xenophon 

and  the  Ten 

Thousand 


400 


Ancient  Times 


631.  Rise 
of  military 
science ; 

" Anabasis  ” 
and  other 
military 
treatises 


632.  Greeks 
learn  use  of 
siege  machin- 
ery and  larger 
warships 


was  killed,  and  the  Greeks  were  therefore  obliged  to  retreat. 
Xenophon  led  them  up  the  Tigris  past  the  ruins  of  Nineveh 
(Fig.  203),  and  after  months  of  fighting  in  dangerous  moun- 
tain passes,  suffering  from  cold  and  hunger,  the  survivors 
struggled  on  until  they  reached  the  Black  Sea  and  finally  gained 
Byzantium  in  safety. 

Of  this  extraordinary  raid  into  the  Persian  Empire  Xenophon 
has  left  a modest  account  called  the  "Anabasis”  ("  up-going”), 
one  of  the  great  books  which  have  descended  to  us  from  ancient 
times.  He  explains  the  military  operations  involved,  and  the 
book  thus  became  one  of  the  treatises  on  military  science  which 
now  began  to  appear.  Such  leaders  were  discussing  the  theory 
of  operations  in  the  field,  methods  of  strategy,  and  the  best 
kinds  of  weapons.  Even  Euripides,  in  his  tragedy  of  Hercules^ 
pictured  the  comparative  effectiveness  of  bow  and  spear. 
Xenophon  tells  of  an  officer  of  Cyrus  who  divided  his  men  into 
two  parties  and  armed  one  party  with  clods  and  the  other  with 
clubs.  After  the  two  parties  had  fought  it  out,  all  agreed  that 
the  club  in  the  hand  at  close  quarters  was  more  effective  than 
missiles  (that  is,  the  clods)  hurled  from  a distance.  This  was 
to  demonstrate  the  effectiveness  of  the  spear  at  close  quarters 
over  the  arrows  of  distant  archers. 

We  recall  that  in  Pericles’  time  the  Spartans  made  no 
attempt  to  attack  the  walls  of  Athens,  because  the  Greeks  at 
that  time  knew  nothing  about  methods  of  attacking  fortifica- 
tions. The  Phoenician  Carthaginians,  however,  had  carried  the 
Assyrian  siege  devices  (p.  140)  to  the  west,  where  the  west- 
ern Greeks  had  now  learned  to  use  them  in  Sicily.  Prom  Sicily 
the  use  of  battering-rams,  movable  towers,  and  the  like  was  car- 
ried to  Greece  itself,  and  against  attack  with  such  equipment 
Athens  would  no  longer  have  been  safe.  The  Mediterranean, 
which  had  so  long  ago  received  the  arts  of  peace  from  the 
Orient,  was  now  also  learning  to  use  war  machinery  from  the 
same  source.  At  the  same  time  larger  warships  were  con- 
structed, some  having  as  many  as  five  banks  of  oars ; and  the 


I 


The  Final  Co7ijiicts  among  the  Greek  States  401 


old  triremes  with  three  banks  could  no  longer  stand  against  such 
powerful  ships.  All  such  equipment  made  war  more  expensive 
than  before. 

The  remarkable  feat  of  Xenophon’s  Ten  Thousand  (§  630) 
finally  stirred  Spartan  ambition  to  undertake  conquest  in  Persian 
territory  in  Asia  Minor.  The  Spartans,  therefore,  hired  the  sur- 
viving two  thirds  of  the  Ten  Thousand,  but  the  rule  of  Sparta 
had  caused  such  dissatisfaction  that  her  victories  in  Asia  Minor 
were  offset  by  revolts  in  Greece.  In  one  of  these  Lysander 
was  killed.  The  outcome  of  these  rebellions  was  a league  of 
Athens  and  Thebes  against  Sparta.  Even  Corinth,  the  old-time 
enemy  of  Athens,  joined  this  league,  and  Argos  also  came  in. 
Behind  this  combination  was  Persia,  whose  agents  had  brought 
it  about  in  order  to  weaken  Sparta.  It  was  one  of  the  ironies 
of  the  whole  deplorable  situation  that  a fleet  of  Athens  made 
common  cause  with  the  Persians  and  helped  to  fasten  Persian 
despotism  on  the  Greek  cities  of  Asia.  The  Greeks  had  learned 
nothing  by  their  long  and  unhappy  experience  of  fruitless  flght- 
ing,  and  thus  began  an  eight  years’  struggle,  called  the  Corinthian 
War.  The  Athenians  had  been  able  to  rebuild  a fleet,  with  which 
they  now  destroyed  the  fleet  of  Sparta.  They  were  then  in  a 
position  to  erect  the  Long  Walls  again. 

At  length  the  Persians  began  to  fear  lest  Athens  should  again 
be  strong  enough  to  endanger  Persian  control  in  Asia  Minor. 
The  Spartans,  therefore,  found  it  easy  to  arrange  a peace  with 
Persia.  The  Greek  states  fighting  Sparta  were  equally  willing 
to  come  to  terms,  and  when  peace  was  at  last  established  in 
Greece,  it  was  under  the  humiliating  terms  of  a treaty  accepted 
by  Hellas  at  the  hands  of  the  Persian  king.  It  is  known  as  the 
King’s  Peace  (387  b.c.).  It  did  not  end  the  leadership  of  Sparta 
over  the  Greek  states,  and  the  Greek  cities  of  Asia  Minor  were 
shamefully  abandoned  to  Persia.  The  period  following  the 
King’s  Peace  brought  only  added  discontent  with  Sparta’s  illegal 
and  tyrannical  control,  and  no  satisfactory  solution  of  the  prob- 
lem of  the  relations  of  the  Greek  states  among  themselves. 


633.  War 
between 
Sparta  and 
Persia ; and 
the  Corin- 
thian War 
(395-387  B.C.) 


634.  King’s 
Peace 
(387  B.c.) 


402 


Ancient  Times 


635.  Thebes 

and  a new 

Athenian 

league 

against 

Sparta 

(378  B.c.) 


636.  Peace 
congress  of 
the  Greek 
states  at 
Sparta 


637.  Spartan 

military 

tactics 


Section  60.  The  Fall  of  Sparta  and  the 
Leadership  of  Thebes 

For  twenty-five  years  since  the  last  Peloponnesian  war,  the 
Spartans  had  been  endeavoring  to  maintain  control  of  the 
Greek  world.  Men  like  Lysander  had  been  unable  to  trans- 
form the  rigid  Spartan  system  into  a government  which  should 
sympathetically  include  and  direct  the  activities  of  the  whole 
Greek  world.  The  Spartans  were  therefore  more  hated  than 
Athens  had  ever  been.  A group  of  fearless  and  patriotic 
citizens  at  Thebes  succeeded  in  slaying  the  oligarchs,  the 
Spartan  garrison  surrendered  and  a democracy  was  set  up, 
which  gained  the  leadership  of  all  Boeotia.  At  the  same  time 
Athens,  which  on  the  whole  had  been  greatly  strengthened  by 
the  terms  of  the  King’s  Peace,  was  able  to  begin  the  formation 
of  a second  naval  alliance  like  the  original  league  from  which 
the  Athenian  Empire  had  sprung.  The  combination  included 
Thebes  and  so  many  of  the  other  Greek  cities  that  Sparta  was 
greatly  disturbed.  The  Spartans  met  disaster  on  land,  and 
when  this  was  followed  by  the  defeat  of  their  fleet  by  Athens, 
they  were  ready  for  peace. 

To  arrange  this  peace  all  the  Greek  states  met  at  Sparta, 
and  such  meetings  gave  them  experience  in  the  united  manage- 
ment of  their  common  affairs  for  the  welfare  of  all  Hellas. 
Spartan  leadership  might  have  held  the  Greek  states  together, 
and  by  giving  them  all  a voice  in  the  control  of  Hellas,  Sparta 
might  still  have  finally  united  the  Greeks  into  a great  nation. 
But  this  was  not  to  be.  When  the  conditions  of  peace  were 
all  agreed  upon,  the  Spartans  refused  to  allow  Thebes  to  speak 
for  the  whole  of  Boeotia.  The  Thebans  refused  to  enter  the 
compact  on  any  other  terms,  and  the  peace  was  concluded  with- 
out them.  This  left  Sparta  and  Thebes  still  in  a state  of  war. 

• All  Greece  now  expected  to  see  the  Thebans  crushed  by  the 
heavy  Spartan  phalanx,  which  had  so  long  proved  irresistible. 
The  Spartan  plan  of  battle  hitherto  followed  by  aU  commanders 


I 


I 


I 


i 


I 


The  Final  Conflicts  among  the  Greek  States  403 


consisted  in  making  the  phalanx  of  the  right  wing  very  heavy 
and  massive,  by  arraying  it  many  warriors  deep.  The  custom- 
aty  depth  was  eight  men.  The  onset  of  a well-drilled  phalanx 
produced  a pressure  so  terrible  that  the  opposing  lines  gave 
way  and  the  unbroken  phalanx  pushed  through.  The  effect 
was  that  of  a heavy  mass  play  in  American  football,  only  we 
must  picture  the  phalanx  as  carrying  out  the  operation  on  a 
large  scale.  Having  broken  through  at  the  first  onset,  the 


Theban  Bight 


Theban  Center 


ThebanLeft  '* 


H SpartanLeft  Spartan  Center 

SpartanRight 

Plan  of  the  Battle  of  Leuctra  (371  b.c.) 


victorious  phalanx  could  then  cut  down  singly  the  scattered 
soldiers  who  had  given  way  before  them. 

The  Spartans  had,  as  it  were,  but  one  " play  ” in  their  list ; 
but  they  were  accustomed  to  see  it  automatically  successful. 
The  Theban  commander,  a gifted  and  patriotic  citizen  named 
Epaminondas,  consequently  knew  in  advance  the  only  " play  ” 
which  the  Spartans  had  ever  used.  He  therefore  devised  an 
altogether  novel  arrangement  of  his  troops,  such  that  it  would 
meet  and  more  than  offset  the  fearful  pressure  of  the  heavy 
Spartan  right.  He  drew  up  his  line  so  that  it  was  not  parallel 
with  that  of  the  Spartans,  his  right  wing  being  much  further 
from  the  Spartan  line  than  his  left.  At  the  same  time  he 
massed  his  troops  on  his  left  wing,  which  he  made  fifty  shields 


638.  New 
tactics  of 
Epaminon- 
das, the 
Theban 


404 


Ancient  Times 


639.  Battle 
of  Leuctra 
and  fall  of 
Sparta 
(371  B.c.) 


640.  Leader- 
ship and 
speedy 
collapse 
of  Thebes 


641.  Final 
political  pros- 
tration of 
the  whole 
Greek  world 


642.  Prog- 
ress of  the 
Greeks  in  the 
higher  life 


deep.  This  great  mass  was  to  meet  the  shock  of  the  heavy 
Spartan  right  wing  (see  plan,  p.  403). 

The  battle  took  place  at  Leuctra,  in  southern  Boeotia  (see 
map,  p.  352).  As  the  lines  moved  into  action  the  battle  did  not 
begin  along  the  whole  front  at  once ; but  the  massive  Theban 
left  wing,  being  furthest  advanced,  met  the  Spartan  line  first  and 
was  at  first  engaged  alone.  Its  onset  proved  so  heavy  that  the 
Spartan  right  opposing  it  was  soon  crushed,  and  the  rest  of 
the  Spartan  line  also  gave  way  as  the  Theban  center  and  right 
came  into  action.  Over  half  of  the  Spartans  engaged  were 
slain  and  with  them  their  king.  The  long-invincible  Spartan 
army  was  at  last  defeated,  and  the  charm  of  Spartan  prestige 
was  finally  broken.  After  more  than  thirty  years  of  leadership 
(since  404  b.c.)  Spartan  power  was  ended  (371  b.c.) 

The  two  rival  leaders  of  the  Greeks,  Athens  and  Sparta,  had 
now  both  failed  in  the  effort  to  weld  the  Greek  states  together 
as  a nation.  A third  Greek  state  was  now  victorious  on  land, 
and  it  remained  to  be  seen  whether  Thebes  could  accomplish 
what  Athens  and  Sparta  had  failed  in  doing.  Under  Epami- 
nondas’  leadership  Thebes  likewise  created  a navy,  and  having 
greatly  weakened  Athens  at  sea,  Thebes  gained  the  leadership 
of  Greece.  But  it  was  a supremacy  based  upon  the  genius  of 
a single  man,  and  when  Epaminondas  fell  in  a final  battle  with 
Sparta  at  Mantinea  (362  b.c.),  the  power  of  Thebes  by  land 
and  sea  collapsed. 

Thus  the  only  powerful  Greek  states,  which  might  have 
developed  a federation  of  the  Hellenic  world,  having  crushed 
each  other,  Hellas  was  ready  to  fall  helplessly  before  a con- 
queror from  the  outside.  The  Greek  world,  whose  civilization 
was  everywhere  supreme,  was  politically  prostrate  and  helpless. 

It  was  less  than  two  generations  since  the  death  of  Pericles, 
and  there  were  still  old  men  living  who  had  seen  him  in  their 
childhood  days.  We  have  been  following  the  political  fortunes 
of  Athens,  Sparta,  and  Thebes  during  these  two  generations, 
but  our  narrative  has  been  very  far  from  telling  the  whole 


The  Final  Conflicts  among  the  Greek  States  405 

story.  For  in  spite  of  their  political  decline  during  the  two 
generations  since  Pericles,  the  Greeks,  and  especially  the  Athe- 
nians, had  been  achieving  things  in  their  higher  life,  in  art, 
architecture,  literature,  and  thought,  which  made  this  period  per- 
haps the  greatest  in  the  history  of  man.  To  these  achievements 
since  the  death  of  Pericles  we  must  now  turn  back. 

QUESTIONS 

Section  59.  Why  was  Sparta  unfitted  to  control  the  Greek 
states?  What  was  her  method  of  control?  What  is  an  oligarchy? 
How  did  it  succeed  ? Had  democracy  succeeded  any  better  ? Describe 
the  abuses  practiced  by  the  cidzen-juries.  Was  class  rule  by  the  poor 
any  better  than  class  rule  by  the  rich?  What  practices  kept  the 
Athenian  treasury  empty  ? What  was  the  Athenian  method  of  collect- 
ing taxes?  Why  was  it  unprofitable  for  the  State?  Describe  the 
effects  of  lack  of  money  on  the  work  of  government.  What  did  the 
Greeks  do  in  order  to  understand  the  national  finances  ? 

What  was  happening  to  small  farm  owners  ? Discuss  business  and 
finance  at  this  time.  How  had  the  long  Peloponnesian  Wars  affected 
the  citizen  soldiers  of  Greece  ? How  was  military  leadership  develop- 
ing? Tell  the  story  of  Xenophon  and  the  Ten  Thousand.  How  has 
this  story  come  down  to  us  ? What  science  was  now  arising  ? Where 
did  the  Greeks  learn  the  use  of  siege  machinery  ? What  did  the  raid 
of  the  Ten  Thousand  lead  Sparta  to  do?  Sketch  the  Corinthian 
War.  What  was  the  result? 

Section  60.  What  combination  was  formed  to  overthrow  the 
leadership  of  Sparta?  What  did  the  Thebans  do?.  What  happened 
at  the  peace  conference?  In  the  resulting  war  between  Sparta  and 
Thebes  what  result  was  to  be  anticipated  ? Describe  Spartan  military 
tactics.  How  did  Epaminondas  plan  to  meet  the  Spartan  tactics? 
Where  and  when  did  the  armies  meet  ? What  was  the  result  ? How 
did  Thebes  succeed  in  leading  the  Greek  states  ? In  what  condition 
politically  was  the  whole  Greek  world  ? 


643-  Decline 
of  State  sup- 
port of  art  and 
architecture 


CHAPTER  XVIII  ! 

I 

THE  HIGHER  LIFE  OF  THE  GREEKS  FROM  THE  DEATH  OF  | 
PERICLES  TO  THE  FALL  OF  THE  GREEK  STATES  | 

I 

Section  6i.  Architecture,  Sculpture,  and  Painting  ! 

I 

The  long  wars  and  the  demands  of  the  democracy  (§622) 
had  swallowed  up  the  wealth  of  Athens ; the  great  and  splendid  ' 

works  of  the  Age  of  Pericles  were  therefore  no  longer  possible.  i 

At  the  same  time  Athens  was  obliged  to  rebuild  her  fortifications, 
erect  war  arsenals,  and  build  sheds  for  her  battleships.  The  old 
temporary  wooden  seats  of  the  theater  (§  579)  were  replaced 
by  a permanent  structure  of  stone  (Fig.  189).  Here  and  there 
other  Greek  cities  also  were  building  durable  stone  theaters  | 

I 

Note.  The  above  headpiece  is  a restoration  by  Adler  of  the  famous  tomb  of  j 

King  Mausolus  of  Caria,  called  after  him  the  Mausoleum  (§  646).  We  now  call  1 

any  splendid  tomb  a mausoleum,  thus  preserving  the  old  Hittite  name  of  this  j 

king.  It  was  when  first  built  (in  the  middle  of  the  fourth  century  B.c.)  the  most  I 

magnificent  tomb  on  the  north  side  of  the  Mediterranean,  and  it  was  because  of 
its  widespread  fame  that  its  name  was  preserved.  Upon  a high  rectangular  base 
a fine  Ionic  colonnade  supported  a step  pyramid,  upon  which,  crowning  the  j 
whole  monument,  rose  a splendid  four-horse  chariot  bearing  the  king  and  queen.  | 
The  work  was  designed  and  built  by  tbe  architect  and  sculptor  Pythius,  and 
adorned  with  sculpture  by  Scopas  and  other  Athenian  sculptors  whom  the  queen 
(§  646)  called  to  Caria  for  the  purpose. 

406 


The  Higher  Life  of  the  Greeks 


407 


like  that  at  Athens.  Permanent  stadiums  for  races  were  like- 
wise erected  by  some  communities  (Fig.  212,  0.  The  mainte- 
nance of  art  and  architecture  in  this  age  was,  however,  largely 
in  the  hands  of  individual  artists,  not 
supported  by  the  State  but  produc- 
ing works  of  art  for  private  buyers. 

Nevertheless,  the  Erechtheum  {F 
in  Fig.  183),  one  of  the  most  beautiful 
buildings  ever  erected,  a temple  which 
had  been  begun  before  Pericles’  death, 
was  continued  and,  for  the  most  part, 
completed  during  the  unhappy  days 
of  the  last  Peloponnesian  war.  It 
was  built  in  the  Ionic  style  (p.  340), 
adorned  with  colonnades  of  wonder- 
ful refinement  and  beauty,  and  at  one 
comer,  over  the  grave  of  the  legend- 
ary' king  Cecrops,  the  architects  raised 
an  exquisite  porch,  with  its  roof  sup- 
ported by  lovely  marble  figures  of 
Athenian  maidens,  watching  over 
the  burial  place  of  the  ancient  king 
(headpiece,  p.  394). 

Egyptian  architects,  as  we  remem- 
ber, had  long  before  crowned  their 
columns  with  a capital  representing 
growing  flowers  or  palm-tree  tops 
(Fig.  56).  The  Greek  architects 
now  profited  by  this  hint  (see  head- 
piece  and  note,  p.  453).  Perceiving 
the  great  beauty  of  their  own 
acanthus  plant,  they  now  designed  a 
capital  adorned  with  a double  row 
of  acanthus  leaves  (Fig.  193).  This 
new  capital  was  richer  and  more 


czzz. 

ClK. 

Fig.  193.  A Corin- 
thian Capital 

The  shaft  of  this  column 
has  been  cut  out  in  the  draw- 
ing between  the  base  and 
the  capital  to  save  space. 
Like  the  capitals  of  Egypt 
(§  92),  this  one  represents 
a plant,  the  leaves  of  the 
acanthus,  alternating  in  two 
rows  around  the  capital  and 
crowned  by  volutes  rising 
to  the  four  corners  of  a 
flat  block  upon  which  the 
supported  stone  above 
rests.  The  effect  of  this 
capital  is  peculiarly  rich 
and  ornate  (§  645) 


644.  The 
Erechtheum 
on  the 
Athenian 
Acropolis 


645.  Rise  of 
the  Corin- 
thian style  of 
architecture 


4o8 


Ancient  Times 


646.  The 
Mausoleum 
in  Asia  Minor 


647.  Con- 
trastbetween 
sculpture  of 
the  Periclean 
Age  and  the 
later  work 


648.  The 
sculpture  of 
Praxiteles 
and  Scopas 


sumptuous  than  the  simpler  Doric  and  Ionic  forms  (p.  340).  ’ 

Although  our  earliest  example  of  such  columns  still  survives  ' 
at  Athetis  (Fig.  190),  they  are  now  called  Corinthian  columns.  : 

While  Athens  no  longer  possessed  the  means  to  erect  great  ! 
state  temples,  other  Greek  states  were  not  all  so  financially  ex-  | 
hausted.  In  Asia  Minor  the  widowed  queen  of  the  wealthy  king 
of  the  Carians,  Mausolus,  so  revered  the  memory  of  her  royal 
husband  that  she  devoted  vast  riches  to  the  erection  of  a mag-  I 
nificent  marble  tomb  for  him,  so  splendid  that  it  became  one  j 
of  the  most  famous  monuments  of  the  ancient  world  (head- 
piece,  p.  406).  While  imposing  as  a monument  of  architecture, 
the  Mausoleum  (so  named  after  Mausolus ; see  note,  p.  406) 
was  most  impressive  because  of  the  rich  and  remarkable  sculp- 
ture with  which  it  was  adorned.  To  do  this  work  the  widowed 
queen  called  in  the  greatest  sculptors  of  the  Greeks. 

Sculpture  had  made  great  progress  since  the  days  of  Pericles,  j 
Phidias  and  his  pupils  depicted  the  gods,  whom  they  wrought 
in  marble,  as  lofty,  majestic,  unapproachable  beings,  lifted  high  ; 
above  human  weaknesses  and  human  feeling.  We  remember  j 
that  even  the  htima7i  figures  of  Phidias  were  not  the  everyday 
men  and  women,  youths  and  maidens  whom  we  might  have 
met  on  the  streets  of  Athens  (§  577).  When  Phidias  and  his 
pupils  had  passed  away,  the  sculptors  who  followed  them  began 
to  put  more  of  the  feeling  and  the  experience  of  daily  human 
life  into  their  work  and  thus  brought  their  subjects  nearer  to 
us.  Among  them  we  must  give  a high  place,  perhaps  the  high- 
est place,  to  the  great  Athenian  sculptor  Praxiteles. 

His  native  city  being  without  the  money  for  great  monu- 
mental works,  Praxiteles  wrought  individual  figures  of  life  size, 
and  most  of  these  for  foreign  states.  Unlike  the  majestic  and 
exalted  figures  of  Phidias,  the  gods  of  Praxiteles  seem  near  to 
us.  They  at  once  appeal  to  us  as  being  human  like  ourselves, 
interested  in  a life  like  ours,  and  doing  things  which  we  would 
like  to  do  ourselves.  As  they  stand  at  ease  in  attitudes  of  repose,  j 
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The  Higher  Life  of  the  Greeks 


409 


of  beauty  unattained  by  any  earlier  sculpture  of  the  Greeks 
(Figs.  187,  194,  and  195).  In  great  contrast  with  the  work 
of  Praxiteles  was  that  of  Scopas,  who  did  much  of  the  sculpture 
of  the  Mausoleum.  He  loved  to  fashion  figures  not  in  tranquil 
moods,  but  in  violent  action,  in  moments  of  passionate  excite- 
ment, like  that  of  warriors  in  battle  (Fig.  196).  The  faees  sculp- 
tured by  Praxiteles  and  Scopas  were  no  longer  expressionless, 
as  in  earlier  sculpture  (Figs.  168  and  169);  but  the  artists  began 
to  put  into  them  some  of  their  own  inner  feeling.  The  artist’s 
own  individual  life  thus  began  to  find  expression  in  his  work. 
In  many  ways  the  sculpture  of  this  age  was  much  influenced 
by  the  work  of  the  painters,  who  really  led  the  way. 

The  introduction  of  portable  paintings  on  wooden  tablets 
made  it  more  easy  for  the  painters  to  follow  their  own  individ- 
ual feelings,  for  they  were  thus  freed  from  the  necessity  of 
painting  large  scenes  on  the  walls  of  State  buildings  (§  572). 
As  we  have  ^already  learned  (§  550),  no  oil  colors  were  known 
in  the  ancient  world,  but  the  Greek  painters  now  adopted  the 
Egyptian  method  of  mixing  their  colors  in  melted  wax  and 
then  applying  the  fluid  wax  with  a brush  to  a wooden  tablet 
(Plate  VIII,  p.  654).  The  painter  could  then  work  in  his  own 
studio  to  please  his  own  fancy,  and  could  sell  his  paintings  to 
any  private  purchaser  who  wished  to  buy.  It  thus  became  cus- 
tomary for  people  of  wealth  to  set  up  paintings  in  their  own 
houses,  and  in  this  way  private  support  of  art  was  much  fur- 
thered, and  painting  made  great  progress. 

An  Athenian  painter  named  Apollodorus  now  began  to  notice 
that  the  light  usually  fell  on  an  object  from  one  side,  leaving  the 
unlighted  side  so  dark  that  but  little  color  showed  on  that  side, 
while  on  the  lighted  side  the  colors  came  out  very  brightly. 
When  he  painted  a woman’s  arm  in  this  way,  lo,  it  looked  round 
and  seemed  to  stand  out  from  the  surface  of  the  painting 
(Fig.  197);  whereas  up  in  the  Painted  Porch  all  the  human  limbs 
in  the  old  painting  of  Marathon  (§  572)  looked  perfectly  flat 
By  representing  figures  in  the  background  of  his  paintings,  as 


649.  Rise  of 
paintings  on 
wood 


650.  Discov- 
ery of  how  to 
paint  light, 
shadow,  and 
perspective 


410 


Ancient  Times 


Fig.  197.  A Wall-Painting  at  Pompeii  showing  the  Sacri-  j 

FICE  OF  IphIGENIA 

The  works  of  the  great  fourth-century  artists  (§  651)  have  all  perished,  i 
but  it  is  supposed  that  the  later  house  decorators  and  wall-painters  of  ' 
Italy  copied  the  old  masterpieces.  Hence  the  scene  here  shown  prob- 
ably conveys  some  impression  of  old  Greek  painting.  The  scene  shows  1 
us  the  maid  Iphigenia  as  she  is  carried  away  to  be  slain  as  a sacrifice. 
The  figure  at  the  left,  standing  with  veiled  face,  suggests,  as  often  in  1 
modern  art,  the  dreadfulness  of  a coming  catastrophe,  which  human  | 
eyes  are  unwilling  to  behold.  Note  the  skill  with  which  human  limbs  ' 
are  made  to  show  thickness  and  roundness  (§  650)  ; 

smaller  than  those  in  front  A.pollodorus  also  introduced  what  we  1 
now  call  perspective.  As  a result,  his  paintings  had  an  appear-  j 
ance  of  depth,  and  when  he  painted  the  interior  of  a house  one  j 


The  Higher  Life  of  the  Greeks  4 1 1 

seemed  to  be  looking  into  the  very  room  itself.  He  was  called 
by  the  Athenians  the  " shadow  painter,”  and  the  good  old- 
fashioned  folk  shook  their  heads  at  his  work,  preferring  the 
old  style.  Even  the  great  philosopher  Plato  (§  671)  con- 
demned this  new  method  of  painting  as  employing  devices 
and  creating  illusions  of  depth  which  were  really  deception. 


A D 

Fig.  198.  Greek  Boy  pulling  out  a Thorn  {A)  and  a Later 
Caricature  of  the  Thorn  Puller  (A) 

The  graceful  figure  of  the  slender  boy  so  seriously  striving  to  remove 
the  thorn  was  probably  wrought  not  long  after  the  Persian  Wars.  It 
was  very  popular  in  antiquity,  as  it  has  also  been  in  modern  times.  The 
comical  caricature  [B)  in  clay  (terra  cotta),  though  it  has  lost  one  foot, 
is  a delightful  example  of  Greek  humor  expressed  in  parody  (§  652) 


Nevertheless,  the  new  method  triumphed,  and  the  younger  651.  Tri- 
painters who  adopted  it  produced  work  which  was  the  talk  of  nSvmethod 
the  town.  People  gossiped  about  it  and  told  how  a painter  of  pointing 
named  Zeuxis,  in  order  to  outdo  his  rival  Parrhasius,  had  painted 
grapes  so  naturally  that  the  birds  flew  up  to  the  painting  and 
pecked  at  them.  Thereupon  Parrhasius  invited  Zeuxis  over  to 
his  studio  to  inspect  a painting  of  his.  Zeuxis  found  it  covered 


412 


Anciejtt  Times 


652.  Vase- 
painters  and 
other  artist- 
craftsmen 


with  a curtain  which  he  attempted  to  draw  aside.  But  his  hand 
fell  on  a painted  surface  and  he  discovered  to  his  confusion  that 
the  curtain  was  no  more  real  than  his  own  painted  grapes  had 

been.  Unfortunately,  all 
such  Greek  paintings 
have  perished,  and  we 
have  only  later  copies 
(Fig.  197)  at  Pompeii. 

The  vase-painters  of 
the  time  likewise  often 
copied  the  famous  works 
of  the  leading  sculptors 
and  painters.  But  after 
a wonderful  revival  in 
the  last  Peloponnesian 
war,  the  art  of  vase- 
painting  passed  into  a 
melancholy  decline  from 
which  it  never  recovered. 
At  the  same  time,  in 
order  to  meet  the  rising 
desire  for  objects  of  art 
among  the  people,  small 
artists  began  to  furnish 
delightful  miniature  cop- 
ies of  famous  classic 
works,  or  again  they 
made  delicious  carica- 
tures of  such  well-known 
classics  (Fig.  198,  i?).  At 
the  same  time  even  stone- 
cutters wrought  tomb- 
stones, bearing  reliefs  done  with  a soft  and  melancholy  beauty, 
breathing  the  wistful  uncertainty  with  which  the  Greeks  of  this 
age  were  beginning  to  look  out  into  the  shadow  world  (Fig.  199). 


Fig.  199.  Athenian  Gravestone 
SHOWING  A Daughter  saying  Fare- 
well TO  HER  Parents 

This  tombstone  of  a young  girl  shows  us 
the  fine  feeling  of  which  even  a grave- 
yard stonecutter  was  capable.  He  has 
depicted  the  last  farewell  of  the  parents, 
as  their  daughter  is  carried  away  by  death. 
The  mother,  seated  at  the  left,  grasps  the 
young  girl’s  hand,  while  the  father  stands 
with  his  fingers  in  his  beard  in  somber 
and  meditative  reconciliation 


The  Higher  Life  of  the  Greeks 


413 


Section  62.  Religion,  Literature,  and  Thought 

Any  young  Athenian  bom  at  about  the  time  of  Pericles’ 
death  found  himself  in  an  age  of  conflict  wherever  he  went : 
an  age  of  conflict  abroad  on  the  field  of  battle  as  he  stood  with 
spear  and  shield  in  the  Athenian  ranks  in  the  long  years  of 
warfare  between  Athens,  Sparta,  and  Thebes ; an  age  of 
conflict  at  home  in  Athens  amid  the  excited  shouting  and 
applause  of  the  turbulent  Assembly  or  the  tumult  and  even 
bloodshed  of  the  streets  and  markets  of  the  city  as  the  common 
people,  the  democracy,  struggled  with  the  nobles  for  the  leader- 
ship of  the  State ; and  finally  in  an  age  of  conflict  i?i  himself  as 
he  felt  his  once  confident  faith  in  old  things  stmggling  to 
maintain  itself  against  new  views. 

He  recalled  the  childhood  tales  of  the  gods,  which  he  had 
heard  at  his  nurse’s  knee.  When  he  had  asked  her  how  Athena, 
and  the  gods  looked,  she  had  pointed  to  a beautiful  vase  in  his 
father’s  house,  bearing  graceful  paintings  of  Athena  presenting 
the  olive  tree  to  the  Athenians,  and  of  the  angry  Sea-god 
striking  his  trident  into  the  ground  and  leaving  a mark  which 
the  lad’s  nurse  had  shown  him  at  the  Erechtheum  on  the 
Acropolis  (p.  394).  There  were  the  gods  on  the  vase  in  human 
form,  and  so  he  had  long  thought  of  them  as  people  like  those 
of  Athens.  He  had  learned,  too,  that  they  were  near  by,  for 
he  had  seen  his  father  present  gifts  to  them  at  household 
feasts.  Later  when  he  went  to  school  and  memorized  long 
passages  of  the  Homeric  poems,  he  had  learned  more  about 
their  adventures  on  earth.  Then  he  had  stood  on  the  edge  of 
the  crowd  with  his  parents  watching  the  magnificent  State 
feasts,  like  the  Panathenasa  (§  570),  supported  at  great  expense, 
in  order  to  honor  the  gods  and  keep  them  favorable  to  Athens. 
Hence  everyone  seemed  to  him  to  believe  that  the  gods  had 
all  power  over  Athens.  On  such  occasions  he  vaguely  felt  the 
majesty  and  grandeur  of  the  great  gods,  but  when  he  looked 
upon  figures  of  them,  sculptured  by  such  artists  as  Praxiteles 


653.  The  age 
of  conflict 
after  the 
death  of 
Pericles 


654.  The 
Athenian 
citizen’s  re- 
ligion and 
early  life 


414 


Ancient  Times 


655.  Religion 
and  conduct 


656.  The  re- 
ligion of  the 
multitude 


657.  The 
foreign  gods 
from  the 
Orient 


(Fig.  194),  the  gods  again  appeared  very  much  like  earthly 
folk,  as  he  had  seen  them  on  the  vase  in  his  childhood. 

He  never  had  any  religious  instruction,  for  there  was  nothing 
like  a church,  a clergy,  or  any  religious  teachers.  There  was  no 
sacred  book  revered  by  all,  like  our  Bible.  He  had  not  been 
taught  that  the  gods  had  any  interest  in  him  or  his  conduct,  or 
that  they  required  him  to  be  either  good  or  bad.  As  long  as  he 
did  not  neglect  any  of  the  ceremonies  desired  by  the  gods, 
he  knew  he  need  have  no  fear  of  them.  At  the  same  time  if 
he  lived  an  evil  life,  he  realized  that  he  might  be  condemned  to 
enter  at  death  a dark  and  gruesome  dwelling  place  beneath 
the  earth  (§  488).  On  the  other  hand,  a good  life  might  bring 
him  at  last  to  the  beautiful  Elysian  fields  (§  489). 

One  of  the  ways  of  reaching  this  place  of  blessedness  was  by 
initiation  into  the  mysteries  at  Eleusis  (§  489).  Another  way 
was  to  follow  the  teachings  of  the  beggar-priests  and  sooth- 
sayers of  Orpheus.  These  wandering  teachers,  like  traveling 
revival  preachers  of  to-day,  went  about  in  all  Greece,  followed 
by  hordes  of  the  poor  and  ignorant,  who  eagerly  accepted  their 
mysterious  teachings,  promising  every  blessing  to  those  who 
listened  and  obeyed.  The  more  mysterious  it  all  was  the  better 
the  multitude  liked  it.  These  teachings  were  recorded  in  the 
wonderful  book  of  Orpheus,  which  finally  gained  wide  circula- 
tion among  the  common  people.  It  came  nearer  to  being  the 
sacred  book  of  the  Greeks  than  any  that  ever  arose  among 
them.  All  the  lower  classes  believed  in  magic  and  were  deeply 
impressed  by  the  mysterious  " stunts  ” of  the  magicians  and 
soothsayers  whom  they  constantly  consulted  on  all  the  ordinary 
acts  of  life. 

Down  at  Piraeus,  the  harbor  town,  the  Athenian  citizen 
found  the  busy  streets  crowded  with  foreign  merchants  from 
Egypt,  Phoenicia,  and  Asia  Minor.  They,  too,  had  their  assur- 
ances of  divine  help  and  blessedness,  and  they  brought  with 
them  their  strange  gods : the  Great  Mother  from  Asia  Minor, 
Isis  from  her  lovely  temple  at  the  First  Cataract  of  the  Nile 


The  Higher  Life  of  the  Greeks  415 

(Plate  V,  p.  444),  and  Egyptian  Amon  from  his  mysterious 
shrine  far  away  in  the  Sahara  (Fig.  205),  behind  the  Greek 
city  of  Gyrene  (see  map,  p.  434).  The  famous  Greek  poet 
Pindar  had  written  a poem  in  his  honor,  and  erected  a statue 
of  the  great  Egyptian  god.  As  a deliverer  of  oracles  reveal- 
ing the  future,  Amon  had  now  become  as  great  a favorite 
among  the  Greeks  themselves  as  Apollo  of  Delphi  (§  490). 
There  was  an  Athenian  ship  which  regularly  plied  between 
the  Piraeus  and  Gyrene,  carrying  the  Greeks  to  Amon’s  dis- 
tant Sahara  shrine.  Egyptian  symbols  too  were  common 
on  Greek  tombstones. 

Some  of  these  foreign  beliefs  had  once  greatly  impressed  our 
citizen  in  his  younger  days.  Then  when  he  left  his  boyhood 
teacher  behind,  and  went  to  hear  the  lectures  of  a noted 
Sophist  (§  561),  he  found  that  no  one  knew  with  any  certainty 
whether  the  gods  even  existed ; much  less  did  anyone  know 
what  they  were  like.  He  now  looked  with  some  pity  at  the 
crowds  of  pilgrims  who  filled  the  sacred  road  leading  to  the 
hall  of  the  mysteries  at  Eleusis.  He  had  only  contempt  for 
the  mob  which  filled  the  processions  of  the  strange  oriental 
gods,  and  almost  every  day  marched  with  tumult  and  flute- 
playing through  the  streets  of  Athens.  While  he  could  not 
follow  such  superstitions  of  the  ignorant  poor,  he  found,  never- 
theless, that  he  was  not  yet  quite  ready  to  throw  away  the  gods 
and  reject  them  altogether,  as  some  of  his  educated  neighbors 
were  doing. 

He  recalled  the  days  of  his  youth,  when  he  had  detested 
these  very  doubts  which  he  had  now  taken  up.  With  great 
enjoyment  he  had  once  beheld  the  caricatures  of  Aristophanes, 
the  greatest  of  the  comedy  writers  (§  582).  Our  citizen  had 
shouted  with  delight  at  Aristophanes’  mockery  of  the  doubts 
and  mental  struggles  of  Euripides  (§  581),  or  the  ridicule  which 
the  clever  comedy  heaped  upon  the  Sophists.  Since  then, 
however,  had  come  the  new  light  which  he  had  gained  from  the 
Sophists.  Whatever  the  gods  might  be  like,  he  was  sure  that 


658.  The 
Athenian 
citizen’s  later 
uncertainties 


659.  The 
victory  of 
doubt  and 
the  triumph 
of  Euripides 


4i6 


Ancient  Tunes 


660.  Aris- 
tophanes and 
Socrates 


■AniT!f?R|>E:5*  • • 

Suri-BP-Aiiirof'i 

■J.4<AlNHTAfV,.' 


they  were  not  such  beings  as  he  found  pictured  among  his 
heroic  forefathers  in  the  Homeric  poems.  Now  he  had  long 
since  cast  aside  his  Homer.  In  spite  of  Aristophanes,  he  and 

his  educated  friends  were  all  read- 
ing the  splendid  tragedies  of 
Euripides  (§  581),  with  their  un- 
certainties, struggles,  and  doubts 
about  life  and  the  gods.  Euripides, 
the  victim  of  Aristophanes’  ridi- 
cule, to  whom  the  Athenians  had 
rarely  voted  a victory  during  his 
lifetime  (§  581),  had  now  tri- 
umphed , but  his  triumph  meant 
the  defeat  of  the  old,  the  victory' 
of  doubt,  the  overthrow  of  the 
gods,  and  the  incoming  of  a new 
age  in  thought  and  belief.  But 
the  old  died  hard,  and  the  struggle 
was  a tragic  one. 

The  citizen  remembered  well 
another  comedy  of  Aristophanes, 
which  had  likewise  found  a ready 
response  from  the  Athenian  audi- 
ence. It  had  placed  upon  the 
stage  the  rude  and  comical  figure 
of  a poor  Athenian  named  Soc- 
rates, whom  Aristophanes  had 
represented  as  a dangerous  man, 
to  be  shunned  or  even  chastised 
by  good  Athenians.  He  was  the 
son  of  a stonecutter,  or  small 
sculptor.  The  ill-clothed  figure  and  ugly  face  (Eig.  200)  of 
Socrates  had  become  familiar  in  the  streets  to  all  the  folk  of 
Athens  since  the  outbreak  of  the  second  war  with  Sparta.  He 
was  accustomed  to  stand  about  the  market  place  all  day  long, 


This  is  not  the  best  of  the 
numerous  surviving  portraits 
of  Socrates,  but  it  is  especially 
interesting  because  it  bears 
under  the  philosopher’s  name 
nine  inscribed  lines  contain- 
ing a portion  of  his  public  de- 
fense as  reported  by  Plato  in 
his  Apology 


Fig.  200.  Portrait  of 
Socrates 


The  Higher  Life  of  the  Greeks 


417 


engaging  in  conversation  anyone  he  met,  and  asking  a great 
many  questions.  Our  citizen  recalled  that  Socrates’  questions 
left  him  in  a very  confused  state  of  mind,  for  he  seemed  to  call 
in  question  everything  which  the  citizen  had  once  regarded 
as  settled. 

Yet  this  familiar  and  homely  figure  of  the  stonecutter’s  son 
was  the  personification  of  the  best  and  highest  in  Greek  genius. 
Without  desire  for  office  or  a political  career,  Socrates’  supreme 
interest  nevertheless  was  the  State.  He  believed  that  the  State, 
made  up  as  it  was  of  citizens,  could  be  purified  and  saved  only 
by  the  improvement  of  the  individual  citizen  through  the  educa- 
tion of  his  mind  to  recognize  virtue  and  right. 

Herein  lies  the  supreme  achievement  of  Socrates ; namely, 
his  unshakable  conviction  that  the  human  mind  is  able  to  recog- 
nize and  determine  what  are  virtue  and  right,  truth,  beauty  and 
honesty,  and  all  the  other  great  ideas  which  mean  so  much  to 
human  life.  To  him  these  ideas  had  reality.  He  taught  that 
by  keen  questioning  and  discussion  it  is  possible  to  reject  error 
and  discern  these  realities.  Inspired  by  this  impregnable  belief, 
Socrates  went  about  in  Athens,  engaging  all  his  fellow  citizens 
in  such  discussion,  convinced  that  he  might  thus  lead  each 
citizen  in  turn  to  a knowledge  of  the  leading  and  compelling 
virtues.  Furthermore,  he  firmly  believed  that  the  citizen  who 
had  once  recognized  these  virtues  would  shape  every  action  and 
all  his  life  by  them.  Socrates  thus  revealed  the  power  of  virtue 
and  of  similar  ideas  by  argument  and  logic,  but  he  made  no 
appeal  to  religion  as  an  influence  toward  good  conduct.  Never- 
theless, he  showed  himself  a deeply  religious  man,  believing  with 
devout  heart  in  the  gods,  although  they  were  not  exactly  those 
of  the  fathers,  and  even  feeling,  like  the  Hebrew  prophets, 
that  there  was  a divine  voice  within  him,  calling  him  to  his 
high  mission. 

The  simple  but  powerful  personality  of  this  greatest  of 
Greek  teachers  often  opened  to  him  the  houses  of  the  rich 
and  noble.  His  fame  spread  far  and  wide,  and  when  the 


661.  The 
State  the 
chief  interest 
of  Socrates 


662.  His  be- 
lief in  man’s 
power  to  dis- 
cern the  great 
truths  as  such 
and  to  shape 
his  conduct 
by  them 


663.  Public 
opinion  of 
Socrates 


664.  The  trial 
and  death  of 
Socrates 
(399  B.C.) 


665.  The  in- 
fluence of 
Socrates 
after  his 
death 


418  Ancient  Times 

Delphian  oracle  (§  490)  was  asked  who  was  the  wisest  of  the 
living,  it  responded  with  the  name  of  Socrates.  A group  of 
pupils  gathered  about  him,  among  whom  the  most  famous 
was  Plato.  But  his  aims  and  his  noble  efforts  on  behalf  of  the 
Athenian  State  were  misunderstood.  His  keen  questions  seemed 
to  throw  doubt  upon  all  the  old  beliefs.  The  Athenians  had 
already  vented  their  displeasure  on  more  than  one  leading 
Sophist  who  had  rejected  the  old  faith  and  teaching  (§  593). 

So  the  Athenians  summoned  Socrates  to  trial  for  corrupting 
the  youth  with  all  sorts  of  doubts  and  impious  teachings.  Such 
examples  as  Alcibiades,  who  had  been  his  pupil,  seemed  con- 
vincing illustrations  of  the  viciousness  of  his  teaching ; many 
had  seen  and  still  more  had  read  with  growing  resentment 
the  comedy  of  Aristophanes  which  held  him  up  to  contempt 
and  execration.  Socrates  might  easily  have  left  Athens  when 
the  complaint  was  lodged  against  him.  Nevertheless  he  appeared 
for  trial,  made  a powerful  and  dignified  defense,  and,  when  the 
court  voted  the  death  penalty,  passed  his  last  days  in  tranquil 
conversation  with  his  friends  and  pupils,  in  whose  presence 
he  then  quietly  drank  the  fatal  hemlock  (399  b.c.).  Thus  the 
Athenian  democracy,  which  had  so  fatally  mismanaged  the 
affairs  of  the  nation  in  war,  brought  upon  itself  much  greater 
reproach  in  condemning  to  death,  even  though  in  accordance 
with  law,  the  greatest  and  purest  soul  among  its  citizens 
(headpiece,  p.  425). 

The  undisturbed  serenity  of  Socrates  in  his  last  hours,  as 
pictured  to  us  in  Plato’s  idealized  version  of  the  scene,  pro- 
foundly affected  the  whole  Greek  world  and  still  forms  one  of 
the  most  precious  possessions  of  humanity.  He  was  the  great- 
est Greek,  and  in  him  Greek  civilization  reached  its  highest 
level.  But  the  glorified  figure  of  Socrates,  as  he  appears  in  the 
writings  of  his  pupils,  was  to  prove  more  powerful  even  than 
the  living  teacher. 

Meantime  there  had  been  growing  up  a body  of  scientific 
knowledge  about  the  visible  world,  which  men  had  never 


The  Higher  Life  of  the  Greeks 


419 


possessed  before.  Moreover  this  new  scientific  knowledge  was 
no  longer  confined  to  the  few  philosophers  who  were  its  dis- 
coverers, as  formerly  had  been  the  case  (§  564).  Our  doubt- 
ing citizen  had  at  home  a whole  shelf  of  books  on  natural 
science.  It  included  a treatise  on  mathematics,  an  astronomy 
in  which  the  year  was  at  last  stated  to  contain  365 1 days, 
a zoology  and  a botany.  There  was  also  a mineralogy,  a pam- 
phlet on  foretelling  the  weather,  and  a treatise  on  the  calendar, 
besides  several  geographies  with  maps  of  the  world  then  known. 
There  were  also  practical  books  of  guidance  and  instruction  on 
drawing,  tvar,  farming,  raising  horses,  or  even  cooking. 

There  was  in  our  citizen’s  library  also  a remarkable  history, 
treating  the  fortunes  of  nations  in  the  same  way  in  which 
natural  science  was  treated.  Its  author  was  Thucydides,  the 
first  scientific  w’riter  of  history.  A generation  earlier  Herodo- 
tus’ history  (§  567)  had  ascribed  the  fortunes  of  nations  to 
the  will  of  the  gods,  but  Thucydides,  with  an  insight  like  that 
of  modem  historians,  traced  historical  events  to  their  earthly 
causes  in  the  world  of  men  where  they  occur.  There  stood  the 
two  books,  Herodotus  and  Thucydides,  side  by  side  in  the  citi- 
zen’s library.  There  were  only  thirty  years  or  so  between  them, 
but  how  different  the  beliefs  of  the  two  historians,  the  old  and 
the  new  ! Thucydides  was  one  of  the  greatest  writers  of  simple 
and  beautiful  prose  that  ever  lived.  His  book  which  told  the 
story  of  the  long  wars  resulting  in  the  fall  of  the  Athenian 
Empire  was  received  by  the  Greeks  with  enthusiastic  approval. 
It  has  been  one  of  the  world’s  great  classics  ever  since. 

The  success  of  Thucydides’  work  in  prose  shows  that  the 
interest  of  the  Athenians  was  no  longer  in  poetry  but  in  the 
new  and  more  youthful  art  of  prose.  Poetry,  including  play- 
writing, noticeably  declined.  A successful  public  speech  was 
now  written  down  beforehand,  and  the  demand  for  such  ad- 
dresses in  the  Assembly,  and  especially  before  the  citizen-juries, 
was  a constant  motive  for  the  cultivation  of  skillful  prose 
writing  and  public  speaking. 


666.  Spread 
of  scientific 
knowledge 
among  the 
people 


667.  Scien- 
tific writing 
of  history 


668.  The 
decline  of 
poetry  and 
the  triumph 
of  prose 


420 


Ancient  Times 


669.  Athens 
the  center  of 
education ; 
Isocrates 


670.  Rise  of 
the  science  of 
government 


671.  Plato 


The  teachers  of  rhetoric  at  Athens,  the  successors  of  the 
old  Sophists  (§  562),  became  world  renowned,  and  they  made 
the  city  the  center  of  education  for  the  whole  Greek  world. 
The  leader  among  them  was  Isocrates,  the  son  of  a well-to-do 
flute  manufacturer.  Having  lost  his  father’s  fortune  in  the 
Peloponnesian  Wars,  he  turned  for  a living  to  the  teaching  of 
rhetoric,  in  which  he  soon  showed  great  ability.  He  chose  as 
his  theme  the  great  political  questions  of  his  time.  He  was  not 
a good  speaker,  and  he  therefore  devoted  himself  especially 
to  the  writing  of  his  speeches,  which  he  then  published  as 
political  essays.  Throughout  Greece  these  remarkable  essays 
were  read,  and  Isocrates  Anally  became  the  political  spokesman 
of  Athens,  if  not  of  all  Greece. 

Notwithstanding  the  new  interest  in  natural  science,  the 
affairs  of  men  rather  than  of  nature  were  the  burning  questions 
at  Athens.  How  should  the  governmental  affairs  of  a commu- 
nity of  men  be  conducted  ? — what  should  be  the  proper  form 
of  a free  state  ? — these  were  the  problems  which  Athenian 
experience  and  the  efforts  of  Socrates  toward  an  enlightened 
citizenship  had  thrust  into  the  foreground.  What  should  be  the 
form  of  the  ideal  state  ? The  Orient  had  already  had  its  social 
idealism.  In  the  Orient,  however,  it  had  never  occurred  to  the 
social  dreamers  to  discuss  the  form  of  goverjiment  of  the  ideal 
state.  They  accepted  as  a matter  of  course  the  monarchy  under 
which  they  lived  as  the  obvious  form  for  the  State.  But  in 
Greece  the  question  of  the  form  of  government,  whether  a king- 
dom, a republic,  or  an  aristocracy,  was  now  earnestly  discussed. 
Thus  there  arose  a new  science,  the  science  of  government. 

Plato,  the  most  gifted  pupil  of  Socrates,  published  much  of 
his  beloved  master’s  teaching  in  the  form  of  dialogues,  sup- 
posedly reproducing  the  discussions  of  the  great  teacher  him- 
self. Then  after  extensive  travels  in  Egypt  and  the  west  he 
returned  to  Athens,  where  he  set  up  his  school  in  the  grove 
of  the  Academy  (§  558).  Convinced  of  the  hopelessness  of 
democracy  in  Athens,  he  reluctantly  gave  up  all  thought  of  a 


The  Higher  Life  of  the  Greeks 


421 


career  as  a statesman,  to  which  he  had  been  strongly  drawn, 
and  settled  dowm  at  Athens  to  devote  himself  to  teaching. 

Plato  was  both  philosopher  and  poet.  The  ideas  which 
Socrates  maintained  the  human  mind  could  discern,  became 
for  Plato  eternal  realities,  having  an  existence  independent  of 
man  and  his  mind.  The  human  soul,  he  taught,  had  always 
existed,  and  in  an  earlier  state  had  beheld  the  great  ideas  of 
goodness,  beauty,  evil,  and  the  like,  and  had  gained  an  intuitive 
vision  of  them  which  in  this  earthly  life  the  soul  now  recalled 
and  recognized  again.  The  elect  souls,  gifted  with  such  vision, 
were  the  ones  to  control  the  ideal  state,  for  they  would  neces- 
sarily act  in  accordance  with  the  ideas  of  virtue  and  justice 
which  they  had  discerned.  It  was  possible  by  education,  thought 
Plato,  to  lead  the  souls  of  men  to  a clear  vision  of  these  ideas. 

In  a noble  essay  entitled  The  Republic  Plato  presented  a 
lofty  vision  of  his  ideal  state.  Here  live  the  enlightened  souls 
governing  society  in  righteousness  and  justice.  They  do  no 
work,  but  depend  on  craftsmen  and  slaves  for  all  menial  labor. 
And  yet  the  comforts  and  . leisure  which  they  enjoy  are  the 
product  of  that  very  world  of  industry  and  commerce  in  a 
Greek  city  which  Plato  so  thoroughly  despises.  The  plan 
places  far  too  much  dependence  on  education  and  takes  no 
account  of  the  dignity  and  importance  of  labor  in  human 
society.  Moreover,  Plato’s  ideal  state  is  the  self-contained,  self- 
controlling city-state  as  it  had  in  times  past  supposedly  existed 
in  Greece.  He  failed  to  perceive  that  the  vital  question  for 
Greece  was  now  the  relation  of  these  city-states  to  each  other. 
He  did  not  discern  that  the  life  of  a cultivated  state  unavoid- 
ably expands  beyond  its  borders,  and  by  its  needs  and  its 
contributions  affects  the  life  of  surrounding  states.  It  cannot 
be  confined  within  its  political  borders,  for  its  commercial  borders 
lie  as  far  distant  as  its  galleys  can  carry  its  produce. 

Thus  boundary  lines  cannot  separate  nations  ; their  life  over- 
laps and  interfuses  with  the  life  round  about  them.  It  was  so 
within  Greece,  and  it  was  so  far  beyond  the  borders  of  Greek 


672.  Plato’s 
development 
of  the  So- 
cratic  ideas 


673.  Plato’s 
ideal  state 


674.  Growth 
of  a Hellen- 
ized  world 


422 


Anciejit  Times 


675.  Motives 
toward  unity: 
Isocrates  and 
Xenophon 


676.  Unalter- 
able disunion 
the  end  of 
Greek  politi- 
cal develop- 
ment 


territory.  There  had  grown  up  a civilized  world  which  was 
reading  Greek  books,  using  Greek  utensils,  fitting  up  its  houses 
with  Greek  furniture,  decorating  its  house  interiors  with  Greek 
paintings,  building  Greek  theaters,  learning  Greek  tactics  in 
war  — a great  Mediterranean  and  oriental  world  bound  to- 
gether by  lines  of  commerce,  travel,  and  common  economic 
interests.  For  this  world,  as  a coming  political  unity,  the  lofty 
idealist  Plato,  in  spite  of  his  travels,  had  no  eyes.  To  this 
world,  once  dominated  by  oriental  culture,  the  Greeks  had 
given  the  noblest  and  sanest  ideas  yet  attained  by  the  mind 
of  civilized  man,  and  to  this  world  likewise  the  Greeks  should 
have  given  political  leadership. 

Men  in  practical  life,  like  Isocrates,  clearly  understood  the 
situation  at  this  time.  Isocrates  urged  the  Greeks  to  bury  their 
petty  differences  and  expand  their  purely  sectional  patriotism 
into  loyalty  toward  a great  nation  which  should  unite  the  whole 
Greek  world.  He  told  his  countrymen  that,  so  united,  they 
could  easily  overthrow  the  decaying  Persian  Empire  and  make 
themselves  lords  of  the  world,  whereas  now,  while  they  con- 
tinued to  fight  among  themselves,  the  king  of  Persia  could  do 
as  he  pleased  with  them.  In  an  inspiring  address  distributed  to 
the  Greeks  at  the  Olympic  games,  he  said : " Anyone  coming 
from  abroad  and  observing  the  present  situation  of  Greece 
would  regard  us  as  great  fools  struggling  among  ourselves 
about  trifles,  and  destroying  our  own  land,  when  without  dan- 
ger we  might  conquer  Asia.”  To  all  Greeks  who  had  read 
Xenophon’s  story  of  the  march  of  his  Ten  Thousand,  the 
weakness  of  the  Persian  Empire  was  obvious.  Every  motive 
toward  unity  was  present. 

Nevertheless,  no  Greek  city  was  willing  to  submit  to  the 
leadership  of  another.  Local  patriotism,  like  the  sectionalism 
which  brought  on  our  Civil  War,  prevailed,  and  unalterable  dis- 
union was  the  end  of  Greek  political  development.  As  a result 
the  Greeks  were  now  to  be  subjected  by  an  outside  power, 
which  had  never  had  any  share  in  advancing  Greek  culture 


The  Higher  Life  of  the  Greeks 


423 


(§  678).  Thus  the  fine  theories  of  the  ideal  form  of  the  state 
so  warmly  discussed  at  Athens  were  now  to  be  met  by  the 
hard  fact  of  irresistible  power  in  the  hands  of  a single  ruler  — 
the  form  of  power  which  the  Greek  republics  had  in  vain  striven 
to  destroy. 

But  in  spite  of  this  final  and  melancholy  collapse  of  Greek  677.  Suprem 
political  power,  which  even  the  wealth  and  splendor  of  the  west-  genius  in 
em  Greek  cities  in  Italy  and  Sicily,  like  Syracuse,  had  not  been  po]*iti°a^i 
able  to  prevent,  what  an  incomparably  glorious  age  of  Greek  collapse 
civilization  was  this  which  we  have  been  sketching ! The  rival- 
ries which  proved  so  fatal  to  the  political  leadership  of  the 
Greeks  had  been  a constant  incentive  spurring  them  all  on,  as 
each  city  strove  to  surpass  its  rivals  in  art  and  literature  and  all 
the  finest  things  in  civilization.  Great  as  the  age  of  Pericles 
had  been,  the  age  that  followed  was  still  greater.  The  tiny 
Athenian  state,  with  a population  not  larger  than  that  of  our 
little  state  of  Delaware  in  1910,  and  having  at  best  twenty-five 
or  thirty  thousand  citizens,  had  furnished  in  this  period  a group 
of  great  names  in  all  lines  of  human  achievement,  such  as  never 
in  all  the  history  of  the  world  arose  in  an  area  and  a population 
so  limited.  In  a book  like  this  we  have  been  able  to  offer  only 
a few  hints  of  all  that  these  men  of  Athens  accomplished. 

Their  names  to-day  are  among  the  most  illustrious  in  human 
histoiy,  and  the  achievements  which  we  link  with  them  form 
the  greatest  chapter  in  the  higher  life  of  man.  Furthermore, 

Greek  genius  was  to  go  on  to  many  another  future  triumph, 
in  spite  of  the  loss  of  that  political  leadership  which  we  are  now 
to  see  passing  into  other  hands. 

QUESTIONS 

Section  61.  Was  Athens  now  able  to  support  great  works  of  art 
as  in  the  days  of  Pericles.?  What  was  the  effect  upon  art?  What 
lovely  building  was  nevertheless  erected  on  the  Acropolis?  What 
new  style  of  architecture  was  coming  in  ? How  did  it  differ  from  the 
older  Doric  and  Ionic  styles  ? Describe  the  Mausoleum.  Plow  did 


424 


Ancient  Times 


the  sculpture  of  Praxiteles  differ  from  that  of  Phidias  ? What  kind 
of  figures  did  Scopas  love  to  carve  ? What  new  process  of  producing 
portable  paintings  came  in?  What  new  method  of  painting  did 
Apollodorus  introduce  ? What  popular  stories  about  the  feats  of  the 
new  shadow  painters  arose?  Have  any  of  these  paintings  survived? 
How  do  we  know  how  they  looked?  What  kind  of  small  works  did 
the  lesser  artists  produce  ? 

Section  62.  In  what  respects  was  the  age  following  Pericles  one 
of  conflict  ? What  did  an  Athenian  child  of  this  time  learn  about  the 
gods  at  home  ? at  school  ? at  public  celebrations  ? from  great  works 
of  art?  Had  he  had  any  religious  instruction?  What  did  he  believe 
about  his  own  conduct  and  the  relation  of  the  gods  to  it  ? What  did 
the  common  people  believe?  What  teachers  did  they  follow?  Did 
they  show  intelligence  or  superstition  in  religious  matters? 

What  foreign  divinities  were  coming  in?  Tell  about  them.  What 
did  the  educated  citizen  think  about  the  beliefs  of  the  common 
people?  What  had  once  been  his  feeling  about  religious  doubt? 
Whose  comedies  had  mocked  such  doubt?  From  whom  did  such 
a citizen  himself  learn  to  doubt?  Whose  tragedies  were  he  and 
his  friends  reading?  Did  this  mean  the  suppression  or  the  triumph 
of  doubt? 

How  did  one  of  the  comedies  of  Aristophanes  represent  Socrates? 
How  did  Socrates  spend  most  of  his  time?  What  was  his  purpose 
in  doing  this?  Can  you  sum  up  his  teachings?  Was  he  then  an  evil 
man?  Was  he  irreligious?  What  was  the  general  opinion  about  his 
wisdom  ? about  his  character  ? What  did  the  Athenians  finally  do  in 
order  to  silence  Socrates?  Tell  about  his  trial  and  death.  Did  his 
influence  cease  at  his  death  ? 

What  was  the  condition  of  scientific  knowledge  at  Athens  ? How 
did  the  history  of  Thucydides  differ  from  that  of  Herodotus?  How 
much  time  had  elapsed  between  them  ? What  can  you  say  of  prose 
and  poetry  in  this  age?  Who  was  the  leading  teacher  of  rhetoric 
and  prose  writing  at  Athens  ? What  can  you  say  of  his  own  writing  ? 
What  new  science  was  arising?  What  can  you  say  of  the  life  of 
Plato  ? What  did  he  teach  about  government  ? What  great  question 
did  he  fail  to  perceive  ? What  civilized  world  was  growing  up  ? Why 
had  not  the  Greeks  given  this  world  of  Greek  culture  also  political 
unity?  How  did  practical  men  like  Isocrates  feel  about  this  prob- 
lem ? Did  the  Greeks  follow  his  advice  ? What  was  to  be  the  result  ? 


I 


1 


I 


I 


! 


CHAPTER  XIX 


ALEXANDER  THE  GREAT 

Section  63.  The  Rise  of  Macedonia 


On  the  northern  frontiers  in  the  mountains  of  the  Balkan  Pen- 
insula Greek  civilization  gradually  faded  and  disappeared,  merg- 
ing into  the  barbarism  which  had  descended  from  Stone  Age 
Europe.  These  backw'ard  Northerners,  such  as  the  Thracians, 
spoke  Indo-European  tongues  akin  to  Greek,  but  their  Greek 
kindred  of  the  South  could  not  understand  them.  A veneer 


678.  The  un- 
cultivated 
states  of  the 
Balkan  Pen- 
insula and 
the  North 


Note.  The  above  headpiece  shows  us  one  of  the  streets  where  it  was  the 
custom  of  both  the  Greeks  and  Romans  (Fig.  212,  //,  K)  to  bury  their  dead, 
it  was  outside  the  Dipylon  Gate  (plan,  p.  352),  on  the  sacred  way  leading  to 
Eleusis,  both  sides  of  which  were  lined  for  some  distance  with  marble  tomb- 
stones, of  which  Fig.  199  is  an  example.  The  Roman  Sulla  (§  945),  in  his  Eastern 
war,  while  besieging  Athens,  piled  up  earth  as  a causeway  leading  to  the  top  of 
the  wall  of  Athens  (see  plan,  p.  352)  at  this  point.  The  part  of  the  cemetery  which 
he  covered  with  earth  was  thus  preserved,  to  be  dug  out  in  modem  times  — the 
only  surviving  portion  of  such  an  ancient  Greek  street  of  tombs.  In  this  ceme- 
tery the  .Athenians  of  Socrates’  day  were  buried.  The  monument  at  the  left  shov/s 
a brave  .-Athenian  youth  on  horseback,  charging  the  fallen  enemy.  He  was  slain 
in  tlie  Corinthian  War  (§  633)  and  buried  here  a few  years  after  the  death  of 
Socrates  (§  664). 


425 


426 


Ancient  Times 


679.  Philip 
of  Macedon 
and  his  policy 
of  expansion 


680.  Philip 
creates 
Macedonian 
infantry 


681.  Mace- 
donian horse-, 
men  and 
Philip’s  com- 
bination of 
cavalry  and 
infantry  in 
unified 
operations 


of  Greek  civilization  began  here  and  there  to  mask  somewhat 
the  rough  and  uncultivated  life  of  the  peasant  population  of 
Macedonia.  The  Macedonian  kings  began  to  cultivate  Greek 
literature  and  art.  The  mother  of  Philip  of  Macedon  wa, 
grateful  that  she  had  been  able  to  learn  to  write  in  her  old  ag 

Philip  himself  had  enjoyed  a Greek  education,  and  when  he 
gained  the  power  over  Macedonia,  in  360  b. c.,  he  understood 
perfectly  the  situation  of  the  disunited  Greek  world.  He 
planned  to  make  himself  its  master,  and  he  began  his  task  with 
the  ability  both  of  a skilled  statesman  and  an  able  soldier.  With 
clear  recognition  of  the  necessary  means,  he  first  created  the 
indispensable  military  power.  As  a hostage  at  Thebes  he  had 
learned  to  lead  an  army  under  the  eye  of  no  less  a master  than 
Epaminondas  himself,  the  conqueror  of  the  Spartans.  But 
Philip  surpassed  his  teacher. 

From  the  peasant  population  of  his  kingdom  Philip  drew  off 
a number  large  enough  to  form  a permanent  or  standing  army 
of  professional  soldiers  who  never  expected  again  to  return  to 
the  flocks  and  fields.  These  men  he  armed  as  heavy  infantry  of 
the  phalanx,  as  he  had  seen  it  in  Greece  ; only  he  made  the  pha- 
lanx deeper  and  more  massive  and  gave  his  men  longer  spears. 
They  soon  became  famous  as  the  " Macedonian  phalanx.” 

Heretofore  horsemen  had  played  but  a small  part  in  war  in 
Europe.  Horses  were  plentiful  in  Philip’s  kingdom,  and  the 
nobles  forming  a warrior  class  had  always  been  accustomed  to 
fight  on  horseback  in  a loose  way,  each  for  himself.  Philip  now 
drilled  these  riders  to  move  about  and  to  attack  in  a single 
mass.  The  charge  of  such  a mass  of  horsemen  was  so  terrible 
that  it  might  of  itself  decide  a battle.  Philip  then  further  im- 
proved the  art  of  war  by  a final  step,  the  most  important  of  all. 
He  so  combined  his  heavy  phalanx  in  the  center,  with  the  disci- 
plined masses  of  horsemen  on  each  wing,  that  the  whole  com- 
bined force,  infantry  and  cavalry,  moved  and  operated  as  one 
great  unit,  an  irresistible  machine  in  which  every  part  worked 
together  with  all  the  others. 


A lexander  the  Great 


427 


This  new  chapter  in  the  art  of  warfare  was  possible  only 
because  a single  mind  was  in  unhampered  control  of  the  situ- 
ation. The  Greeks  were  now  to  witness  the  practical  effective- 
ness of  one-man  control  as  exercised  by  a skillful  leader  for 
1 many  years.  With  statesmanlike  insight  Philip  first  began  his 
conquests  in  the  region  where  he  might  expect  the  least  resist- 
ance. He  steadily  extended  the  territory  of  his  kingdom  east- 
t ward  and  northward  until  it  reached  the  Danube  and  the 
Hellespont. 

, His  progress  on  the  north  of 
I the  Higean  soon  brought  him 
into  conflict  with  the  interests  of 
I the  Greek  states,  which  owned 
cities  in  this  northern  region. 

! Philip’s  conquests  were  viewed 
. with  mixed  feelings  at  Athens, 

I toward  which  the  Macedonian 
i king  himself  felt  very  friendly, 

I for  he  had  the  greatest  admira- 
i tion  for  the  Greeks.  Two  parties 
I therefore  arose  at  Athens.  One 
j of  them  was  quite  willing  to 
I accept  Philip’s  proffered  friend- 
j ship,  and  recognized  in  him  the 
) uniter  and  savior  of  the  Greek 

world.  The  leader  of  this  party  was  Isocrates  (§  675),  now  an 
i aged  man.  The  other  party,  on  the  contrary,  denounced  Philip 
I as  a barbarous  tyrant  who  was  endeavoring  to  enslave  the 
r free  Greek  cities. 

i The  leader  of  this  anti-Macedonian  party  was  the  great  orator 
Demosthenes  (Fig.  201).  In  one  passionate  appeal  after  another 
' he  addressed  the  Athenian  people,  as  he  strove  to  arouse  them 
i to  the  growing  danger  threatening  the  Greek  states  with  every 
added  triumph  of  Philip’s  powerful  army.  By  the  whirlwind  of 
his  marvelous  eloquence  he  carried  the  Athenian  Assembly  with 


682.  Practical 

advantages 

of  one-man 

control ; 

Philip’s 

Northern 

conquests 


683.  Two 
parties  at 
Athens : 
Isocrates 


684.  Demos 
thenes 


428 


Ancient  Times 


685.  Philip 
gains  the 
leadership 
of  the  Greeks 
(338  B.C.) 


686.  The 
successors 
of  Philip  of 
Macedon 


687.  Educa- 
tion and 
character  of 
Alexander 
the  Great 


him.  His  " Philippics,”  as  his  denunciations  of  King  Philip  are 
called,  are  among  the  greatest  specimens  of  Greek  eloquence, 
and  have  become  traditional  among  us  as  noble  examples  of 
oratorical  potver  inspired  by  high  and  patriotic  motives.  But 
they  were  very  immoderate  in  their  abuse  and  denunciation  of 
his  opponents  in  Athens,  nor  can  it  be  said  that  they  display  a 
statesmanlike  understanding  of  the  hopelessly  disunited  condi- 
tion of  the  ever-warring  Greek  states. 

The  outcome  of  the  struggle  which  unavoidably  came  on 
between  Philip  and  the  Greek  states  showed  that  the  views 
of  Isocrates,  while  less  ideally  attractive,  were  far  more  saga- 
cious and  statesmanlike  than  those  of  Demosthenes.  After  a 
long  series  of  hostilities  Philip  defeated  the  Greek  forces  in  j 
a final  battle  at  Chaeronea  (338  b.c.),  and  firmly  established 
his  position  as  head  of  a league  of  all  the  Greek  states  except 
Sparta,  which  still  held  out  against  him.  He  had  begun  oper-  . 
ations  in  Asia  Minor  for  the  freedom  of  the  Greek  cities  there,  - 
when  two  years  after  the  battle  of  Chaeronea  he  was  stabbed 
by  conspirators  during  the  revelries  at  the  wedding  of  his 
daughter  (336  b.c.). 

I The  power  passed  into  the  hands  of  his  son  Alexander,  a 
youth  of  only  twenty  years.  Fortunately  Philip  also  left  behind  i 
him  in  the  Macedonians  of  his  court  a group  of  remarkable  - 
men,  of  imperial  abilities.  They  were  devoted  to  the  royal 
house,  and  Alexander’s  early  successes  were  in  no  small  : 
measure  due  to  them.  But  their  very  devotion  and  ability,  ; 
as  we  shall  see,  later  brought  the  young  king  into  a personal  1 
conflict  which  contained  all  the  elements  of  a tremendous  | 
tragedy  (§  709).  | 

When  Alexander  was  thirteen  years  of  age  his  father  had  1 
summoned  to  the  Macedonian  court  the  great  philosopher  j 
Aristotle  (§  760),  a former  pupil  of  Plato,  to  be  the  teacher  ! 
of  the  young  prince.  Under  his  instruction  the  lad  learned  to  i 
know  and  love  the  masterpieces  of  Greek  literature^  especially  j 
the  Homeric  songs.  The  deeds  of  the  ancient  heroes  touched  j 


Alexander  the  Great  429 

and  kindled  his  youthful  imagination  and  lent  a heroic  tinge 
to  his  whole  character.  As  he  grew  older  and  his  mind  ripened, 
his  whole  personality  was  imbued  with  the  splendor  of  Greek 
genius  and  Hellenic  culture. 

Section  64.  Campaigns  of  Alexander  the  Great 

The  Greek  states  were  still  unwilling  to  submit  to  Mace- 
donian leadership,  and  they  fancied  they  could  overthrow  so 
youthful  a ruler  as  Alexander.  They  were  soon  to  learn  how 
old  a head  there  was  on  his  young  shoulders.  When  Thebes 
revolted  against  Macedonia  for  the  second  time  after  Philip’s 
death,  Alexander,  knowing  that  he  must  take  up  the  struggle 
with  Persia,  realized  that  it  would  not  be  safe  for  him  to  march 
into  Asia  without  giving  the  Greek  states  a lesson  which  they 
would  not  soon  forget.  He  therefore  captured  and  completely 
destroyed  the  ancient  city  of  Thebes,  sparing  only  the  house  of 
the  great  poet  Pindar.  All  Greece  was  thus  taught  to  fear  and 
respect  his  power,  but  learned  at  the  same  time  to  recognize 
his  reverence  for  Greek  genius.  Feeling  him  to  be  their  natural 
leader,  therefore,  the  Greek  states,  with  the  exception  of  Sparta, 
formed  a league  and  elected  Alexander  as  its  leader  and  general. 
As  a result  they  all  sent  troops  to  increase  his  army. 

The  Asiatic  campaign  which  Alexander  now  planned  was  to 
vindicate  his  position  as  the  champion  of  Hellas  against  Asia. 
He  thought  to  lead  the  united  Greeks  against  the  Persian  lord 
of  Asia,  as  the  Hellenes  had  once  made  common  cause  against 
Asiatic  Troy  (§  41 1).  Leading  his  army  of  Macedonians  and 
allied  Greeks  into  Asia  Minor,  he  therefore  stopped  at  Troy 
and  camped  upon  the  plain  (Fig.  15 1,  and  map,  p.  434)  where 
the  Greek  heroes  of  the  Homeric  songs  had  once  fought.  Here 
he  worshiped  in  the  temple  of  Athena,  and  prayed  for  the  suc- 
cess of  his  cause  against  Persia.  He  thus  contrived  to  throw 
around  himself  the  heroic  atmosphere  of  the  Trojan  War, 
till  all  Hellas  beheld  the  dauntless  figure  of  the  Macedonian 


688.  Alex- 
ander subju- 
gates the 
Greek  states 
and  becomes 
head  of  a 
Greek 
league 


689.  Alex- 
ander, the 
champion 
of  Hellas 
against  Asia 


430 


Ancient  Times 


690.  Battle  of 
the  Granicus 

(334  B-C.) 
and  conquest 
of  Asia  Minor 


691.  Alexan- 
der’s march 
through  Asia 
Minor 


youth,  as  it  were,  against  the  background  of  that  glorious  age 
which  in  their  belief  had  so  long  ago  united  Greek  arms 
against  Asia  (§  41 1). 

Meantime  the  Great  King  had  hired  thousands  of  Greek 
heavy-armed  infantry,  and  they  were  now  to  do  battle  against 
their  own  Greek  countrymen.  At  the  river  Granicus,  in  his  first 
critical  battle,  Alexander  had  no  difficulty  in  scattering  the  forces 
of  the  western  Persian  satraps.  Following  the  Macedonian 
custom,  the  young  king,  then  but  twenty-two  years  of  age,  led 
his  troops  into  the  thick  of  the  fray  and  exposed  his  royal 
person  without  hesitation.  But  for  the  timely  support  of  Clitus,  ' 
the  brother  of  his  childhood  nurse,  who  bravely  pushed  in  before 
him  at  a critical  moment,  the  impetuous  young  king  would  have  j 
lost  his  life  in  the  action  on  the  Granicus.  Marching  southward,  | 
he  took  the  Greek  cities  one  by  one  and  freed  all  western  Asia  ■' 
Minor  forever  from  the  Persian  yoke.  1 

Meantime  a huge  Persian  fleet  was  master  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean. It  was  at  this  juncture  that  the  young  Macedonian,  ' 
little  more  than  a boy  in  years,  began  to  display  his  mastery 
of  a military  situation  which  demanded  the  completest  under-  : 
standing  of  the  art  of  war.  He  had  left  a strong  force  at  home, 
and  he  believed  that  the  lesson  of  his  destruction  of  Thebes 
would  prevent  the  Persian  fleet  in  the  ^gean  from  arousing  | 
Hellas  to  rebellion  against  him  during  his  absence.  He  there-  : 
fore  pushed  boldly  eastward.  Following  the  route  of  the  Ten  ; 
Thousand,  Alexander  led  his  army  safely  through  the  diffi-  : 
cult  pass,  called  the  Cilician  Gates  (see  map,  p.  434),  and  : 
rounded  the  northeast  corner  of  the  Mediterranean.  Here,  i 
as  he  looked  out  upon  the  Fertile  Crescent,  there  was  spread  j 
out  before  him  the  vast  Asiatic  world  of  forty  million  souls,  1 
where  the  family  of  the  Great  King  had  been  supreme  for  two  | 
hundred  years.  In  this  great  arena  he  was  to  be  the  champion  j 
for  the  next  ten  years  (333-323  B.C.). 

At  this  important  point,  by  the  Gulf  of  Issue,  Alexander  met  j 
the  main  army  of  Persia,  under  the  personal  command  of  the  | 


Alexander  the  Great 


431 


Great  King,  Darius  III,  the  last  of  the  Persian  line.  The  tac- 
tics of  his  father  Philip  and  Epaminondas,  always  to  be  the 
attacking  party,  were  now  adopted  by  Alexander,  in  spite  of 
the  enemy’s  strong  defensive  position  behind  a stream.  His 
attack  was  on  the  old  plan  of  the  oblique  battle  line  (§  638), 
with  the  cavalry  forming  the  right  wing  nearest  the  enemy. 
Heading  this  cavalry  charge  himself,  Alexander  led  his  Mace- 
donian horsemen  across  the  stream  in  such  a fierce  assault 
(Fig.  202)  that  the  opposing  Persian  wing  gave  way.  Along 
the  center  and  the  other  wing,  the  battle  was  hotly  fought  and 
indecisive.  But  as  Alexander’s  victorious  horsemen  of  the  right 
wing  turned  and  attacked  the  exposed  Persian  center  in  the 
flank,  the  Macedonians  swept  the  Asiatics  from  the  field,  and 
the  disorderly  retreat  of  Darius  never  stopped  until  it  had  crossed 
the  Euphrates.  The  Great  King  then  sent  a letter  to  Alexander 
desiring  terms  of  peace  and  offering  to  accept  the  Euphrates  as 
a boundary  between  them,  all  Asia  west  of  that  river  to  be 
handed  over  to  the  Macedonians. 

It  was  a dramatic  picture,  the  figure  of  the  young  king, 
standing  with  this  letter  in  his  hand.  As  he  pondered  it  he  was 
surrounded  by  a group  of  the  ablest  Macedonian  youth,  who 
had  grown  up  around  him  as  his  closest  friends ; but  likewise 
by  old  and  trusted  counselors  upon  whom  his  father  before  him 
had  leaned.  The  hazards  of  battle  and  of  march,  and  the  daily 
associations  of  camp  and  bivouac,  had  wrought  the  closest  bonds 
of  love  and  friendship  and  intimate  influence  between  these 
loyal  Macedonians  and  their  ardent  young  king. 

As  he  considered  the  letter  of  Darius,  therefore,  his  father’s 
old  general  Parmenio,  who  had  commanded  the  Macedonian 
left  wing  in  the  battle  just  won,  proffered  him  serious  counsel. 
We  can  almost  see  the  old  man  leaning  familiarly  over  the 
shoulder  of  this  imperious  boy  of  twenty-three  and  pointing  out 
across  the  Mediterranean,  as  he  bade  Alexander  remember  the 
Persian  fleet  operating  there  in  his  rear  and  likely  to  stir  up 
revolt  against  him  in  Greece.  He  said  too  that  with  Darius 


692.  Defeat 
of  Darius  III 
at  the  battle 
of  Issus 
(333  B-C.) 


693.  The 
situation 
after  Issus, 
and  Alexan- 
der’s friends 


694.  The 
advice  of 
Parmenio 
to  accept 
Persian  terms 
after  Issus 


432 


Fig.  202.  Alexander  the  Great  charging  the  Bodyguard  and  Officers  of  the  Persian 

King  at  the  Battle  of  Issus  * 


Alexander  the  Great 


433 


behind  the  Euphrates,  as  proposed  in  the  letter,  Persia  would 
be  at  a safe  distance  from  Europe  and  the  Greek  world.  The 
campaign  against  the  Great  King,  he  urged,  had  secured  all 
that  could  reasonably  be  expected.  Undoubtedly  he  added  that 
Philip  himself,  the  young  king’s  father,  had  at  the  utmost  no 
further  plans  against  Persia  than  those  already  successfully 
carried  out.  There  was  nothing  to  do,  said  Parmenio,  but  to 
accept  the  terms  offered  by  the  Great  King. 

In  this  critical  decision  lay  the  parting  of  the  ways.  Before  695.  The  de- 
the  kindling  eyes  of  the  young  Alexander  there  rose  a vision  jss^u^ 
of  world  empire  dominated  by  Greek  civilization  — a vision  to  Alexander’s 
which  the  duller  eyes  about  him  were  entirely  closed.  He  his  friends 
waved  aside  his  father’s  old  counselors  and  decided  to  advance 
to  the  conquest  of  the  whole  Persian  Empire.  In  this  far- 
reaching  decision  he  disclosed  at  once  the  powerful  personality 
which  represented  a new  age.  Thus  arose  the  conflict  which 
never  ends  — the  conflict  between  the  new  age  and  the  old, 

* The  artist  who  designed  this  great  work  has  selected  the  supreme 
moment  when  the  Persians  (at  the  right)  are  endeavoring  to  rescue  their 
king  from  the  onset  of  the  Macedonians  (at  the  left).  Alexander,  the 
bareheaded  figure  on  horseback  at  the  left,  charges  furiously  against 
the  Persian  king  (Darius  III),  who  stands  in  his  chariot  (at  the  right). 

The  Macedonian  attack  is  so  impetuous  that  the  Persian  king’s  life  is 
endangered.  A Persian  noble  dismounts  and  offers  his  riderless  horse, 
that  the  king  may  quickly  mount  and  escape.  Devoted  Persian  nobles 
heroically  ride  in  between  their  king  and  the  Macedonian  onset,  to  give 
Darius  an  opportunity  to  mount.  But  Alexander’s  spear  has  passed 
entirely  through  the  body  of  one  of  these  Persian  nobles,  who  has  thus 
given  his  life  for  his  king.  Darius  throws  out  his  hand  in  grief  and  . 
horror  at  the  awful  death  of  his  noble  friend.  The  driver  of  the  royal 
chariot  (behind  the  king)  lashes  his  three  horses,  endeavoring  to  carry 
Darius  from  the  field  in  flight  (§  fi'qa).  This  magnificent  battle  scene  is 
put  together  from  bits  of  colored  glass  (mosaic)  forming  a floor  pave- 
ment, discovered  in  1831  at  the  Roman  town  of  Pompeii  (Fig.  255).  It 
has  been  injured  in  places,  especially  at  the  left,  where  parts  of  the 
figures  of  Alexander  and  his  horse  have  disappeared.  It  was  originally 
laid  at  Alexandria  and  suffered  this  damage  in  being  moved  to  Italy. 

It  is  a copy  of  an  older  Hellenistic  work,  a painting  done  at  Alexandria 
(§  738)-  It  is  one  of  the  greatest  scenes  of  heroism  in  battle  ever 
painted,  and  illustrates  the  splendor  of  Hellenistic  art. 


434 


Ancient  Times 


696.  Con- 
quest of 
Phoenicia 
and  Egypt ; 
dispersion 
of  the  Per- 
sian fleet 


697.  Alexan- 
der’s march 
to  Persia: 
battle  of 
Arbela 
(331  B.C.) 


just  as  we  have  seen  it  at  Athens  (§  653).  Never  has  it  been 
more  dramatically  staged  than  as  we  find  it  here  in  the  daily 
growing  friction  between  Alexander  and  that  group  of  devoted, 
if  less  gifted,  Macedonians  who  were  now  drawn  by  him  into 
the  labors  of  Heracles  — ■ the  conquest  of  the  world. 

The  danger  from  the  Persian  fleet  was  now  carefully  and 
deliberately  met  by  a march  southward  along  the  eastern  end 
of  the  Mediterranean.  All  the  Phoenician  seaports  on  the  way 
were  captured.  Here  Alexander’s  whole  campaign  would  have 
collapsed  but  for  the  siege  machinery,  the  use  of  which  his 
father  had  learned  from  the  western  Greeks.  Against  the  walls 
of  Tyre,  Alexander  employed  machines  which  had  been  devised 
in  the  Orient  (headpiece,  p.  140),  and  which  he  was  now  bring- 
ing back  thitber  with  Greek  improvements.  Feeble  Egypt, 
so  long  a Persian  province,  then  fell  an  easy  prey  to  the 
Macedonian  arms.  The  Persian  fleet,  thus  deprived  of  all  its 
home  harbors  and  cut  off  from  its  home  government,  soon 
scattered  and  disappeared. 

Having  thus  cut  off  the  enemy  in  his  rear,  Alexander  re- 
turned from  Egypt  to  Asia,  and,  marching  along  the  Eertile 
Crescent,  he  crossed  the  Tigris  close  by  the  mounds  which  had 
long  covered  the  ruins  of  Nineveh  (Fig.  203).  Here,  near 
Arbela,  the  Great  King  had  gathered  his  forces  for  a last 
stand.  The  Persians  had  not  studied  the  progress  in  the  art 
of  war  made  by  the  Greeks  and  the  Macedonians  (§  681),  and 
they  were  as  hopelessly  behind  the  times  as  China  was  in  her 
war  with  Japan.  They  had  prepared  one  new  device,  a body 
of  chariots  with  scythes  fastened  to  the  axles  and  projecting 
on  each  side.  But  the  device  failed  to  save  the  Persian  army. 
Although  greatly  outnumbered,  the  Macedonians  crushed  the 
Asiatic  army  and  forced  the  Great  King  into  ignominious  flight. 
In  a few  days  Alexander  was  established  in  the  winter  palace 
of  Persia  in  Babylon  (§  274). 

As  Darius  fled  into  the  eastern  mountains  he  was  stabbed 
by  his  own  treacherous  attendants  (330  b.c.).  Alexander  rode 


) 


1 


Alexander  the  Great 


435 


Fig.  203.  ^^lEW  ACROSS  the  Ruins  of  Nineveh  to  the  Plain 
WHERE  Alexander  the  Great  overthrew  the  Last  Army 
OF  THE  Persian  Empire 

We  are  supposed  to  be  standing  on  the  roof  of  a house  in  the  modern 
town  of  Mosul  (see  plan,  p.  154)  and  looking  eastward  across  the  Tigris 
to  the  ruins  of  Nineveh,  with  mound  of  Kuyunjik,  containing  the  palaces 
of  Sennacherib  and  Assurbanipal,  directly  before  us.  Past  this  mound 
(compare  plan,  p.  154)  runs  the  road  from  Mosul  to  Arbela,  about 
30  miles  east.  These  ruins  must  have  been  much  like  this  when  Alex- 
ander marched  past  them,  less  than  three  hundred  years  after  the  city 
was  destroyed.  Somewhere  in  the  plain  toward  Arbela,  Alexander  won 
his  last  battle  with  the  Persians  (§  697).  Although  no  systematic  clear- 
ance of  all  the  chief  buildings,  such  as  the  French  and  Germans  have 
accomplished  at  Sargonburg  (Khorsabad),  Assur,  and  Babylon,  has  ever 
been  done  here,  a great  many  important  monuments  have  been  dug 
out,  like  the  library  of  Assurbanipal  (§  226) 


up  with  a few  of  his  officers  in  time  to  look  upon  the  body  of 
the  last  of  the  Persian  emperors,  the  lord  of  Asia,  whose  vast 
realm  had  now  passed  into  his  hands.  He  punished  the  mur- 
derers and  sent  the  body  with  all  respect  to  the  fallen  ruler’s 


698.  Death 
of  Darius  III 
(330B.C.); 
Alexander 
lord  of  the 
ancient  East 


436 


Ancient  Times 


699.  Alexan- 
der captures 
the  Persian 
royal  cities 


Fig.  204.  A Corner  of  the  Court  of 
THE  Palace  of  Darius  I at  Susa,  cap- 
tured BY  Alexander  the  Great  (as 
restored  by  Fillet) 

The  remarkable  French  excavations  at  Susa 
discovered  the  wonderful  relief  of  Naram-Sin 
(Fig.  89),  and  the  shaft  bearing  the  code  of 
Hammurapi  (Fig.  93).  At  the  same  time  the 
French  uncovered  the  ruins  of  the  palace 
built  by  Darius  I in  the  days  of  Marathon 
and  finished  later  under  Xerxes  at  the  time 
of  Salamis,  a hundred  and  fifty  years  before 
Alexander  captured  Susa.  The  French  archi- 
tect’s restoration  shows  the  Persian  em- 
peror and  his  attendants  coming  forth  into  a 
court  of  the  palace.  We  see  the  gorgeous 
glazed-brick  decorations  along  the  base  of 
the  wall,  showing  lines  of  Persian  soldiers,  as 
in  Fig.  1 13.  It  must  have  looked  just  as  we 
see  it  here,  when  Alexander  entered  it  for 
the  first  time,  to  take  possession  of  the  dead 
Persian  emperor’s  magnificent  residence 


mother  and  sister,  to 
whom  he  had  extended 
protection  and  hospi- 
tality. Thus  at  last 
both  the  valley  of  the 
Nile  and  the  Fertile 
Crescent,  the  homes 
of  the  earliest  two 
civilizations,  whose 
long  and  productive 
careers  we  have  al- 
ready sketched,  were 
now  in  the  hands  of 
a European  power 
and  under  the  control 
of  a newer  and  higher 
civilization.  Less  than 
five  years  had  passed 
since  the  young  Mace- 
donian had  entered 
Asia. 

Although  the  Mace- 
donians had  nothing 
more  to  fear  from  the 
Persian  arms,  there 
still  remained  much 
for  Alexander  to  do  in 
order  to  establish  his 
empire  in  Asia.  On 
he  marched  through 
the  original  little  king- 
dom of  the  Persian 
kings,  whence  Cyrus, 
the  founder  of  the 
Persian  Empire,  had 


/ 


Alexander  the  Great 


437 


victoriously  issued  over  two  hundred  years  before  (see  § 258). 
He  stopped  at  Susa  (Fig.  204)  and  then  passed  on  to  visit  the 
tomb  of  C\Tms  (Fig.  115),  near  Persepolis.  Here  he  gave  a 
■dramatic  evidence  of  his  supremacy  in  Asia  by  setting  fire  to 
the  Persian  palace  (Fig.  1 1 6)  with  his  o^vn  hand,  as  the  Persians 
had  once  done  to  Hiletus  and  to  the  temples  on  the  Athenian 
Acropolis.  It  was  but  a s\Tnbolical  act,  and  Alexander  ordered 
the  flames  extinguished  before  serious  damage  was  done. 

After  touching  Ecbatana  in  the  north,  and  leaving  behind 
the  trusted  Parmenio  in  charge  of  the  enormous  treasure  of 
gold  and  silver,  accumulated  for  generations  by  the  Persian 
kings,  Alexander  again  moved  eastward.  In  the  course  of  the 
next  five  years,  while  the  Greek  world  looked  on  in  amaze- 
ment, the  young  Macedonian  seemed  to  disappear  in  the  mists 
on  the  far-off  fringes  of  the  known  world.  He  marched  his 
army  in  one  vast  loop  after  another  through  the  heart  of  the 
Iranian  plateau  (see  map,  p.  434),  northward  across  the  Oxus 
and  the  Jaxartes  rivers,  southward  across  the  Indus  and  the 
frontiers  of  India,  into  the  valley  of  the  Ganges,  where  at  last 
the  murmurs  of  his  intrepid  army  forced  him  to  turn  back. 

He  descended  the  Indus,  and  even  sailed  the  waters  of  the 
Indian  Ocean.  Then  he  began  his  westward  march  again  along 
the  shores  of  the  Indian  Ocean,  accompanied  by  a fleet  which 
he  had  built  on  the  Indus.  The  return  march  through  desert 
wastes  cost  many  lives  as  the  thirsty  and  ill-provisioned  troops 
dropped  by  the  way.  Over  seven  years  after-  he  had  left  the 
great  city  of  Babylon,  Alexander  entered  it  again.  He  had 
been  less  than  twelve  years  in  Asia,  and  he  had  carried  Greek 
chilization  into  the  vety'  heart  of  the  continent.  At  important 
points  along  his  line  of  march  he  had  founded  Greek  cities 
bearing  his  name  and  had  set  up  kingdoms  which  w'ere  to  be 
centers  of  Greek  influence  on  the  frontiers  of  India.  From 
such  centers  Greek  art  entered  India,  to  become  the  source  of 
the  art  which  still  survives  there ; and  the  Greek  works  of  art, 
especially  coins,  from  Alexander’s  communities  in  these  remote 


700.  Alex- 
ander’s cam- 
paigns in 
the  Far 
East  (330- 
324  B.c.) 


701.  Alexan- 
der returns 
to  Babylon 
(323  B.c.) ; 
some  results 
of  his  Eastern 
campaigns 


438 


Ancient  Times 


*J01.  Alexan- 
der’s scientific 
enterprises 


703.  His 
endeavor 
to  merge 
European 
and  Asiatic 
civilization 


regions  of  the  East  penetrated  even  to  China,  to  contribute  to 
the  later  art  of  China  and  Japan.  Never  before  had  East  and 
West  so  interpenetrated  as  in  these  amazing  marches  and  cam- 
paigns of  Alexander. 

Section  65.  International  Policy  of  Alexander:  ' 
ITS  Personal  Consequences 

During  all  these  unparalleled  achievements  the  mind  of  this  ‘ 
young  Hercules  never  ceased  to  busy  itself  with  a thousand  j 
problems  on  every  side.  He  dispatched  an  exploring  expedition  | 
up  the  Nile  to  ascertain  the  causes  of  the  annual  overflow  of 
the  river,  and  another  to  the  shores  of  the  Caspian  Sea  to  build  , 
a fleet  and  circumnavigate  that  sea,  the  northern  end  of  which 
was  still  unknown.  He  brought  a number  of  scientific  men  : 
with  him  from  Greece,  and  with  their  aid  he  sent  hundreds  of 
natural-history  specimens  home  to  Greece  to  his  old  teacher  j 
Aristotle,  then  teaching  in  Athens.  ; 

Meantime  he  applied  himself  with  diligence  to  the  organiza- 
tion and  administration  of  his  vast  conquests.  Such  problems 
must  have  kept  him  wearily  bending  over  many  a huge  pile 
of  state  papers,  or  dictating  his  great  plans  to  his  secretaries 
and  officers.  He  believed  implicitly  in  the  power  and  superiority  ! 
of  Greek  culture.  He  was  determined  to  Hellenize  the  world 
and  to  merge  Asia  with  Europe  by  transplanting  colonies  of 
Greeks  and  Macedonians.  In  his  army,  Macedonians,  Greeks, 
and  Asiatics  stood  side  by  side.  He  also  felt  that  he  could  not 
rule  the  world  as  a Macedonian,  but  must  make  concessions  to  | 
the  Persian  world  (Plate  VI,  p.  468).  He  married  Roxana,  an  | 
Asiatic  princess,  and  at  a gorgeous  wedding  festival  he  obliged  1 
his  officers  and  friends  also  to  marry  the  daughters  of  Asiatic  ! 
nobles.  Thousands  of  Macedonians  in  the  army  followed  the  : 
example  of  their  king  and  took  Asiatic  wives.  He  appointed  i 
Persians  to  high  offices  and  set  them  over  provinces  as  satraps,  i 
He  even  adopted  Persian  raiment  in  part.  ' 


Alexander  the  Great 


439 


Amid  all  this  he  carefully  worked  out  a plan  of  campaign 
for  the  conquest  of  the  western  Mediterranean.  It  included 
instructions  for  the  building  of  a fleet  of  a thousand  battleships 
■\\ith  which  to  subdue  Italy,  Sicily,  and  Carthage.  It  also  planned 
the  construction  of  a vast  roadway  along  the  northern  coast 
of  Africa,  to  be  built  at  an  appalling  expense  and  to  furnish  a 
highway  for  his  army  from  Egypt  to  Carthage  and  the  Pillars  of 
Hercules  (Gibraltar).  It  is  here  that  Alexander’s  statesmanship 
may  be  criticized.  All  this  should  have  been  done  immediately 
after  the  destruction  of  Persia.  But  Alexander  seems  not  to 
have  perceived  that  he  could  convert  the  Mediterranean  shores 
into  a unified  empire  under  a single  ruler  much  more  effectively 
than  he  could  unite  and  control  the  scattered  and  far-reaching 
lands  of  the  remote  Orient. 

What  was  to  be  his  own  position  in  this  colossal  world-state 
of  which  he  dreamed  ? In  such  a matter  Alexander’s  imagina- 
tion was  without  bounds.  He  had  dreamed  of  having  Mt.  Athos 
car\'ed  into  a vast  statue  of  himself,  with  a town  of  ten  thousand 
people  in  his  right  hand ! And  now  he  planned  divinity  for 
himself.  The  will  of  a god,  in  so  far  as  a Greek  might  believe 
in  him  at  all,  was  still  a thing  to  which  he  bowed  without  ques- 
tion and  with  no  feeling  that  he  was  being  subjected  to  tyranny. 
Alexander  found  in  this  attitude  of  the  Greek  mind  the  solution 
of  the  question  of  his  own  position.  Many  a great  Greek  had 
come  to  be  recognized  as  a god,  and  there  was  in  Greek  belief 
no  sharp  line  dividing  gods  from  men.  He  would  have  himself 
lifted  to  the  realm  of  the  gods,  where  he  might  impose  his  will 
upon  the  Greek  cities  without  offense.  This  solution  was  the 
more  easy  because  it  had  for  ages  been  customary  to  regard 
the  king  as  divine  in  Egypt,  where  he  was  a son  of  the  Sun- 
god,  and  the  idea  was  a common  one  in  the  Orient. 

In  Egypt  therefore,  seven  years  before,  he  had  deliberately 
taken  the  time,  while  a still  unconquered  Persian  army  was 
awaiting  him  in  Asia,  to  march  with  a small  following  far  out 
into  the  Sahara  Desert  to  the  oasis  shrine  of  Amon  (§  657  and 


704.  Alexan- 
der makes 
plans  for  the 
conquest  of 
the  western 
Mediter- 
ranean 


705.  Deifi- 
cation of 
Alexander 
and  its  logi- 
cal necessity 


706.  Alexan- 
der’s visit  to 
Siwa  — the 
desert  shrine 
of  Amon 


440 


Ancient  Times 


707.  Alexan- 
der demands 
his  deification 
by  the  Greek 
cities  of  the 
dissolved 
league 


Fig.  205).  Here  in  the  vast  solitude  Alexander  entered  the  ' 
holy  place  alone.  No  one  knew  what  took  place  there ; but 
when  he  issued  again  he  was  greeted  by  the  high  priest  of  the 
temple  as  the  son  of  Zeus-Amon.  Alexander  took  good  care 
that  all  Greece  should  hear  of  this  remarkable  occurrence,  but 


Fig.  205.  Oasis  of  Siwa  in  the  Sahara 


In  this  oasis  was  the  famous  temple  of  the  Egyptian  god  Amon  (or 
Ammon)  (§  657).  Alexander  marched  hither  from  the  coast,  a distance 
of  some  200  miles,  and  thence  back  to  the  Nile  at  Memphis,  some  350  | 

miles  (see  map,  p.  434).  A modern  caravan  requires  twenty-one  days  to  j 
go  from  the  Nile  to  this  oasis.  Such  an  oasis  is  a deep  depression  in  I 
the  desert  plateau;  the  level  of  the  plateau  is  seen  at  the  tops  of  the 
cliffs  on  the  right.  Its  fertility  is  due  to  many  springs  and  flowing  wells  | 

the  Hellenes  had  to  wait  some  years  before  they  learned  what  i 
it  all  meant.  i 

Four  years  later  the  young  king  found  that  this  divinity  i 
which  he  claimed  lacked  outward  and  visible  manifestations.  1 
There  must  go  with  it  some  outward  observances  which  would  ; 
vividly  suggest  his  character  as  a god  to  the  minds  of  the  world 
which  he  ruled.  He  adopted  oriental  usages,  among  which  was  | 
the  requirement  that  all  who  approached  him  on  official  occa-  j 
sions  should  bow  down  to  the  earth  and  kiss  his  feet.  He  also  j 


Alexander  the  Great 


441 


sent  formal  notification  to  all  the  Greek  cities  that  the  league 
of  which  he  had  been  head  was  dissolved,  that  he  was  hence- 
forth to  be  officially  numbered  among  the  gods  of  each  city, 
and  that  as  such  he  was  to  receive  the  State  offerings  which 
each  city  presented. 

Thus  were  introduced  into  Europe  absolute  monarchy  and 
the  divine  right  of  kings.  Indeed,  through  Alexander  there  was 
transferred  to  Europe  much  of  the  spirit  of  that  Orient  which 
had  been  repulsed  at  Marathon  and  Salamis.  But  these  meas- 
ures of  Alexander  were  not  the  efforts  of  a weak  mind  to  gratify 
a vanity  so  drunk  with  power  that  it  could  be  satisfied  only 
^\-ith  superhuman  honors.  They  were  carefully  devised  political 
measures  dictated  by  State  policy  and  systematically  developed 
step  by  step  for  years. 

This  superhuman  station  of  the  world-king  Alexander  was 
gained  at  tragic  cost  to  Alexander  the  Macedonian  youth  and 
to  the  group  of  friends  and  followers  about  him  (§  693).  Be- 
neath the  Persian  robes  of  the  State-god  Alexander  beat  the 
warm  heart  of  a young  Macedonian.  He  had  lifted  himself  to 
an  exalted  and  lonely  eminence  whither  those  devoted  friends 
who  had  followed  him  to  the  ends  of  the  earth  could  follow 
him  no  longer.  Neither  could  they  comprehend  the  necessity 
for  measures  which  thus  strained  or  snapped  entirely  those 
bonds  of  friendship  which  linked  together  comrades  in  arms. 
And  then  there  were  the  Persian  intruders  treated  like  the 
equals  of  his  personal  friends  (Plate  VI,  p.  468),' or  even  placed 
over  them ! The  tragic  consequences  of  such  a situation  were 
inevitable. 

Early  in  those  tremendous  marches  eastward,  after  Darius’s 
death,  Philotas,  son  of  Parmenio,  had  learned  of  a conspiracy 
against  Alexander’s  life,  but  his  bitterness  and  estrangement 
were  such  that  he  failed  to  report  his  guilty  knowledge  to  the 
king.  The  conspirators  were  all  given  a fair  and  legal  trial,  and 
Alexander  himself  suffered  the  bitterness  of  seeing  a whole 
group  of  his  former  friends  and  companions,  including  Philotas, 


708.  Abso- 
lute mon- 
archy and 
divine  right 
of  kings 


709.  Personal 
consequences 
suffered  by 
Alexander  as 
a result  of  his 
deification 
and  interna- 
tional policy 


710.  Exe- 
cution of 
Philotas, 
Parmenio, 
and  their 
friends 


442 


Ancient  Times 


711.  Alexan- 
der slays  his 
friend  Clitus 


condemned  and  executed  in  the  presence  of  the  army.  The 
trusted  Parmenio,  father  of  Philotas,  still  guarding  the  Persian 
treasure  at  Ecbatana,  was  also  implicated,  and  a messenger 
was  sent  back  with  orders  for  the  old  general’s  immediate  exe- 
cution. This  was  but  the  beginning  of  the  ordeal  through  which 


Fig.  206.  Temple  beside  the  Royal  Palace  at  Babylon 
WHERE  Alexander  presented  Daily  Offerings 


The  German  excavations  at  Babylon  (Fig.  iii)  have  found  the  ruins  of 
a temple  at  the  door  of  the  great  palace  (plan,  p.  165),  and  the  director 
of  the  work,  Professor  Koldewey,  has  drawn  the  above  restoration.  The 
ancient  accounts  tell  us  that  Alexander  was  wont  to  sacrifice  every  day 
at  this  temple  on  an  altar,  seen  here  before  the  door.  He  was  restoring 
the  ruined  buildings  of  Babylon,  especially  the  fallen  temple  tower,  when 
he  died.  Koldewey  found  vast  masses  of  earth  which  Alexander  moved 

the  man  Alexander  was  to  pass,  in  order  that  the  world-king 
Alexander  might  mount  the  throne  of  a god. 

Clitus  also,  who  had  saved  his  life  at  the  Granicus,  was  filled 
with  grief  and  indignation  at  Alexander’s  political  course.  At 
a royal  feast,  where  these  matters  came  up  in  conversation, 
Clitus  was  guilty  of  unguarded  criticisms  of  his  lord  and  then, 
entirely  losing  his  self-mastery,  he  finally  heaped  such  unbridled 


Alexander  the  Great 


443 


reproaches  upon  the  king  that  Alexander,  rising  in  uncontrol- 
lable rage,  seized  a spear  from  a guard  and  thrust  it  through 
the  bosom  of  the  man  to  whom  he  owed  his  life.  As  we  see 
the  young  king  thereupon  sitting  for  three  days  in  his  tent, 
speechless  with  grief  and  remorse,  refusing  all  food,  and  pre- 
vented only  by  his  officers  from  taking  his  own  life,  we  gather 
some  slight  impression  of  the  terrible  personal  cost  of  Alex- 
ander’s state  policy. 

Similarly  the  demand  that  all  should  prostrate  themselves 
and  kiss  his  feet  on  entering  his  presence  cost  him  the  friend- 
ship of  the  historian  Callisthenes.  For,  not  long  afterward,  this 
friend  was  likewise  found  criminally  guilty  toward  the  king  in 
connection  with  a conspiracy  of  the  noble  Macedonian  pages 
who  served  Alexander,  and  he  was  put  to  death.  He  was  a 
nephew  of  the  king’s  old  teacher,  Aristotle,  and  thus  the  friend- 
ship between  master  and  royal  pupil  was  transformed  into 
bitter  enmity. 

On  his  return  to  Babylon  (Fig.  206),  Alexander  was  over- 
come with  grief  at  the  loss  of  his  dearest  friend  Hephaestion, 
who  had  just  died.  He  arranged  for  his  dead  friend  one  of 
the  most  magnificent  funerals  ever  celebrated.  Then,  as  he  was 
preparing  for  a campaign  to  subjugate  the  Arabian  peninsula 
and  leave  him  free  to  carry  out  his  great  plans  for  the  conquest 
of  the  western  Mediterranean,  Alexander  himself  fell  sick,  prob- 
ably as  the  result  of  a drunken  debauch,  and  after  a few  days 
he  died  (323  b.c.).  He  was  thirty-three  years  of  age  and  had 
reigned  thirteen  years. 


712.  Exe- 
cution of 
Callisthenes 


713.  Death 
of  Alexander 
(323  B.c.) 


QUESTIONS 

Section  63.  What  was  the  policy  of  Philip  of  Macedon?  What 
new  developments  in  the  art  of  warfare  did  he  introduce  ? What  did 
the  Athenians  think  about  his  plans?  Who  were  the  two  party 
leaders?  What  can  you  say  of  Demosthenes?  What  was  the  out- 
come of  Philip’s  struggle  with  the  Greeks  ? Who  succeeded  Philip  ? 
How  was  Philip’s  successor  educated? 


444 


Ancient  Times 


Section  64.  Discuss  Alexander’s  relations  with  the  Greeks. 
What  was  the  outcome  of  their  rebellion  against  him?  As  whose 
champion  did  he  contrive  to  make  himself  appear  ? Describe  his  con- 
quest of  Asia  Minor.  Where  and  when  did  he  meet  the  main  Persian 
army?  What  was  the  result?  What  proposal  did  the  Persian  king 
make?  What  advice  did  Alexander  receive?  What  did  he  do? 
What  conflict  arose?  How  did  he  dispose  of  the  Phoenician  fleet? 

Where  did  Alexander  go  after  conquering  Egypt?  Describe  his 
next  encounter  with  the  Persians.  What  happened  to  Darius  111? 
What  had  thus  become  of  Egypt  and  Western  Asia?  To  what  great 
cities  of  the  Persian  Empire  did  Alexander  then  go  ? What  happened 
there  ? Describe  the  remote  marches  which  he  now  undertook.  Can 
you  trace  them  on  the  map  ? What  was  the  result  of  these  marches  ? 

Section  65.  What  scientific  enterprises  did  Alexander  under- 
take? Discuss  his  plans  for  merging  Greek  and  Asiatic  civilization. 
What  further  great  plans  of  conquest  did  he  have  ? What  was  to  be 
his  own  position  in  the  new  empire?  How  had  he  prepared  for  this 
position  while  he  was  in  Egypt?  How  did  he  require  his  new 
position  to  be  recognized  ? What  effect  had  all  this  upon  his  friends  ? 
What  happened  to  Parmenio?  to  Clitus?  to  Callisthenes  ? Where, 
when,  and  how  did  Alexander  die? 

Note.  The  sketch  below  shows  us  the  lion  erected  by  the  Thebans  on  the 
battlefield  of  Chaeronea  in  memory  of  their  fallen  citizens.  Excavation  has  dis 
closed  bodies  and  remains  of  the  great  funeral  fire. 


Much  of  the  architecture  on  the  island  of  i’hilse  was  the  work  of  the  Ptolemies,  and  well  illustrates  the  pros- 
perity of  Egypt  under  its  Macedonian  kings  (§  716).  I'ntil  a few  years  ago  the  palm-shaded  temples  made  the 
island  the  most  beautiful  spot  in  Egypt  and  one  of  the  most  beautiful  in  the  world.  Since  the  erection  of  a 
colossal  irrigation  dam  below  the  island,  the  buildings  have  been  covered  with  water  a large  part  of  each  )'ear 


iM-l 


PART  IV.  THE  MEDITERRANEAN 
WORLD  IN  THE  HELLENISTIC  AGE 
AND  THE  ROMAN  REPUBLIC 

CHAPTER  XX 

THE  HEIRS  OF  ALEXANDER 

Section  66.  The  Heirs  of  Alexander’s  Empire 

Alexander  has  been  well  termed  " the  Great.”  Few  men  of 
genius,  and  certainly  none  in  so  brief  a career,  have  left  so  in- 
delible a mark  upon  the  course  of  human  affairs.  By  his  remark- 
able conquests,  he  gained  for  the  Greeks  that  political  supremacy, 
which  their  civilization^  as  we  have  seen,  had  long  before  attained. 

Note.  The  headpiece  above  shows  a view  of  modem  Antioch  in  Syria.  The 
great  decisive  battle  among  the  generals  of  Alexander  the  Great  at  Ipsus  in 
Phrygia  in  central  Asia  Minor  (301  B.c.)  made  Seleucus  lord  of  Asia  (§  718). 
He  then  founded  this  city  of  Antioch  named  after  his  father,  Antiochus  (§  718). 
It  finally  became  a great  commercial  center  (§  718),  a magnificent  city  of  several 
hundred  thousand  inhabitants.  Many  appalling  earthquakes  have  destroyed  the 
ancient  city,  and  the  modem  town  shown  above  has  less  than  thirty  thousand 
inhabitants. 


714.  Conse- 
quences  of 
Alexander’s 
death 


445 


7i5*  The  suc- 
cessors of 
Alexander ; 
their  three 
realms  in 
Europe,  Asia, 
and  Africa 


716.  The 
Egyptian 
Empire  of 
the  Ptolemies 


446  Ancient  Times 

His  death  in  the  midst  of  his  colossal  designs  was  a fearful 
calamity,  for  it  made  impossible  forever  the  unification  of  Hellas 
and  of  the  world  by  the  power  of  that  gifted  race  which  was  now 
civilizing  the  world.  Of  his  line  there  remained  in  Macedonia  a 
demented  half  brother  and,  erelong,  Alexander  II,  the  son  of 
Roxana,  born  in  Asia  after  Alexander  the  Great’s  death.  Con- 
flicts among  the  leaders  at  home  swept  away  all  these  members 
of  Alexander’s  family,  even  including  his  mother. 

His  generals  in  Babylonia  found  the  plans  for  his  great  West- 
ern campaign  lying  among  his  papers,  but  no  man  possessed  ' 

the  genius  to  carry  them  out.  These  able  Macedonian  com-  ' 

manders  were  soon  involved  among  themselves  in  a long  and 
tremendous  struggle,  which  slumbered  only  to  break  out  anew. 
The  ablest  of  them  was  Alexander’s  great  general,  Antigonus, 
who  determined  to  gain  control  of  all  the  great  Macedonian’s  i 
vast  empire.  Then  followed  a generation  of  exhausting  wars 
by  land  and  sea,  involving  the  greatest  battles  thus  far  fought  I 
by  European  armies.  Antigonus  was  killed,  and  Alexander’s  : 
empire  fell  into  three  main  parts,  in  Europe,  Asia,  and  Africa, 
with  one  of  his  generals  or  one  of  their  successors  at  the  head 
of  each.  In  Europe,  Macedonia  was  in  the  hands  of  Antigonus, 
grandson  of  Alexander’s  great  commander  of  the  same  name. 

He  endeavored  to  maintain  control  of  Greece ; in  Asia  most 
of  the  territory  of  the  former  Persian  Empire  was  under  the 
rule  of  Alexander’s  general,  Seleucus ; while  in  Africa,  Egypt 
was  held  by  Ptolemy,  one  of  the  cleverest  of  Alexander’s 
Macedonian  leaders  (see  map  I,  p.  450). 

In  Egypt,  Ptolemy  gradually  made  himself  king,  and  became  ; 
the  founder  of  a dynasty  or  family  of  successive  kings,  whom  , 
we  call  the  Ptolemies.  Ptolemy  at  once  saw  that  he  would  be  I 
constantly  obliged  to  draw  Greek  mercenary  troops  from  Greece. 
With  statesmanlike  judgment  he  therefore  built  up  a fleet  which  j 
gave  him  the  mastery  of  the  Mediterranean.  He  took  up  his  | 
residence  at  the  great  harbor  city  of  Alexandria,  the  city  which  ' 
Alexander  had  founded  in  th^  western  Nile  Delta.  As  a result  i 


The  Heirs  of  Alexander  447 

it  became  the  greatest  commercial  port  on  the  Mediterranean. 
Indeed,  for  nearly  a century  (roughly  the  third  century  b.c.) 
the  eastern  Mediterranean  from  Greece  to  Syria  and  from  the 
^gean  to  the  Nile  Delta  was  an  Egyptian  sea.  As  a barrier 
against  their  Asiatic  rivals,  the  Ptolemies  also  took  possession  of 
Palestine  and  southern  Syria.  Thus  arose  an  Egyptian  empire 
in  the  eastern  Mediterranean  like  that  which  we  found  nearly 
a thousand  years  earlier  in  our  voyage  up  the  Nile  as  we  visited 
the  great  buildings  of  Thebes.  Following  the  example  of  the 
Pharaohs  (Fig.  62),  the  Ptolemies  reached  out  also  into  the  Red 
Sea  with  their  fleets,  and  from  the  Indian  Ocean’  to  the  Helles- 
pont, from  Sicily  to  Syria,  the  Egyptian  fleets  dotted  the  seas, 
bringing  great  wealth  into  the  treasury  of  the  ruler  (map  I,  p.  450). 

Although  these  new  Hellenistic  rulers  of  Egypt  were  Euro- 
peans, they  did  not  set  up  a Greek  or  European  form  of  state. 
They  regarded  themselves  as  the  successors  of  the  ancient 
Pharaohs,  and  like  them  they  ruled  over  the  kingdom  of  the 
Nile  in  absolute  and  unlimited  power.  To  three  Greek  cities 
on  the  Nile,  one  of  which  was  Alexandria,  they  granted  the 
right  to  manage  their  own  local  affairs,  like  a city  of  Greece. 
Otherwise  there  were  no  voting  citizens  among  the  people  of 
Egypt,  and  just  asjn-  ancient  oriental  days  they  had  nothing 
whatever -to  say  about  the  government  or  the  acts  of  the  ruler. 
The  chief  purpose  of  the  ruler’s  government  was  to  secure 
from  the  country  as  large  receipts  for  his  treasury  as  possible, 
in  order  that  he  might  meet  the  expenses  of  his  great  war  fleet 
and  his  army  of  Greek  mercenaries.  For  thousands  of  years 
Egypt  had  been  operating  a great  organization  of  local  officials, 
trained  to  carry  on  the  business  of  assessing  and  collecting 
taxes  (Fig.  40),  The  Greek  states  possessed  no  such  organiza- 
tion, but  the  Ptolemies  found  it  too  useful  to  be  interfered  with. 
The  tiniest  group  of  mud  huts  along  the  river  was  ruled  and 
controlled  by  such  officials.  Thus  the  Macedonians  ruling  on 
the  Nile  were  continuing  an  ancient  oriental  absolute  monarchy. 
The  example  of  this  ancient  form  of  state,  thus  preserved,  was 


717.  The 
ancient  ori- 
ental mon- 
archy of  the 
Ptolemies 


448 


Ancient  Times 


718.  The 
Asiatic  em- 
pire of  the 
Seleucids 


1 


719.  The 
government 
of  the  Seleu- 
cids : the 
free  cities 


720.  The 
government 
of  the  Seleu- 
cids : the 
kingship 


of  far-reaching  influence  throughout  the  Mediterranean  world, 
and  Anally  displaced  the  democracies  of  the  Greeks  and  Romans. 

Although  they  were  not  as  powerful  as  the  Ptolemies,  the 
Seleucids,  as  we  call  Seleucus  and  his  descendants,  were  the 
chief  heirs  of  Alexander,  for  they  held  the  larger  part  of  his 
empire,  extending  from  the  AEgean  to  the  frontiers  of  India. 
Its  boundaries  were  not  flxed,  and  its  enormous  extent  made  it 
very  difficult  to  govern  and  maintain.  The  fleet  of  the  Ptole- 
mies hampered  the  commercial  development  and  prosperity  of 
the  Seleucids,  who  therefore  found  it  difficult  to  reach  Greece 
for  trade,  troops,  or  colonists.  They  gave  special  attention  to 
the  region  around  the  northeast  comer  of  the  Mediterranean 
reaching  to  the  Euphrates,  and  here  the  Seleucids  endeavored 
to  develop  another  Macedonia.  Their  empire  is  often  called 
Syria,  after  this  region.  Here  on  the  lower  Orontes,  Seleucus 
founded  the  great  city  which  he  called  Antioch  (after  his  father, 
Antiochus).  It  finally  enjoyed  great  prosperity  and  became  the 
commercial  rival  of  Alexandria  and  the  greatest  seat  of  com- 
merce in  the  northern  Mediterranean  (headpiece,  p.  445). 

In  government  the  Seleucids  adopted  a veiy  different  plan 
from  that  of  the  Ptolemies.  Seleucus  was  in  hearty  sympathy 
with  Alexander’s  plan  of  transplanting  Greeks  to  Asia  and  thus 
of  mingling  Greeks  and  Asiatics.  He  and  his  son  Antiochus  I 
founded  scores  of  new  Greek  cities  through  Asia  Minor,  Syria, 
down  the  Two  Rivers,  in  Persia,  and  far  over  on  the  borders 
of  India.  Tlmse  cities  were  given  -self-govemment  on  the  old 
Greek  plan ; that  is,  each  city  formed  a little  republic,  with  its 
local  affairs  controlled  by  its  own  citizens.  The  great  Seleucid 
Empire  was  thickly  dotted  with  these  little  free  communities. 

To  be  sure  they  were  under  the  king,  and  each  such  free 
city  paid  him  tribute  or  taxes.  The  form  which  the  royal 
authority  took  was  the  one,  so  ancient  in  the  Orient,  which 
Alexander  had  already  adopted.  The  ruler  was  regarded  as 
a god  to  whom  each  community  owed  divine  reverence  and 
hence  obedience.  This  homage  they  paid  without  offense  to 


The  Heirs  of  Alex atider 


449 


their  feelings  as  free  citizens.  Greek  life,  with  all  the  noble 
and  beautiful  things  we  have  learned  it  possessed,  took  root 
throughout  Western  Asia  and  was  carried  far  into  the  heart 
of  the  great  continent  (see  map  I,  p.  450). 

Compared  with  her  two  great  rivals  in  Egypt  and  Asia, 
Macedonia  in  Europe  seemed  small  indeed.  The  tradition  of 
independence  stiU  cherished  by  the  Greek  states  made  the 
Macedonian  leadership  of  the  Balkan-Greek  peninsula  a diffi- 
cult imdertaking.  Fighting  for  their  liberty  after  Alexander’s 
death,  they  had  proved  too  weak  to  maintain  themselves  against 
the  Macedonian  army;  they  were  forced  to  submit,  and  the 
dauntless  Demosthenes  (§  684),  whose  surrender  along  with 
other  democratic  leaders  was  demanded  by  the  Macedonians, 
took  his  own  life  (see  map  I,  p.  450). 

While  the  second  Antigonus,  grandson  of  Alexander’s  general, 
was  struggling  to  establish  himself  as  lord  of  Macedonia  and 
the  Greeks,  he  was  suddenly  confronted  by  a new  danger  from 
the  far  North  and  West.  From  France  eastward  to  the  lower 
Danube,  Europe  was  now  occupied  by  a vast  group  of  Indo- 
European  barbaxians  whom  we  call  Celts,  or  Gauls.  They  had 
penetrated  into  Italy  after  400  b.c.  (§  813),  and  a century  later 
they  were  pushing  far  down  into  the  Balkan  Peninsula.  By 
280  B.c.  they  broke  through  the  northern  mountains,  and 
having  devastated  Macedonia,  they  even  invaded  Greece  and 
reached  the  sacred  oracle  of  the  Greeks  at  Delphi.  The  bar- 
barian torrent  overflowed  also  into  Asia  Minor;  where  a ’oody 
of  the  invaders  settled  and  gave  their  name  to  a region  after- 
wards called  Galatia.  Antigonus  II  completely  defeated  the 
barbarians  in  Thrace  and  drove  them  out  of  Macedonia,  of 
which  he  then  became  king  (277  b.c.).  This  overwhelming 
flood  of  northern  barbarians  deeply  impressed  the  Greeks,  and 
left  its  mark  even  on  the  art  of  the  age,  as  we  shall  see  (§  736). 

After  the  repulse  of  the  Gauls,  Antigonus  II  took  up  the 
problem  of  restoring  his  empire  and  establishing  his  power. 
The  Egyptian  fleet  held  complete  command  of  the  ^gean  and 


721.  The 
Macedonian 
Empire : re- 
volt of  the 
Greek  states 
after  Alexan- 
der’s death 


722.  Antig- 
onus II 
stops  the 
great  Gallic 
invasion  and 
becomes  king 
of  Macedonia 
(277  B.c.) 


450 


Ancient  Times 


733.  The 
struggle  for 
control  of 
the  eastern 
Mediter- 
ranean 


thwarted  him  in  every  effort  to  control  Greece.  As  Antiochus 
in  Asia  was  suffering  from  the  Egyptian  fleet  in  the  same  way 
(§  718),  the  two  rulers,  Antigonus  and  Antiochus,  formed  an 
alliance  against  Egypt.  The  energetic  Antigonus  built  a war 
fleet  at  vast  expense.  In  a long  naval  war  with  the  Ptolemies, 
which  went  on  at  intervals  for  fifteen  years,  Antigonus  twice 
defeated  the  Egyptian  fleet.  As  the  lax  descendants  of  the 
earlier  Ptolemies  did  not  rebuild  the  Egyptian  fleet,  both 
Macedonia  and  Asia  profited  by  this  freedom  of  the  eastern 
Mediterranean.  But  not  long  after  these  Macedonian  naval 
victories,  trouble  arose  in  Greece,  which  involved  Macedonia  in 
another  long  war  with  the  Greek  states. 


Section  67.  The  Decline  of  Greece 


724.  Com- 
mercial de- 
cline of 
Greece 


725.  Rise  of 
the  leagues 


Greece  was  no  longer  commercial  leader  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean. The  victories  of  Alexander  the  Great  had  opened  the 
vast  Persian  Empire  to  Greek  commercial  colonists,  who  poured 
into  all  the  favorable  centers  of  trade.  Not  only  did  Greece 
decline  in  population,  but  commercial  prosperity  and  the  leader- 
ship in  trade  passed  eastward,  especially  to  Alexandria  and 
Antioch,  and  also  to  the  enterprising  people  of  Rhodes  and 
the  merchants  of  Ephesus.  As  the  Greek  cities  lost  their 
wealth  they  could  no  longer  support  fleets  or  mercenary 
armies,  and  they  soon  became  too  feeble  to  protect  themselves. 

They  naturally  began  to  combine  in  alliances  or  federations 
for  mutual  protection.  Not  long  after  300  b.  c.  two  such 
leagues  were  already  in  existence,  one  on  each  side  of  the 
Corinthian  Gulf.  On  the  south  side  of  the  gulf  was  the 
Achaean  League  and  on  the  north  side  that  of  the  ^tolians. 
Such  a league  was  in  some  ways  a kind  of  tiny  United  States. 
The  league  had  its  general,  elected  each  year  and  commanding 
the  combined  army  of  all  the  cities  ; it  had  also  its  other  officials, 
who  attended  to  all  matters  of  defense  and  to  all  relations  with 
foreign  states  outside  the  league.  Each  city,  however,  took  care 


tireenvich  60' 


20’  Longitude 


Map  I \ 

The  Three  Empires  of 
Alexander’s  Successors  in  the 
Third  Century  B.C. 

Scale  of  Miles 


>ArbeIaj 


I -^1  Ptolemaic  Empire 
I 1 Seleucid  Empire 

I „ „ Macedonian  Empire 
r I Unsubmissive  Greeks 

others 


Grt«u\vich  00 


20'’“  Longitude 


1 \ Map  II 

The  Three  Empires 
of  Alexander’s  Successors  Early 
in  the  Second  Century  B.C. 
Scale  of  Miles 

M 0 100  300  500 


)ONIAn" 


fCAPPADOClC 


MEDIA  \ 
fROPATEXI 


part  HI  a; 


-PGrsepohs__ 

^Bs'r:A 


3 Ptolemaic  Em^re ' /•  y 

3 Seleucid  ToT^f 

3 Macedonian  Empire  ^ J \ 

3 Pergamum  / \ 

3 Unsubmissive  or  Independent  Gf5efeksf 
and  others  1 « 


Sequence  Map  showing  the  Three  Empires  of  Alexander’s  Suc- 
cessors FROM  the  Third  Century  b.c.  to  their  Decline  at  the 
Coming  of  the  Romans  after  200  ii.c. 


The  Heirs  of  Alexander 


451 


of  its  own  local  affairs,  like  the  levying  and  collecting  of  taxes. 

But  the  two  leagues  were  mostly  hostile  to  each  other,  and  while 
they  were  successful  for  a time  in  throwing  off  Macedonian 
leadership,  it  was  too  late  for  a general  federation  of  all  the 
Greek  states,  and  a United  States  of  the  Greeks  never  existed. 

One  reason  for  this  was  that  Sparta  and  Athens  refused  to  726.  Sparta 
join  these  leagues.  The  Achseans  endeavored  to  force  Sparta  Athens 
into  their  league,  but  the  gifted  Spartan  king  Cleomenes  de- 
feated them  in  one  battle  after  another.  His  victories  and  his 
reorganization  of  the  State  restored  to  Sparta  some  of  her  old- 
time  vigor.  The  Achseans  were  obliged  to  call  on  Macedonia 
for  help,  and  in  this  way  Cleomenes  was  defeated  and  the 
Spartans  were  finally  crushed.  But  the  Achsean  League  was 
thereafter  subject  to  Macedonia  and  never  enjoyed  liberty 
again.  Henceforth  the  Macedonians  were  lords  of  all  Greece 
except  the  zEtolian  League.  Meantime,  while  keeping  out  of 
the  leagues,  Athens  preserved  her  self-government  by  securing 
recognition  of  her  neutrality  and  liberty  by  the  great  powers, 
first  by  Egypt  and  later  by  Rome  (§  884 ).  In  spite  of  her 
political  feebleness,  Athens  was  still  the  home  of  those  high 
and  noble  things  in  Greek  civilization  of  which  we  have  already 
learned  something  and  to  the  further  study  of  which  we 
must  now  turn. 


QUESTIONS 

Section  66.  What  were  the  most  important  'consequences  of 
Alexander’s  death?  What  survivors  of  his  line  were  there?  What 
did  his  generals  do  ? What  was  the  result  of  a generation  of  fighting 
among  them  ? Into  what  main  divisions  did  Alexander’s  empire  fall  ? 
Who  ruled  these  divisions  ? What  was  the  policy  of  the  first  Ptolemy? 
What  was  the  result?  What  was  at  first  the  extent  of  Ptolemaic 
power?  What  kind  of  government  did  the  Ptolemies  establish  in 
Egypt?  Would  you  describe  it  as  oriental  or  Greek?  Was  it  finan- 
cially better  organized  than  the  Greek  states?  In  what  respect? 

What  was  the  extent  of  the  Seleucid  Empire  at  first?  How  were 
the  Seleucids  hampered  in  the  Mediterranean?  To  what  region  did 


452 


Ancient  Times 


they  give  special  attention?  What  great  city  did  they  found  there? 
What  kind  of  a government  did  the  Seleucids  establish?  What  can 
you  say  of  their  Greek  cities?  Were  such  cities  after  all  as  free 
as  Athens  had  once  been?  What  form  did  the  authority  of  the 
Seleucids  take? 

What  was  the  first  serious  obstacle  in  the  way  of  Macedonian 
leadership  of  the  Balkan-Greek  peninsula?  What  did  Antigonus  II 
accomplish  by  land?  by  sea?  What  was  the  extent  of  the  Macedo- 
nian Empire  (see  map  I,  p.  450)? 

Section  67.  What  were  now  the  leading  commercial  cities  of  the 
Mediterranean  ? In  what  direction  had  commercial  leadership  shifted? 
What  was  the  reason  ? What  did  the  Greeks  do  ? What  happened 
to  Greece  commercially?  politically?  Did  a federation  of  all  the 
Greeks  arise? 

Note.  The  tailpiece  below  (on  the  right)  is  a pleasing  example  of  the  Alex- 
andrian art  of  mosaic  — the  art  of  putting  together  brightly  colored  bits  of  glass 
or  stone  and  forming  figures  or  designs  with  them,  as  a child  puts  together  a 
puzzle  picture.  It  was  an  old  Egyptian  art,  which  was  carried  much  further  by 
the  Greeks  at  Alexandria,  where  they  seem  to  have  learned  it,  and  used  it  in 
making  beautiful  pavements  (§  738).  They  even  copied  many  old  Egyptian 
designs,  such  as  this  cat  (seen  below,  at  right),  which  was  taken  from  an  old 
Egyptian  painting  (seen  below,  at  left)  showing  a cat  with  a bird  in  her  mouth 
and  also  two  more  under  her  forepaws  and  hindpaws.  The  greatest  example 
of  mosaic  is  the  copy  of  the  painting  of  the  battle  of  Issus  (Fig.  202). 


CHAPTER  XXI 

I THE  CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  HELLENISTIC  AGE 

. Section  68.  Cities,  Architecture,  and  Art 

The  three  centuries  following  the  death  of  Alexander  we  call 
( the  Hellenistic  Age,  meaning  the  period  in  which  Greek  civili- 
zation spread  throughout  the  ancient  world,  especially  the  Orient, 
j and  was  itself  much  modified~by  the  culture  of  the  Orient. 
♦ Alexander’s  conquests  placed  Asia  and  Egypt  in  the  hands  of 
t Macedonian  rulers  who  were  in  civilization  essentially  Greek. 
I Their  language  was  the  Greek  spoken  in  Attica.  The  Orientals 
I found  the  affairs  of  government  carried  on  in  the  Greek  lan- 
I guage  (Fig.  207);  they  transacted  business  with  multitudes  of 
' Greek  merchants;  they  found  many  Greek  books,  attracting 
j them  to  read.  Attic  Greek  became  the  tongue  of  which  every 
) man  of  education  must  be  master.  Thus  the  strong  Jewish  com- 
J munity  living  at  Alexandria  now  found  it  necessary  to  translate 

I Note.  The  above  headpiece  shows  us  the  old  palm-tree  capital  (on  the  left), 
i with  which  we  are  familiar  on  the  Nile  (Fig.  56).  The  Egyptians  were  the  first 
to  take  the  patterns  of  their  decorative  art  from  the  forms  of  plant  life.  Their 
example  has  influenced  decorative  art  ever  since.  Thus  this  palm-tree  column  (on 
the  right)  W'as  borrowed  from  Egypt  by  the  Hellenistic  architects  of  Pergamum. 
Such  an  example  shows  clearly  that  the  idea  of  taking  decorative  architectural 
forms  from  the  vegetable  world  was  acquired  by  the  Greeks  from  abroad,  and  the 
Corinthian  column  (Fig.  t93)  was  doubtless  suggested  in  the  same  way. 

453 


li 


727.  The 
Hellenistic 
Age  — su- 
premacy of 
the  Greek 
language 


454 


Ancient  Times 


the  books  of  the  Old  Testament  from  Hebrew  into  Greek,  in 
order  that  their  educated  men  might  read  them.  While  the 
country  people  of  the  East  might  learn  it  imperfectly,  Attic 


Fig.  207.  The  Rosetta  Stone,  bearing  the  Same  Inscription 
IN  Greek  (C)  and  Egyptian  {A  and  B)* 


Greek  became,  nevertheless,  the  daily  language  of  the  great 
cities  and  of  an  enormous  world  stretching  from  Sicily  (Fig.  257) 
and  southern  Italy  eastward  on  both  sides  of  the  Mediterranean 
and  thence  far  into  the  Orient. 


The  Civilization  of  the  Hellenistic  Age  455 


Civilized  life  in  the  cities  was  attended  witiLmore  comfort  and 
better  equipped  than  ever  before.  The  citizen’s  house,  if  he  were 
in  easy  circumstances,  might  be  built  of  stone  masonry.  The 
old  central  court  was  now  often  surrounded  on  all  four  sides 
by  a pleasing  colonnaded  porch  (Fig.  208).  Most  of  the  rooms 
were  still  small  and  bare,  but  the  large  living  room,  lighted 
from  the  court,  might  be  floored  with  a bright  mosaic  pavement 
(tailpiece,  p.  452),  while  the  walls  were  plastered  and  adorned 
with  decorative  paintings,  or  even  veneered  with  marble  if  the 
owner’s  wealth  permitted.  The  furniture  was  more  elaborate 
and  artistic ; tlrere  might  be  carpets  and  hangings ; and  the 
house  now  for  the  first  time  possessed  its  own  water  supply. 

* This  famous  inscription  is  in  two  languages.  It  was  written  in  Greek 
because  the  language  of  the  government  was  Greek  and  also  because 
there  were  so  many  Greek-speaking  people  in  Egypt  (§  727).  At  the 
same  time,  as  the  stone  was  to  be  a public  record,  it  was  necessary  that 
it  should  be  read  by  Egyptians,  who  knew  no  Greek,  just  as  in  some 
New  England  factory  towns  notices  are  now  put  up  in  both  English  and 
Italian.  The  document  was  therefore  first  written  out  with  pen  and  ink, 
just  as  we  would  do  it,  in  ordinary  Egyptian  handwriting,  called  by  the 
Eg}’ptians  demotic  (see  Fig.  31  for  explanation).  This  demotic  copy  was 
then  cut  on  the  stone  where  it  occupies  the  middle  (E).  The  priests 
also  wrote  out  the  document  in  the  ancient  sacred  hieroglyphics,  and 
they  put  this  hieroglyphic  form  in  the  place  of  honor  at  the  top  of  the 
stone  {A),  where  the  two  corners  have  since  been  broken  off  and  lost. 
Both  of  these  two  forms,  then,  are  Egyptian — the  upper  {A)  correspond- 
ing to  our  print,  the  lower  {B)  corresponding  to  our  handwriting.  The 
Greek  translation  of  the  Egyptian  we  see  at  the  bottom  (C).  The  stone 
was  intended  as  a public  record  of  certain  honors  which  the  Egyptian 
priests  were  extending  to  the  Greek  king,  one  of  the  Ptolemies,  in 
195  B.c.  After  it  fell  down  and  was  broken,  the  stone  had  been  buried 
in  rubbish  for  many  centuries,  when  the  soldiers  of  Napoleon  accident- 
ally found  it  while  digging  trenches  near  the  Rosetta  mouth  of  the 
Nile  in  1799.  Hence  it  is  called  the  Rosetta  Stone.  It  was  afterward 
captured  by  the  British  and  is  now  in  the  British  Museum.  After 
Champollion  had  learned  the  signs  in  the  names  of  Cleopatra,  Ptolemy, 
and  some  others  (Fig.  76),  he  was  finally  able  to  read  also  the  hiero- 
glyphic form  of  this  Rosetta  document  {A),  because  the  Greek  trans- 
lation told  him  what  the  hieroglyphic  form  meant.  It  was  in  this  way 
that  the  Rosetta  Stone  became  the  key  by  which  Egyptian  hieroglyphic 
was  deciphered.  The  stone  is  a thick  slab  of  black  basalt,  2 feet  4^  inches 
wide  and  3 feet  9 inches  high. 


728.  Im- 
proved 
houses  and 
increased 
luxury 


456 


Ancient  Times 


729.  House- 
hold and 
business 
papers  pre- 
served in 
Egypt 


The  streets  also  were  equipped  with  drainage  channels  or  pipes, 
a thing  unknown  in  the  days  of  Pericles. 

The  daily  life  of  the  time  has  been  revealed  to  us,  as  it  went  on 
in  Egypt,  in  a vast  quantity  of  surviving  household  documents. 


Fig.  208.  Plan  of  a House  of  a Wealthy  Greek  in  the 
Hellenistic  Age 


The  rooms  are  arranged  around  a central  court  {M)  which  is  open  to  the 
sky.  A roofed  porch  with  columns  (called  a peristyle)  surrounds  the  I 
court  (cf.  Fig.  56).  The  main  entrance  is  at  with  the  room  of  the  door-  | 
keeper  on  the  right  (A).  At  the  corner  is  a shop  {B).  C,  D,  and  E are 
for  storage  and  housekeeping.  A’  is  a back-door  entry  through  which 
supplies  were  delivered ; it  contained  a stairway  to  the  second  floor. 

G was  used  as  a small  living  room.  It  had  a built-in  divan,  and  the 
entire  side  toward  the  peristyle  was  open.  The  finest  room  in  the  house  | 
was  H,  measuring  about  16  by  26  feet,  with  a mosaic  floor  (tailpiece,  j 
p.  452),  in  seven  colors,  and  richly  decorated  walls.  It  was  lighted  by  a 
large  door  and  two  windows.  K was  a little  sleeping  room,  with  a large  I 
marble  bath  tub ; otherwise  the  sleeping  rooms  were  all  on  the  second 
floor,  which  cannot  now  be  reconstructed,  /was  a second  tiny  shop. 

This  house  was  excavated  by  the  French  on  the  island  of  Delos 

Among  the  common  people  ordinary  receipts  and  other  busi- 
ness memoranda  were  scribbled  with  ink  on  bits  of  broken 
pottery  (Fig.  209),  which  cost  nothing.  For  more  important 
documents,  however,  a piece  of  papyrus  paper  was  used 
(Fig.  253).  Such  papers  accumulated  in  the  house,  just  as  our 


The  Civilization  of  the  Hellenistic  Age 


457 


old  letters  and  papers  do.  In  the  rainless  climate  of  Egypt 
they  have  survived  in  great  numbers  in  the  rubbish  heaps  now 
covering  the  remains  of 
the  houses  of  this  age 
(§  158  and  Fig.  211). 

V\'e  can  read  a father’s 
or  a mother’s  invitation 
to  the  wedding  of  a 
daughter ; the  letter  of 
a father  to  a worthy  son 
absent  at  school;  the 
repentant  confessions  of 
a wayward  son  who  has 
run  away  from  home ; 
the  assurances  of  sym- 
pathy from  a friend  „ _ „ 

^ ^ . Fig.  209.  Potsherd  Document  from 

when  a family  has  lost  a .pjjj.  ruins  of  an  Egyptian  Town 
son,  a father,  a iriother,---___^j^^ggj^ijg  personal  documents  of  the 
or  a brother.  Indeed,  Hellenistic  Age  have  survived  in  Egypt, 
written  with  pen  and  ink  on  fragments 
of  broken  pottery,  which  cost  nothing 
(§  729).  This  specimen  records  a receipt 
for  land  rent  and  closes  thus  : " Eumelos, 
the  son  of  Hermulos,  being  asked  to  do 
so,  wrote  for  him,  because  he  himself 
writes  too  slowly.”  The  giver  of  the 
receipt  probably  could  not  write  at  all 
and,  to  avoid  this  humiliating  confession, 
says  that  he  wrote  " too  slowly  ” ! The  hand 
which  Eumelos  wrote  for  him  is  the  rapid- 
running business  hand  written  by  the 
Greeks  of  this  age,  very  different  from 
the  capital  letters  which  the  Greek  pottery 
painters  made  five  centuries  earlier  (head- 
piece,  p.  282).  A modern  college  student, 
even  though  very  familiar  with  printed 
Greek,  would  be  unable  to  read  it 


these  documents  disclose 
to  us  the  daily  intercourse 
between  friends  and  rela- 
tives, just  as  such  matters 
are  revealed  by  letters 
which  pass  betw'een  our- 
selves at  the  present 
day.  Such  word-pictures, 
thoughtlessly  penned  by 
long-vanished  fingers, 
make  the  distant  hfe  of 
this  far-off  age  seem 
surprisingly  near  and 


real  (Figs.  210  and  253). 

The  numerous  new  cities  which  this  great  Hellenistic  Age 
brought  forth  were  laid  out  on  a very  systematic  plan,  with  the 


458 


Ancient  Times 


730.  Equip- 
ment of  Hel- 
lenistic cities; 
rise  of  secu- 
lar public 
buildings 


731.  The 
public  build- 
ings of  a 
Hellenistic 
city 


streets  at  right  angles  and  the  buildings  in  rectangular  blocks 
(Fig.  212).  Recent  excavation  has  uncovered  as  many  as  eleven 
metal  water  pipes  side  by  side  crossing  a street  under  the  pave- 
ment. But  there  never  was  any  system  of  public-street  lighting 
in  the  ancient  world.  In  the  public  buildings  also  a great  change 
had  taken  place.  In  Pericles’  time  the  great  state  buildings  were 
the  temples  (§  573).  But  now  the  architects  of  the  Hellenistic 
Age  began  to  design  large  and  splendid  buildings  to  house  the 
offices  of  the  government. 

These  fine  public  buildings  occupied  the  center  of  the  city 
where  in  early  Greek  and  oriental  cities  the  castle  of  the  king 


Fig.  210.  A Papyrus  Letter  rolled  up  and  sealed  for 

Delivery  ! 


Large  numbers  of  such  letters  have  been  found  in  the  rubbish  of  the 
ancient  towns  of  Egypt  (Fig.  253).  Their  appearance  when  unrolled 
may  be  seen  in  Fig.  253,  and  the  remarkable  glimpses  into  ancient  life 
which  they  afford  are  well  illustrated  by  the  same  letter 


had  once  stood.  Near  by  was  the  spacious  market  square,  sur-  , 
rounded  by  long  colonnades  ; for  the  Greeks  were  now  making  j 
large  use  of  this  airy  and  beautiful  form  of  architecture  con-  ! 
tributed  by  Egypt.  Here  much  private  business  of  the  citizens  1 
was  transacted.  There  was,  furthermore,  a handsome  building 
containing  an  audience  room  with  seats  arranged  like  a theater. 
The  Assembly  no  longer  met  in  the  open  air  (Fig.  179),  but  , 
held  its  sessions  here,  as  did  the  Council  also.  The  architects  j 
had  also  to  provide  gymnasiums  and  baths,  a race  track,  and  I 
a theater.  Even  a small  city  of  only  four  thousand  people,  like  ' 
Priene  in  Asia  Minor,  possessed  all  these  buildings  (Fig.  212),  I 
besides  several  temples,  one  of  which  was  erected  by  Alexander  i 
himself.  It  is  very  instructive  to  compare  such  a little  Hellenistic  I 
city  as  Priene  with  a modem  town  of  four  thousand  inhabitants  j 


459 


The  Civilisation  of  the  Hellenistic  Age 

in  America.  Our  modem  houses  are  much  more  roomy  and 
comfortable,  but  our  ordinary  public  buildings,  like  our  court- 
houses and  town  halls,  make  but  a poor  showing  as  com- 
pared with  those  of  little  Priene  over  two  thousand  years  ago. 


Fig.  211.  Ruins  of  the  Ancient  Tow.n  of  Elephantine  on 
AN  Island  of  the  Same  Name  in  the  Nile 


This  island  is  at  the  foot  of  the  First  Cataract,  5 miles  below  Philas  (Plate 
V,  p.  444).  When  the  sun-dried-brick  houses  which  we  see  here  fell 
down  {§  158),  they  covered  the  owner’s  household  papers,  which  in  the 
rainless  climate  of  Egypt  have  been  remarkably  well  preserved  (see 
especially  Fig.  131).  Some  of  these  houses  are  as  old  as  the  twenty- 
seventh  century  B.c.,  and  the  oldest  papyrus  documents  dug  out  here 
are  therefore  as  old  as  the  Pyramid  Age  (Fig.  40).  Others  are  much 
later,  like  the  Aramaic  papers  of  the  Hebrew  colony  (Fig.  131).  Most 
of  the  documents  found  here,  however,  are  from  the  Hellenistic  Age 
or  later,  and  are  therefore  in  Greek,  like  the  young  soldier’s  letter 
(Fig.  253),  which  was  found  at  another  place  like  this  one,  or  the  certifi- 
cate shown  in  Fig.  267.  Near  here  was  Eratosthenes’  well  (§  745) 

On  one  side  of  the  market  there  opened  a building  called 
a basilica,  lighted  by  roof  windows,  forming  a clerestory 
(Fig.  271),  which  the  Hellenistic  architects  had  seen  in  Egypt 
(Fig.  68).  At  the  same  time  they  had  become  acquainted  with 
the  arch  in  Asia  Minor,  whither  it  had  passed  from  the  Fertile 


732.  The 
clerestory 
and  the  arch 
introduced 
from  the 
Orient 


460 


Fig.  212.  Restoration  of  the  Hellenistic  City  of  Priene  in  Asia  Minor.  (After 

Drawing  by  A.  Zippelius)  * 


The  Civilization  of  the  Hellenistic  Age  46 1 


733.  Alex- 
andria ; its 
commerce 
and  great 
lighthouse 


* This  little  city  when  excavated  proved  to  be  almost  a second  Pompeii 
(Fig.  255),  only  older.  Above  on  the  top  of  the  cliff,  was  the  citadel 
with  a path  leading  up  to  it  (j5).  C shows  the  masonry  flume  which 
brought  the  mountain  water  down  into  the  town.  Entering  the  town  one 
passed  through  the  gate  at  K,  and  up  a straight  street  to  the  little  pro- 
vision-market square  (Z).  Just  above  the  market  was  the  temple  of 
Athena  (/),  built  by  Alexander  himself.  Then  one  entered  the  spacious 
business  market  (agora)  (fl/),  surrounded  by  fine  colonnades,  with  shops 
behind  them,  except  on  one  side  (under  N)  where  there  was  a stately 
hall  for  business  and  festive  occasions,  like  the  basilica  halls  which  were 
coming  in  at  this  time  among  the  Greeks  (Fig.  271,  3).  Beyond  (at  N) 
were  the  offices  of  the  city  government,  the  hall  in  which  the  Council 
and  Assembly  met,  and  the  theater  (E).  At  G was  the  temple  of  Isis 
(§  657),  and  in  the  foreground  were  the  gymnasium  (P)  and  the  sta- 
dium (0).  The  wash-room  here  still  contains  the  marble  basins  and  the 
hon-headed  spouts  from  which  the  water  flowed.  An  attached  open  hall 
was  used  for  school  instruction  and  lectures  (Fig.  224).  Above  the  seats 
of  the  stadium  ( Q)  was  a beautiful  colonnade  600  feet  long,  for  pleasure- 
strolling  between  the  athletic  events,  to  enjoy  the  grand  view  of  the  sea 
upon  which  the  audience  looked  down.  The  houses  fronting  directly  on 
the  street  were  mostly  like  the  one  in  Fig.  208 ; but  the  finer  ones 
in  the  region  of  the  theater  (E)  and  the  temple  of  Athena  (I)  were  of 
well-joined  stone  masonry  and  had  no  shops  in  front.  Around  the 
whole  city  was  a strong  wall  of  masonry,  with  a gate  at  east  (I/)  and 
west  (JG),  while  along  the  street  outside  these  gates  were  the  tombs  of 
the  ancestors  as  at  Athens  (headpiece,  p.  425). 


Crescent  (Figs.  82  and  206).  They  began  occasionally  to  intro- 
duce arches  into  their  buildings  (Fig.  224),  although  we  recall 
that  Greek  buildings  had  never  before  employed  the  arch. 
Th^^the  i.i7biV]-|  j-ipd  rantrihuted  the  colonnade  to  Greek 

architecture  ('Fig.  i67J.  now  furnished_two  more  great  forms, 
the  clerestory  and  the  arch,  but  the  Greeks  never  made  great 
use  of  the  arch. 

If  a little  provincial  Greek  city  like  Priene  possessed  such 
splendid  public  buildings,  an  imperial  capital  and  vast  commercial 
city  like  Alexandria  was  correspondingly  more  magnificent.  In 
numbers,  wealth,  commerce,  power,  and  in  all  the  arts  of  ci^'ili- 
zation,  it  was  now._fhe  greatest  city  of  the  whole  ancient  world. 
Along  the  harbors  stretched  extensive  docks,  where  ships  which 
had  braved  the  Atlantic  storms  along  the  coasts  of  Spain  and 
Africa  moored  beside  oriental  craft  which  had  penetrated  the 


462 


Ancient  Times 


gates  of  the  Indian  Ocean  (§  104)  and  gathered  the  wares  of 
the  vast  oriental  world  beyond.  Side  by  side  on  these  docks 
lay  bars  of  tin  from  the  British  Isles  with  bolts  of  silk  from 


Fig.  213.  The  Lighthouse  of  the  Harbor  of  Alexandria 
IN  THE  Hellenistic  Age.  (After  Thiersch) 

The  harbor  of  Alexandria  (see  corner  map,  p.  434)  was  protected  by 
an  island  called  Pharos,  which  was  connected  with  the  city  by  a cause- 
way of  stone.  On  the  island,  and  bearing  its  name  (Pharos),  was  built  ; 
(after  300  b.c.)  a vast  stone  lighthouse,  some  370  feet  high  (that  is,  over  i 
thirty  stories,  like  those  of  a modern  skyscraper).  It  shows  how  vast 
was  the  commerce  and  wealth  of  Alexandria  only  a generation  after  it 
was  founded  by  Alexander  the  Great,  when  it  became  the  New  York  or 
Liverpool  of  the  ancient  world,  the  greatest  port  on  the  Mediterranean  1 
(§  733)-  The  Pharos  tower,  the  first  of  its  kind,  was  influenced  in  design  ) 
by  oriental  architecture,  and  in  its  turn  it  furnished  the  model  for  the  [ 
earliest  church  spires,  and  also  for  the  minarets  of  the  Mohammedan  ; 
mosques  (Fig.  272).  It  stood  for  about  sixteen  hundred  years,  the  i 
greatest  lighthouse  in  the  world,  and  did  not  fall  until  1326  A.n.  , 

China  and  rolls  of  cotton  goods  from  India.  The  growing  com-  1 
merce  of  the  city  even  required  the  establishment  of  government 
banks.  From  far  across  the  sea  the  mariners  approaching  at  . 
night  could  catch  the  gleaming  of  a lofty  beacon  shining  from  i 


The  Civilization  of  the  Hellenistic  Age  463 

a gigantic  lighthouse  tower  (Fig.  213)  which  marked  the 
entrance  of  the  harbor  of  Alexandria.  This  wonderful  tower, 
the  tallest  building  ever  erected  by  a Hellenistic  engineer,  was 
a descendant  of  the  old  Babylonian  temple  tower  (tailpiece, 
p.  170),  with  which  it  was  closely  related  (Fig.  272). 

From  the  deck  of  a great  merchant  ship  of  over  four  thou- 
sand tons  the  incoming  traveler  might  look  cityward  beyond 
the  lighthouse  and  behold  the  great  war  fleet  of  the  Ptolemies 
(§  716)  outlined  against  the  green  masses  of  the  magnificent 
royal  gardens.  Here,  embowered  in  rich  tropical  verdure,  rose 
the  marble  residence  of  the  Ptolemies,  occupying  a point  of 
land  which  extended  out  into  the  sea  and  formed  the  east  side 
of  the  harbor  (see  map,  p.  434).  From  the  royal  parks  of  the 
Persian  kings  and  the  villa  gardens  of  the  Egyptians  (Fig.  51) 
the  Hellenistic  rulers  and  their  architects  had  learned  to  appre- 
ciate the  beauty  of  parks  and  gardens  artistically  laid  out  and 
adorned  with  tropical  trees,  lakes,  fountains,  and  sculptured  mon- 
uments. Thus  the  art  of  landscape  gardening,  combined  with  a 
systematically  planned  city,  — an  art  long  familiar  to  the  archi- 
tects of  the  Orient,  — was  also  being  cultivated  by  Europeans. 

At  tire  oTher  end  of  the  park  from  the  palace  were  grouped 
the  marble  buildings  of  the  Royal  Museum,  with  its  great 
library,  lecture  halls,  e.xhibition  rooms,  courts  and  porticoes, 
and  living  rooms  for  the  philosophers  and  men  of  science  who 
resided  in  the  institution.  In  the  vicinity  was  the  vast  temple  of 
Serapis,  the  new  State  god  (§  764),  and  further  in  the  city  were 
the  magnificent  public  buildings,  such  as  gymnasiums,  baths,  sta- 
diums, assembly  hall,  concert  hall,  market  places,  and  basilicas, 
all  surrounded  by  the  residence  quarters  of  the  citizens.  Unfor- 
tunately, not  one  of  these  splendid  buildings  still  stands.  Even 
the  scanty  ruins  which  survive  cannot  be  recovered,  because  in 
most  cases  the  modem  city  of  Alexandria  is  built  over  them. 

We  are  more  fortunate  in  the  case  of  Pergamum  (map  H, 
p.  450),  another  splendid  city  of  this  age  which  grew  up 
under  Athenian  influences  (Fig.  214).  One  of  the  kings  of 


734.  Palace 
park  of  the 
Ptolemies ; 
oriental  ori- 
gin of  such 
parks 


735-  The 
public  build- 
ings of  Alex- 
andria 


736.  Per- 
gamum and 
its  wonderful 
sculpture 


464 


Ancient  Times 


Pergamum  defeated  and  beat  off  the  hordes  of  Gauls  coming 
in  from  Europe  (§  722).  This  achievement  greatly  affected  the 
art  which  Attic  sculptors,  supported  by  the  kings  of  Pergamum, 
were  creating  there.  They  wrought  heroic  marble  figures  of 


Fig.  214.  Restoration  ofthe  Public  Buildings  of  Pergamum, 
A Hellenistic  City  of  Asia  Minor.  (After  Thiersch) 


Pergamum,  on  the  west  coast  of  Asia  Minor  (see  map  II,  p.  450)  became 
a flourishing  city-kingdom  in  the  third  century  B.c.  under  the  successors 
of  Alexander  the  Great  (§  736).  The  dwellings  of  the  citizens  were  all 
lower  down,  in  front  of  the  group  of  buildings  shown  here.  These  public 
buildings  stand  on  three  terraces  — lower,  middle,  and  upper.  The 
large  terrace  {A)  was  the  main  market  place,  adorned  with  a vast 
square  marble  altar  of  Zeus,  having  colonnades  on  three  sides,  beneath 
which  was  a long  sculptured  band  (frieze)  of  warring  gods  and  giants 
(Fig.  217).  On  the  middle  terrace  (B),  behind  the  colonnades,  was  the 
famous  library  of  Pergamum,  where  the  stone  bases  of  library  shelves 
still  survive.  The  tipper  terrace  ( C)  once  contained  the  palace  of  the 
king ; the  temple  now  there  was  built  by  the  Roman  Emperor  Trajan 
in  the  second  century  A.D. 

the  Northern  barbarians  in  the  tragic  moment  of  death  in  battle 
with  a dramatic  impressiveness  which  has  never  been  surpassed 
(Figs.  215  and  2 1 6).  Reminiscences  of  this  same  struggle  with 
the  Gauls  were  also  suggested  by  an  enormous  band  of  relief 
sculpture  depicting  the  mythical  battle  between  the  gods  and  the 


Fig.  215.  A Gallic  Chieftain  in  Defeat  slaying  his  Wife 
AND  Himself 

"With  one  hand  he  supports  his  dying  wife,  and  casting  a terrible  glance 

B'  at  the  pursuing  enemy,  he  plunges  his  sword  into  his  own  breast.  The 
tremendous  power  of  the  barbarian’s  muscular  figure  is  in  startling  con- 
trast with  the  helpless  limbs  of  the  woman.  The  beholder  feels  both 
I terror  at  the  wild  impetuosity  of  the  Northern  barbarian,  and  at  the 
\ same  time  involuntary  sympathy  with  his  unconquerable  courage,  which 
' prefers  death,  for  himself  and  his  loved  one,  to  shameful  captivity 
among  the  victors  (§  736) 

i 


Figs.  216  and  217.  Sculptures  of  Hellenistic  Pergamum 

Above  (Fig.  216)  is  a Gallic  trumpeter,  as  he  sinks  in  death  with  his 
trumpet  at  his  feet  (§  736).  Below  (Fig.  217)  is  a part  of  the  frieze 
around  the  great  altar  of  Zeus  at  Pergamum  (Fig.  214).  It  pictures  the 
mythical  struggle  between  gods  and  giants.  A giant  at  the  left,  whose  | 
limbs  end  in  serpents,  raises  over  his  head  a great  stone  to  hurl  it  at 
the  goddess  on  the  right  (§  736)  ' 


This  famous  group  was  wrought  some  time  in  the  first  century  b.c.  by 
Agesander  of  Rhodes  and  two  other  sculptors,  perhaps  his  sons.  It  shows 
^ the  priest  Laocoon  sinking  down  upon  the  altar,  by  which  he  had  been 
ministering,  in  a last  agonizing  struggle  with  the  deadly  serpents  which 
I enfold  him  and  his  two  sons.  It  is  one  of  the  most  marvelous  representa- 
il  tions  of  human  suffering  (§  737)  ever  created  by  art,  but  it  does  not  move 
I us  with  such  sympathy  as  the  death  of  the  Gallic  chieftain  (Fig.  215). 
ilWe  should  place  with  these  works  (Figs.  215-218)  the  sarcophagus  reliefs 
I of  Alexander  (Plate  VI,  p.  468)  and  the  mosaic  picture  of  the  battle  of 
{ Issus  (Fig.  202)  as  the  supreme  creations  of  ancient  art 


Fig.  218.  The  Death  of  LaocoOn  and  his  Two  Sons 


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The  Civilization  of  the  Hellenistic  Age  46  5 


giants  (Fig.  217).  This  vast  work  extended  almost  entirely 
around  a colossal  altar  (Fig.  214)  erected  by  the  kings  of  Per- 
gamum  in  honor  of  Zeus,  to  adorn  the  market  place  of  the  city. 

It  was  the  works  of  the  Athenian  sculptors  which  had  in- 
spired compositions  of  such  tragic  and  overwhelming  power, 
of  such  violent  and  thrill- 
ing action,  at  Pergamum. 

Some  of  these  Athenian 
works  have  survived. 

They  are  best  illustrated 
by  the  reliefs  on  a wonder- 
ful marble  sarcophagus, 
showing  Alexander  the 
Great  winning  the  battle 
of  Issus,  and  again  en- 
gaged in  a lion  hunt 
(Plate  VI,  p.  468).  This 
sculpture  of  vigorous  ac- 
tion in  supremely  tragic 
moments  was  also  very 
beautifully  followed  out 
by  a group  of  eminent 
sculptors  on  the  island 
of  Rhodes,  which  was  a 
prosperous  republic  in  the 
Hellenistic  Age  (§  724). 

Most  of  their  works  have 
perished,  but  those  which 
have  survived  are  among 
the  most  famous  works  of  sculpture  from  the  ancient  world. 
One  of  them  depicts  the  Trojan  priest  Laocobn  and  his  two 
sons  as  they  are  crushed  to  death  in  the  folds  of  two  deadly 
serpents  (Fig.  218). 

The  great  Greek  painters  of  this  age  show  the  same  tenden- 
cies as  does  the  sculpture.  They  loved  to  depict  dramatic  and 


Fig.  220.  Hellenistic  Portrait 
Head  in  Bronze 

This  magnificent  head  of  an  unknown 
man,  with  wonderful  representation 
of  the  hair,  was  recovered  from  the 
bottom  of  the  sea.  The  eyes  are  in- 
laid as  in  the  old  Egyptian  bronze 
head  (Fig.  53).  It  is  now  in  the 
Museum  of  Athens 


737.  Athe- 
nian sculp- 
ture : the 
Alexander 
sarcophagus; 
Rhodian 
sculpture ; 
Laocodn 


738.  Painting 
and  mosaic 


466 


Ancient  Times 


739.  Por- 
traiture 


740.  Mechan- 
ical progress 
and  practical 
inventions 


tragic  incidents  at  the  supreme  moment.  Their  original  works 
have  all  perished,  but  copies  of  some  of  them  have  survived, 
painted  on  the  walls  as  interior  decorations  of  fine  houses  or 
wrought  in  mosaic  as  floor  pavement.  It  is  the  art  of  mosaic 
which  has  preserved  to  us  the  wonderful  painting  of  Alexander 
charging  on  the  Persian  king  at  Issus,  by  an  unknown  Alex- 
andrian painter  of  the  Hellenistic  Age  (Fig.  202). 

Both  the  sculptors  and  painters  of  this  age  made  wonderful 
progress  in  portraiture,  and  their  surviving  works  now  begin  to 
furnish  us  a continuous  stream  of  portraits  which  show  us  how 
the  great  men  of  the  age  really  looked  (Fig.  220).  Unfortu- 
nately these  portraits  are  all  works  of  the  sculptors  in  stone  or 
metal,  either  as  statues  and  busts  or  as  reliefs,  especially  on 
medallions  and  coins ; the  portraits  executed  by  the  painter 
in  colors  on  wooden  tablets  have  all  perished.  Alexander’s 
favorite  painter  was  Apelles.  In  one  of  his  portraits  of  Alex- 
ander, the  horse  which  the  king  was  riding  was  said  to  have 
been  painted  with  such  lifelikeness  that  on  one  occasion  a 
passing  horse  trotted  up  to  it  and  whinnied.  Later  examples 
of  this  art  of  portrait  painting  have  survived  attached  to 
mummies  in  Egypt  (Plate  VIII,  p.  654). 

Section  69.  Inventions  and  Science  ; Libraries 
AND  Literature 

The  keen  and  wide-awake  intelligence  of  this  wonderful  age 
was  everywhere  evident,  but  especially  in  the  application  of 
science  to  the  work  and  needs  of  daily  life.  It  was  an  age 
of  inventions,  like  our  own.  An  up-to-date  man  would  install  an 
automatic  door  opener  for  the  doorkeeper  of  his  house,  and  a 
washing  machine  which  delivered  water  and  mineral  soap  as 
needed.  On  his  estate  olive  oil  was  produced  by  a press  oper- 
ating with  screw  pressure.  Outside  the  temples  the  priests  set 
up  automatic  dispensers  of  holy  water,  while  a water  sprinkler 
operating  by  water  pressure  reduced  the  danger  of  fire.  The 


The  Civilization  of  the  Hellenistic  Age 


467 


application  of  levers,  cranks,  screws,  and  cogwheels  to  daily 
work  brought  forth  cable  roads  for  use  in  lowering  stone  from 
lofty  quarries,  or  water  wheels  for  drawing  water  on  a large 
scale.  A similar  endless-chain  apparatus  was  used  for  quickly 
raising  heavy  stone  missiles  to  be  discharged  from  huge  missile- 
hurling  war  machines,  some  of  which  even  operated  by  air 
pressure.  As  we  go  to  see  the  " movies,”  so  the  people 
crowded  to  the  market  place  to  view  the  automatic  theater,  in 
which  a clever  mechanician  presented  an  old  Greek  tragedy  of 
the  Trojan  ^^'ar  in  five  scenes,  displaying  shipbuilding,  the 
launch  of  the  fleet,  the  voyage,  with  the  dolphins  playing  in 
the  water  about  the  vessels,  and  finally  a storm  at  sea,  with 
thunder  and  lightning,  amid  which  the  Greek  heroes  promptly 
went  to  the  bottom.  Housekeepers  told  stories  of  the  simpler 
days  of  their  grandmothers,  when  there  was  no  running  water 
in  the  house  and  they  actually  had  to  go  out  and  fetch  it  a long 
way  from  the  nearest  spring. 

A public  clock,  either  a shadow  clock,  such  as  the  Egyptian 
had  had  in  his  house  for  over  a thousand  years  (Fig.  74),  or  a 
water  clock  of  Greek  invention  (Fig.  221),  stood  in  the  market 
place  and  furnished  all  the  good  townspeople  with  the  hour  of 
the  day.  The  Ptolemies  or  the  priests  under  them  attempted 
to  improve  the  calendar  by  the  insertion  every  fourth  year  of  a 
leap  year  with  an  additional  day,  but  the  people  could  not  be 
roused  out  of  the  rut  into  which  usage  had  fallen,  and  every- 
where they  continued  to  use  the  inconvenient  moon  month  of 
the  Greeks.  There  was  no  system  for  the  numbering  of  the 
years  anywhere  except  in  Syria,  where  the  Seleucids  gave  each 
year  a number  reckoned  from  the  beginning  of  their  sway. 

The  most  remarkable  man  of  science  of  the  time  was  prob- 
ably Archimed^.  He  lived  in  Syracuse,  and  one  of  his  famous 
feats  was  the  arrangement  of  a series  of  pulleys  and  levers, 
which  so  multiplied  power  that  the  king  was  able  by  turning  a 
light  crank  to  move  a large  three-masted  ship  standing  fully 
loaded  on  the  dock,  and  to  launch  it  into  the  water.  After 


741.  Time 
and  the 
calendar 


742.  Archi- 
medes 


468 


Ancient  Times 


743.  The 

Alexandrian 

scientists 


witnessing  such  feats  as  this  the  people  easily  believed  his 
proud  boast,  " Give  me  a place  to  stand  on  and  I will  move  the 
earth.”  He  devised  such  powerful  and  dangerous  war  machines 


that  he  greatly  aided  in  defending  his  native  city  from  capture  by  ' 


Fig.  221.  The  Town  Clock  of  Athens 
IN  THE  Hellenistic  Age 

This  tower,  commonly  called  the  "Tower 
of  the  Winds,”  now  stands  among  modern 
houses,  but  once  looked  out  on  the  Athenian 
market  place  (§  564).  The  arches  at  the  left 
support  part  of  an  ancient  channel  which 
supplied  the  water  for  the  operation  of  a 
water  clock  in  the  tower.  Such  clocks  were 
more  or  less  like  hourglasses,  the  flowing 
water  Ailing  a given  measure  in  a given  time, 
like  the  sand  in  the  hourglass.  This  tower 
was  built  in  the  last  century  B.C.,  when  Athens 
was  under  the  control  of  Rome  (§  884) 


the  Romans  (§  868). 
But  Archimedes  was 
far  more  than  an 
inventor  of  practical 
appliances.  He  was 
a scientific  investiga- 
tor of  the  first  rank. 
He  WAS  able  to  prove 
to  the  king  that  one 
of  the  monarch’s  gold 
crowns  was  not  of 
pure  metal,  because 
he  had  discovered  the 
principle  of  determin- 
ing the  proportion  of 
loss  of  weight  when 
an  object  is  immersed 
in  water.  He  was 
thus  the  discoverer 
of  what  science  now 
calls  specific  gravity. 
Besides  his  skill  in 
physics  he  was  also 
the  greatest  of  an- 
cient mathematicians 


(§  744)- 

Archimedes  was  in  close  correspondence  with  his  friends  in  ' 
Alexandria,  who  formed  the  greatest  body  of  scientists  in  the 
ancient  world.  They  lived  together  at  the  Museum,  where  they 
were  paid  salaries  and  supported  by  the  Ptolemies.  They 
formed  the  first  scientific  institution  founded  and  supported  by 


The  Civilization  of  the  Hellenistic  Age  469 


a government.  Without  financial  anxieties  they  could  devote 
themselves  to  research,  for  which  the  halls,  laboratories,  and 
library  of  the  institution  were  equipped.  Thus  the  scientists 
of  the  Hellenistic  Age,  especially  this  remarkable  group  at 
Alexandria,  became  the  founders  of  systematic  scientific  re- 
search, and  their  books  formed  the  sum  or  body  of  scientific 
knowledge  for  nearly  two  thousand  years,  until  the  revival  of 
science  in  modern  times. 

The  very  first  generation  of  scientists  at  the  Alexandrian 
Museum  boasted  a great  name  in  mathematics  which  is  still 
famous  among  us  — that  of  Euclid.  His  complete  system  of 
geometry  was  so  logically  built  up,  that  in  modem  England 
Euclid’s  geometry  is  still  used  as  a schoolbook  — the  oldest 
schoolbook  in  use  to-day.  Archimedes  then,  for  the  first  time, 
developed  what  is  now  called  higher  mathematics  — certain 
difficult  and  advanced  mathematical  processes  the  knowledge 
of  which  having  in  the  meantime  been  lost  had  to  be  redis- 
covered in  modem  times.  Along  with  mathematics  much  prog- 
ress was  also  made  in  astronomy.  The  Ptolemies  built  an 
astronomical  observatory  at  Alexandria,  and  although  it  was,  of 
course,  without  telescopes,  important  observations  and  discov- 
eries were  made.  An  astronomer  of  little  fame  named  Aristar- 
chus, who  lived  on  the  island  of  Samos,  made  the  greatest  of 
the  discoveries  of  this  age.  He  demonstrated  that  the  earth 
and  the  planets  revolve  around  the  sun.  Almost  no  one  adopted 
his  conclusion,  however,  and  both  the  Hellenistic  Greeks  and  all 
ancient  scientists  of  later  days  wrongly  believed  that  the  earth 
was  the  center  around  which  the  sun  and  the  planets  revolved 
(§1059).  One  Hellenistic  astronomer  at  the  cost  of  immense 
labor,  made  a catalogue  of  eight  or  nine  hundred  fixed  stars,  to 
serve  as  a basis  for  determining  any  future  changes  that  might 
take  place  in  the  skies. 

Astronomy  had  now  greatly  aided  in  the  progress  of  geog- 
raphy. Eratosthenes,  a great  mathematical  astronomer  of  Alex- 
andria, very  cleverly  computed  the  size  of  the  earth  by  observing 


744.  Mathe- 
matics : 
Euclid  and 
Archimedes 
Astronomy : 
Aristarchus 


745.  Era- 
tosthenes 
computes 
the  size  of 
the  earth 


470  Ancient  Times 


someone  had  stood  at  the  First  Cataract  holding  vertically  upright  a 
surveyor’s  pole  tall  enough  to  be  seen  from  Alexandria.  For  Eratosthenes  [ 
at  Alexandria  the  sun  was  like  the  top  of  the  pole.  With  his  instruments  I 
set  up  at  Alexandria,  therefore,  Eratosthenes  found  that  the  sun  over 
the  First  Cataract  (line  AB)  was  ~i\  degrees  south  of  the  zenith  of  his  . 
instrument  at  Alexandria  (line^C).  The  lines  AB  and  AC  diverge  | 
7^  degrees  at  all  points,  whether  in  the  skies  or  on  earth.  Hence  Era- 
tosthenes knew  that  the  First  Cataract  was  degrees  of  the  earth’s 
circumference  from  Alexandria ; that  is,  the  distance  between  Alexan- 
dria and  the  First  Cataract  was  ’]\  degrees  of  the  earth’s  circumference, 
or  one  fiftieth  of  its  total  circumference  of  360  degrees.  Now  the  actual 
distance  between  Alexandria  and  the  First  Cataract  was  supposed  to  be 
a little  less  than  500  miles.  This  distance  (500  miles)  then  was  one  fiftieth 
of  the  earth’s  circumference,  giving  a few  hundred  less  than  25,000  miles  ■ 
for  the  total  circumference  of  the  earth ; and  for  its  diameter  about 
7850  miles,  which  is  within  50  miles  of  being  correct 

that  when  the  summer  sun,  shifting  steadily  northward,  reached 
its  farthest  north,  it  shone  at  noonday  straight  down  to  the 
bottom  of  a well  at  the  First  Cataract  of  the  Nile  (Fig.  2ri).  ^ 

To  this  notion  of  the  size  of  the  earth,  much  information  had 
been  added  regarding  the  extent  and  the  character  of  the 


The  Civilization  of  the  Hellenistic  Age 


471 


inhabited  regions  reached  by  navigation  and  exploration  in  this 
age.  At  home,  in  Greece,  one  geographer  undertook  to  meas- 
ure the  heights  of  the  mountains,  though  he  was  without  a 
barometer.  The  campaigns  of  Alexander  in  the  Far  East  had 
greatly  extended  the  limits  where  the  known  world  ended.  Bold 
Alexandrian  merchants  had  sailed  to  India  and  around  its  south- 
ern tip  to  Ceylon  and  the  eastern  coast  of  India,  where  they 
heard  fabulous  tales  of  the  Chinese  coast  beyond. 

In  the  Far  West  as  early  as  500  b.c.  Phoenician  navigators 
had  passed  Gibraltar,  and  turning  southward  had  probably 
reached  the  coast  of  Guinea,  whence  they  brought  back  mar- 
velous stories  of  the  hair}'  men  whom  the  interpreters  called 
"Gorillas”!  A trained  astronomer  of  Marseilles  named  Pytheas 
fitted  out  a ship  at  his  own  expense  and  coasted  northward 
from  Gibraltar.  He  discovered  the  triangular  shape  of  the 
island  of  Britannia,  and  penetrating  far  into  the  North  Sea 
he  was  the  first  civilized  man  to  hear  tales  of  the  frozen 
sea  beyond  and  the  mysterious  island  of  Thule  (Iceland)  on 
its  margin.  He  discovered  the  influence  of  the  full  moon  on 
the  immense  spring  tides,  and  he  brought  back  reports  of  such 
surprising  things  that  he  was  generally  regarded  as  a sensational 
fable  monger. 

With  a greater  mass  of  facts  and  reports  than  anyone  before 
him  had  ever  had,  Eratosthenes  was  able  to  write  a very  full 
geography.  His  map  of  the  known  world  (p.  472),  including 
Europe,  Asia,  and  Africa,  not  only  showed  the  regions  grouped 
about  the  Mediterranean  with  fair  correctness,  but  he  was  the 
first  geographer  who  was  able  to  lay  out  on  his  map  a cross-net 
of  lines  indicating  latitude  and  longitude.  He  thus  became  the 
founder  of  scientific  geography. 

In  the  study  of  animal  and  vegetable  life  Aristotle  and  his 
pupils  remained  the  leaders,  and  the  ancient  world  never  out- 
grew their  observations.  While  their  knowledge  of  botany, 
acquired  without  a microscope,  was  of  course  limited  and  con- 
tained errors,  a large  mass  of  new  facts  was  observed  and 


746,  Explo- 
rations east- 
ward 


747.  Explo- 
rations west- 
ward and, 
northward ; 
Pytheas  and 
the  tides 


748.  Era- 
tosthenes, 
founder  of 
scientific 
geography, 
makes  first 
map  with 
latitude  and 
longitude 


749.  Botany, 
zoology, 
anatomy,  and 
medicine 


472 


Ancient  Times 


750.  Earliest 
state  libraries 
of  the  Greeks; 
Alexandrian 
libraiy 


arranged.  For  the  study  of  anatomy  there  was  a laboratory  in 
Alexandria,  at  the  Museum,  which  the  Ptolemies  furnished  with 
condemned  criminals  on  whom  vivisection  was  practiced.  In 
this  way  the  nerves  were  discovered  to  be  the  lines  along  which 
messages  of  pain  and  pleasure  pass  to  the  brain.  The  brain 
was  thus  shown  to  be  the  center  of  the  nervous  system. 
Although  such  research  came  very  near  to  discovering  the  cir- 
culation of  the  blood,  the  arteries  were  still  misunderstood  to 
be  channels  for  the  circulation  of  air  from  the  lungs.  Alexandria 


became  the  greatest  center  of  medical  research  in  the  ancient 
world,  and  here  young  men  went  through  long  studies  to  train 
themselves  as  physicians,  just  as  they  do  at  the  present  day. 

Notwithstanding  the  popularity  of  the  natural  sciences,  there 
was  now  also  much  study  of  language  and  of  the  great  mass  of 
older  literature.  Although  the  ancient  Orient  had  long  before 
known  royal  libraries  (§  226),  the  first  library  founded  and  sup- 
ported by  a Greek  government  had  been  formed  by  the  city  of 
Heracleia,  on  the  Black  Sea,  during  the  childhood  of  Alexander 
the  Great  (not  long  before  350  B.  c.).  Later  the  kings  of  Perga- 
mum  also  founded  a very  notable  library  (Fig.  214).  All  these 
efforts  were  far  surpassed  by  the  Ptolemies  at  Alexandria. 


I 

1 


The  Civilization  of  the  Hellenistic  Age 


473 


Across  the  park  from  their  palace  they  built  a library  for  the 
Museum,  where  they  had  finally  over  half  a million  rolls. 

The  art  of  cataloguing  and  managing  such  a great  collection 
of  books  had  to  be  taken  up  from  the  beginning.  A gifted 
philosopher  and  poet  named  Callimachus  was  made  a librarian 
by  the  first  Ptolemy.  Callimachus  catalogued  all  the  known 
books  of  value,  both  by  titles  and  authors,  and  this  first  great 
book  catalogue  filled  one  hundred  and  twenty  books  or  sec- 
tions. As  the  founder  of  library  management  he  introduced 
many  improvements.  One  of  his  sayings  was,  " A big  book  is 
a big  nuisance,”  by  which  he  probably  meant  that  a book  in  a 
single  long  and  bulky  roll  was  very  inconvenient  to  handle 
(cf.  Fig.  1 91).  Hence  he  introduced  the  method  of  cutting  up 
a work  into  a series  of  rolls,  each  roll  called  a " book,”  mean- 
ing a " part.”  Thus  arose  the  division  of  the  Homeric  poems, 
the  history  of  Herodotus,  and  other  works  into  " books.” 

The  immense  amount  of  hand  copying  required  to  secure 
good  and  accurate  editions  of  famous  works  for  this  library 
gradually  created  the  new  science  of  publishing  correctly  old 
and  often  badly  copied  works.  The  copies  produced  by  the 
librarians  and  scholars  of  Alexandria  became  the  standard  edi- 
tions on  which  other  ancient  libraries  and  copyists  depended. 
The  Hellenistic  world  was  everywhere  supplied  with  " Alexan- 
drian editions,”  and  from  these  are  descended  most  of  the 
manuscripts  now  preserved  in  the  libraries  of  Europe,  from 
which,  in  turn,  have  been  copied  our  printed  editions  of  Homer, 
Xenophon,  and  other  great  Greek  authors.  Unfortunately  the 
library  of  Alexandria  perished  (§  965),  and  the  earliest  example 
of  a Greek  book  which  has  survived  to  us  is  a roll  which  was 
found  in  an  Egyptian  tomb  by  modem  excavators  only  a few 
years  ago  (Fig.  223). 

The  new  art  of  editing  and  arranging  the  text  of  books  natu- 
rally required  much  language  study.  Where  two  old  copies  dif- 
fered, the  question  would  often  arise,  which  one  was  correct. 
Many  strange  and  old  words  needed  explanation,  just  as  when 


751-  Rise  of 
library  man- 
agement and 
cataloguing 


752.  Great 
influence  of 
the  Alexan- 
drian library 
on  editing 
and  publish- 
ing (in  hand 
copies) 


753.  Lan- 
guage study ; 
rise  of  dic- 
tionaries and 
grammars 


474 


Ancient  Times 


we  read  Chaucer,  and  there  were  constant  questions  of  spell- 
ing. The  Alexandrian  scholars  therefore  began  to  make  diction- 
aries. At  the  same  time  grammatical  questions  demanded  more 


Fig.  223,  A Page  from  the  Earliest  Surviving  Greek  Book 

This  book  was  found  lying  beside  the  body  of  a man  buried  in  an  Egyp- 
tian cemetery,  and  because  of  the  rainless  climate  of  Egypt  it  has  been 
preserved,  in  spite  of  its  being  written  on  perishable  papyrus  paper 
(cf.  Figs.  58,  131,  253,  and  267).  What  we  have  called  a page  is  really  a 
cohivin  of  writing,  and  the  book  consisted  of  a series  of  such  columns 
side  by  side  on  the  roll  (see  Fig.  191 ).  This  book  contains  a poem  called 
The  Persiayts,  by  the  Greek  poet  Timotheos,  who  died  357  B.c.  His 
name  (Timotheos)  may  be  seen  in  the  third  line  from  the  bottom,  at 
the  beginning  of  the  line.  The  poem  tells  the  story  of  the  battle  of 
Salamis.  This  copy  of  the  work  was  written  in  the  lifetime  of  Alexander 
the  Great.  The  column  shown  here  is  like  those  on  the  rolls  which  once 
filled  the  Alexandrian  library,  and  shows  us  how  the  pages  looked  over 
which  the  great  men  of  science  there  so  industriously  pored  (§  753) 

and  more  attention.  At  last  in  120  b.c.  a scholar  named  Diony- 
sius wrote  the  first  Greek  grammar.  It  contained  the  leading 
grammatical  terms,  like  the  names  of  the  parts  of  speech,  which 


‘Wi'i  1. 


- 3?!?" 

;«Ke5A«  )4f 


The  Civilization  of  the  Hellenistic  Age  475 

we  still  use.  As  all  these  terms  were  explained  and  conveniently 
arranged  in  the  grammar  of  Dionysius,  his  hook  was  used  for 
centuries  and  thus  became  the  foundation  of  all  later  grammars 
of  the  languages  of  civilized  peoples,  including  our  own.  Such  a 
term  as  our  " subjunctive  mode  ” is  simply  a translation  of  the 
corresponding  Greek  term  created  by  the  Hellenistic  scholars. 

Literature  was  to  a large  extent  in  the  hands  of  such  learned  754. 
men  as  those  of  Alexandria.  The  great  librarian  Callimachus 
was  a famous  poet  of  the  age.  These  scholars  no  longer  chose 
great  and  dramatic  themes,  like  war,  fate,  and  catastrophe,  as 
the  subjects  of  their  writing.  They  loved  to  picture  such  scenes 
as  the  shepherd  at  the  spring,  listening  to  the  music  of  over- 
hanging boughs,  lazily  watching  his  flocks,  and  dreaming  the 
while  of  some  winsome  village  maid  who  has  scorned  his  devo- 
tion. Such  pictures  of  country  life  set  in  the  simplicity  and 
beauty  of  peaceful  hillsides,  and  wrought  into  melodious  verse, 
delighted  the  cultivated  circles  of  a great  world-city  like  Alexan- 
dria more  than  even  the  revered  classics  of  an  older  day.  In 
such  verse  the  greatest  literary  artist  of  the  age  was  a Sicilian 
named  Theocritus,  whose  idyls  have  taken  a permanent  place 
in  the  world’s  literature  for  two  thousand  years.  At  the  same 
time  the  everyday  life  of  the  age  was  also  pictured  at  the 
theater  in  a modem  form  of  play,  known  as  the  "new  comedy.” 

With  many  amusing  incidents  the  townsmen  saw  their  faults 
and  weaknesses  of  character  here  depicted  on  the  stage,  and 
Menander  at  Athens,  the  ablest  of  such  play-writers,  gained  a 
great  reputation  for  his  keen  knowledge  of  men  and  his  ability 
to  hit  them  off  wittily  in  clever  comedies. 

Section  70.  Education,  Philosophy,  and  Religion 

In  such  a cultivated  world  of  fine  cities,  beautiful  homes,  755. 
sumptuous  public  buildings,  noble  works  of  art,  state  libraries 
and  scientific  research,  it  was  natural  that  education  should 

sluir 

have  made  much  progress.  The  elementary  schools,  once  private, 


Litera- 


Educa- 
: elemen- 
schools 
gymna- 


476 


Ancient  Times 


were  now  often  supported  by  the  State.  When  the  lad  had  fin- 
ished at  the  elementary  school,  his  father  allowed  him  to  attend 
lectures  on  rhetoric,  science,  philosophy,  and  mathematics  in  the 
lecture  rooms  of  the  gymnasium  building.  The  wall  of  such  a 

hall  at  Priene  (Fig.  224) 
is  still  scribbled  all  over 
with  the  names  of  the 
boys  of  more  than  two 
thousand  years  ago,  who 
thus  recorded  their  per- 
manent claims  to  certain 
seats  near  the  wall. 

The  gymnasium  thus 
became  a place  of  help- 
ful intellectual  stimulus. 
When  the  fathers  were 
no  longer  nimble  enough 
for  athletic  games  they 
often  sat  about  in  the 
colonnades  watching  the 
contests,  or  idling  in 
groups,  discussing  the 
last  lecture  in  science  or 
the  latest  discovery  in 
the  laboratory  of  the 
Museum.  Here  many  an 
argument  in  science  or 
philosophy  might  be 
overheard  by  the  young 
fellows,  fresh  from  the  gymnasium  baths,  as  they  wandered 
out  to  greet  their  waiting  fathers  and  wend  their  way  home- 
ward. Such  an  atmosphere  was  one  to  create  great  interest 
in  science  and  philosophy,  and  often  a youth  besought  his 
father  to  give  him^  a few  years’  higher  study  at  the  Museum 
or  at  Athens. 


Lecture  Hall  at  Priene,  still 
COVERED  WITH  SCHOOLBOYS’  NAMES 

This  lecture  hall  opened  on  the  colon- 
nades around  the  court  of  the  gymnasium 
at  Priene  (Fig.2 12,  P).  The  smooth  blocks 
of  marble  are  scratched  with  the  names  of 
hundreds  of  schoolboys,  who  heard  lec- 
tures and  classes  here  twenty-two  hun- 
dred years  ago.  In  order  to  set  up  a 
permanent  claim  to  his  seat,  a boy  would 
scratch  into  the  wall  the  words,  " Seat  of 
Cleon,  the  son  of  Clearchos.”  When  the 
wall  was  entirely  filled  with  these  names, 
the  boys  evidently  mounted  on  the  benches 
and  then  on  the  backs  of  comrades  to 
find  enough  room  to  write  their  claims 


The  Civilizatio7i  of  the  Hellenistic  Age 


477 


Furthermore,  in  the  pursuit  of  a profession,  a special  training 
had  now  become  indispensable  to  a young  man’s  success.  Like 
the  medical  student,  the  architect  now  studied  his  profession  and 
bent  industriously  over  books  that  told  him  how  to  erect  an 
arch  that  would  be  safe  and  secure,  and  what  were  the  proper 
proportions  for  a column.  Young  fellows  who  wished  to  be- 
come engineers  studied  a host  of  things  in  mechanics,  like 
bridge-building  and  devices  for  moving  heavy  bodies.  It  was 
an  age  of  technical  training.  This  specialization  in  the  profes- 
sions was  also  to  be  found  among  the  scientists,  who  now 
specialized  each  in  a particular  branch,  like  astronomy,  or  mathe- 
matics, or  geography.  The  youth  who  wished  to  study  science 
turned  to  the  great  scientific  specialists  at  the  Alexandrian 
Museum. 

As  he  strolled  for  the  first  time  through  the  beautiful  gardens 
and  into  the  Museum  building,  he  found  going  on  there  lectures 
on  astronomy,  geography,  physics,  mathematics,  botany,  zoology, 
anatomy,  medicine,  or  rhetoric,  grammar,  and  literature.  When 
he  was  sufficiently  familiar  with  the  k?iow?i  facts  about  these 
subjects,  he  could  share  in  the  endeavor  to  discover  new  facts 
about  them.  He  might  cross  the  court  to  the  halls  where  the 
cries  of  suffering  animals  told  him  that  vivisection  was  going 
on ; he  might  climb  the  tower  of  the  astronomical  observatory, 
and  sit  there  night  after  night  at  the  elbow  of  some  eminent 
astronomer,  or  assist  Eratosthenes  at  noonday  in  taking  an  ob- 
servation of  the  sun  for  his  computation  of  the  earth’s  size 
(§  745).  Or  he  might  withdraw  to  the  quiet  library  rooms  and 
assist  in  making  up  the  lists  of  famous  old  books,  to  be  put 
together  in  Callimachus’  great  catalogue.  If  he  showed  ability 
enough,  he  might  later  be  permitted  to  lecture  to  students  him- 
self, and  finally  become  one  of  its  group  of  famous  scientific  men. 

On  the  other  hand,  Alexandria  was  not  at  first  interested  in 
philosophy,  out  of  which  science  had  grown  (§  494).  Athens 
was  still  the  leading  home  of  philosophy.  The  youth  who  went 
there  to  take  up  philosophical  studies  found  the  successors  of 


757.  Pro 
fessional  and 
scientific 
specialization 


758.  The 
Alexandrian 
Museum  as  a 
university 


759-  The 
Academy  and 
the  Peripa- 
tetic school 
at  Athens 


478 


Ancient  Times 


760.  Unri- 
valed au- 
thority of 
Aristotle’s 
works 


761.  Two 
philosophies 
of  practical 
living : Sto- 
icism and 
Epicureanism 


Plato  Still  continuing  his  teaching  in  the  quiet  grove  of  the 
Academy  (§  671),  where  his  memory  was  greatly  revered. 
Plato’s  pupil  Aristotle,  hov/ever,  had  not  been  able  to  accept 
his  master’s  teachings.  After  the  education  of  the  young  Alex- 
ander (§  687),  Aristotle  had  returned  to  Athens  and  established 
a school  of  his  own  at  the  Lyceum  (§  558),  where  he  occupied 
a terrace  called  the  " Walk  ” (Greek,  peripatos).  Here,  he 
directed  one  group  of  advanced  students  after  another  in  the 
arrangement  and  study  of  the  different  sciences,  like  anatomy, 
botany,  zoology.  All  of  these  groups  collected  great  masses  of 
scientific  observations,  which  were  arranged  under  Aristotle’s 
guidance.  The  result  was  a veritable  encyclopedia  of  old 
and  new  facts.  The  work  was  never  completed,  and  many 
of  the  essays  and  treatises  which  it  included  have  been  lost. 
When  Aristotle  died,  soon  after  the  death  of  Alexander,  his 
school  declined. 

Aristotle’s  works  formed  the  greatest  attempt  ever  made  in 
ancient  times  to  collect  and  to  state  in  a clear  way  the  whole 
mass  of  human  knowledge.  They  never  lost  their  importance 
and  they  justly  gave  him  the  reputation  of  having  possessed  the 
greatest  mind  produced  by  the  ancient  world.  His  works  finally 
gained  such  unquestioned  authority  in  later  Europe  that  in 
medieval  times  men  turned  to  Aristotle’s  books  for  the  answer 
to  every  scientific  question.  Instead  of  endeavoring  to  discover 
new  facts  in  nature  for  themselves,  they  turned  to  Aristotle 
for  the  solution  of  every  scientific  problem.  The  writings 
of  no  other  man  have  ever  enjoyed  such  widespread  and 
unquestioned  authority.^ 

But  many  Greeks  found  little  satisfaction  in  the  learned 
researches  of  Plato’s  Academy  and  of  Aristotle’s  Peripatetic 
school  (from  peripatos,  " walk  ”).  They  desired  some  teaching 
which  would  lead  them  to  a happy  and  contented  frame  of  mind 
in  living,  and  enable  one  to  live  successfully.  To  meet  this 
growing  desire  two  more  schools  of  philosophy  arose  at  Athena 

1 See  Robinson,  Medieval  and  Modem  Times,  pp.  252  if. 


The  Civilization  of  the  Hellenistic  Age 


479 


The  first  was  founded  by  an  Oriental,  a Semite  named  Zeno, 
born  in  Cyprus.  HeTaught  in  the  famous  old  " Painted  Porch  ” 
in  the  market  place  of  Athens  (§  572).  Such  a porch  was 
called  a Stoa,  and  Zeno’s  school  was  therefore  called  the  Stoic 
school.  Zeno  taught  that  there  was  but  one  good  and  that  was 
virtue,  and  but  one  evil  and  that  was  moral  wrong.  The  great 
aim  of  life  should  be  a tranquillity  of  soul,  which  comes  from 
virtue,  and  is  indifferent  both  to  pleasure  and  to  pain.  His  fol- 
lowers were  famous  for  their  fortitude,  and  hence  our  common 
use  of  the  word  " stoicism  ” to  indicate  indifference  to  suffering. 

The  Stoic  school  was  very  popular  and  finally  became  the  great- 
est of  the  schools  of  philosophy.  The  last  school,  founded  by 
Epicurus  in  his  own  garden  at  Athens,  taught  that  the  highest 
good  was  pleasure,  both  of  body  and  of  mind,  but  always  in 
accordance  with  virtue.  Hence  we  still  call  a man  devoted 
to  pleasure,  especially  in  eating,  an  ''  epicure.”  The  school  of 
Epicurus,  too,  flourished  and  attracted  many  disciples.  Men 
later  distorted  his  teachings  into  a justification  for  a life  of  sen- 
sual pleasure.  The  oriental  proverb,  " Eat,  drink,  and  be  merry, 
for  to-morrow  we  die,”  has  therefore  been  commonly  applied 
to  them. 

These  schools  lived  on  the  income  of  property  left  them  hy  762.  The 
wealthy  pupils  and  friends.  The  head  of  the  school,  with  ms  Athenra?d°^ 
assistants  and  followers,  lived  together  in  quarters  with  rooms 
for  lectures,  books,  and  study.  The  most  successful  of  tmese  / 

organizations  v/as  that  of  Aristotle,  at  least  as  long  as  he  lived.  f 

The  Museum  of  Alexandria  was  modeled  on  these  Athenian  W 
ganizations,  and  they  have  also  become  the  model  of  academies 
of  science  and  of  universities  ever  since.  We  may  regard 
Hellenistic  Athens  then  as  possessing  a university  made  up 
of  four  departments : the  Academy,  the  Lyceum,  the  Stoa,  and  the 
Garden  of  Epicurus.  Thus  in  the  day  when  her  political  power 
had  vanished,  Athens  had  become  even  more  than  Pericles  had 
hoped  she  might  be.  She  was  not  only  the  teacher  of  all  Greece, 
but  she  drew  her  pupils  from  all  parts  of  the  civilized  world. 


Ancient  Times 

For  such  highly  educated  men  the  beliefs  of  Stoicism  or 
Epicureanism  served  as  their  religion.  The  gods  had  for  such 
men  usually  ceased  to  exist,  or  were  explained  as  merely  glori- 
fied human  beings.  A romance  writer  of  the  day,  a man  named 
Euhemerus,  wrote  an  attractive  tale  of  an  imaginary  journey 
which  he  made  to  the  Indian  Ocean,  where  he  found  a group 
of  mysterious  islands.  There,  in  a temple  of  Zeus,  he  found  a 
golden  tablet  inscribed  with  a story  telling  how  the  great  gods 
worshiped  by  the  Greeks  were  once  powerful  kings  who  had 
done  much  for  the  civilization  of  mankind,  and  when  they  died 
they  had  been  deified.  This  story  of  a novelist  of  the  Hellenistic 
Age  was  widely  believed,  but  these  gods  no  longer  attracted  the 
reverence  of  religiously  minded  men.  Moreover,  there  was  now 
gssure  on  any  man  to  keep  "^ilenc^ about  his  beliefs 
regarding  m5~godsrThere~l^rag~  great  free'dom  "bf— conscience 
— far  more  freedom  than  the  Christian  mlers  of  later  Europe 
granted  their  subjects.  The  teachings  of  Socrates  would  no 
longer  have  caused  his  condemnation  by  his  Athenian  neighbors. 

The  great  multitude  of  the  people  had  not  the  education 
to  understand  philosophy,  nor  the  means  to  attend  the  philo- 
sophical schools.  Yet  gods  in  some  form  they  must  have. 
With  the  weakening  of  faith  in  the  old  gods,  those  of  the 
Orient,  which  we  have  already  seen  invading  Greek  life 
(§  657),  became  more  and  more  popular.  So  the  Ptolemies 
introduced  as  their  great  State  god  an  oriental  deity  named 
Serapis,  and  they  built  for  him  a magnificent  temple  at  Alex- 
andria. From  Babylonia  the  mysterious  lore  of  the  Chaldean 
astrologers  (§§  238,  239)  was  spreading  widely  through  the 
Mediterranean.  It  was  received  and  accepted  in  Egypt,  and 
even  Greek  science  did  not  escape  its  influence.  Oriental  be- 
liefs and  oriental  symbols  were  everywhere.  Men  had  long 
since  grown  accustomed  to  foreign  gods,  and  they  no  longer 
looked  askance  at  strange  usages  in  religion.  It  was  in  such 
an  age  as  this  that  Christianity,  an  oriental  religion,  passed 
easily  from  land  to  land  (§  1069). 


The  Civilization  of  the  Hellenistic  Age  48 1 


Section  71.  Formation  of  a Hellenistic  World  of 
Hellenic-Oriental  Civilization  ; Decline  of 
Citizenship  and  the  City-State 


It  is  a great  mistake  to  suppose  that  Marathon  and  Salamis 
once  and  for  all  banished  the  influence  of  the  Orient  from  the 
Mediterranean,  as  an  impenetrable  dam  keeps  back  a body  of 
water.  While  Alexander’s  victories  and  conquests  destroyed  the 
military  power  of  the  Orient,  the  daily  life  and  the  civilization  of 
the  people  of  the  Orient  continued  to  be  a permanent  force  exert- 
ing a steady  pressure  upon  the  life  of  the  eastern  Mediterranean 
world,  in  commerce,  in  form  of  government,  in  customs  and 
usages,  in  art,  industry,  literature,  and  religion.  When  Christi- 
anity issued  from  Palestine,  therefore,  as  we  shall  see  (§  1067), 
it  found  itself  but  one  among  many  other  influences  from 
the  Orient  which  were  passing  westward.  Thus  while  Greek 
civilization,  with  its  language,  its  art,  its  literature,  its  theaters 
and  g^’mnasiums,  was  Hellenizing  the  Orient,  the  Orient  in  the 
same  way  was  exercising  a powerful  influence  on  the  West 
and  was  orientalizing  the  eastern  Mediterranean  world.  In 
this  way  there  was  gradually  formed  an  eastern  Mediterranean 
world  of  Hellenic-oriental  civilization. 

In  this  larger  world  the  old  Greek  ^Vy-citizen,  who  had  made 
Greek  civilization  what  it  was,  played  but  a small  part.  He  felt 
himself  an  individual  belonging  in  an  international  world,  a far 
larger  world  than  the  city  in  which  he  lived.  But  this  larger 
world  brought  home  no  sense  of  citizenship  in  it.  For  in  the 
great  Hellenistic  states  there  was  no  such  thing  as  national 
citizenship.  The  city-citizen  had  no  share  in  guiding  the  affairs 
of  the  great  nation  or  empire  of  which  his  city-state  was  a part. 
It  was  as  if  a citizen  of  Chicago  might  vote  at  the  election  of 
a mayor  of  the  city  but  had  no  right  to  vote  at  the  election  of 
a president  of  the  United  States.  There  was  not  even  a name 
for  the  empire  of  the  Seleucids,  and  their  subjects,  wherever 


765.  Con- 
tinued in- 
trusion of 
oriental  in- 
fluences in 
the  eastern 
Mediter- 
ranean 


766.  The 
Hellenistic 
world  of  the 
eastern  Med- 
iterranean 
and  its  lack 
of  citizenship 


482 


Ancient  Times 


767.  The  con- 
tributions of 
the  city-state 
and  the  end 
of  its  use- 
fulness 


768.  Hellen- 
istic world  of 
the  eastern 
Mediterra- 
nean under 
the  power 
of  the  -west- 
ern Mediter- 
ranean 


they  went,  bore  the  names  of  their  home  cities  or  countries.^ 
The  conception  of  ” native  land  ” in  the  national  sense  was 
wanting,  and  patriotism  did  not  exist. 

The  centers  of  power  and  progress  in  Greek  civilization  had 
been  the  city-states,  but  the  finest  and  most  influential  forces 
operating  within  the  city-state  had  now  disappeared.  So,  for 
example,  the  old  city  gods  were  gone.  Likewise  the  citizen- 
soldier  who  defended  his  city  had  long  ago  given  way,  even 
in  Greece,  to  the  professional  soldier  who  came  from  abroad 
and  fought  for  hire.  The  Greek  no  longer  stood  weapon  in 
hand  ready  to  defend  his  home  and  his  city-community  against 
every  assault.  He  found  the  holding  of  city  offices  becoming 
a profession,  as  that  of  the  soldier  had  long  been.  Losing 
his  interest  in  the  State,  he  turned  to  his  personal  affairs, 
the  cultivation  of  himself.  The  patriotic  sense  of  respon- 
sibility for  the  welfare  of  the  city-state  which  he  loved,  and 
the  fine  moral  earnestness  which  this  responsibility  roused, 
no  longer  animated  the  Greek  mind  nor  quickened  it  to  the 
loftiest  achievements  in  politics,  in  art,  in  architecture,  in  liter- 
ature, and  in  original  thought.  The  Greek  city-states,  in  com- 
petition among  themselves,  had  developed  the  highest  type  of 
civilization  which  the  world  had  ever  seen,  but  in  this  process 
the  city-states  themselves  had  politically  perished.  In  many 
Greek  cities  only  a discouraged  remnant  of  the  citizens  was 
left  after  the  emigration  to  Asia  (§  724).  The  cattle  often 
browsed  on  the  grass  in  the  public  square  before  the  town 
hall  in  such  cities  of  the  Greeks.  Not  even  their  own  Hellas 
was  a unified  nation. 

A larger  world  had  engulfed  the  old  Greek  city-states.  But 
this  Hellenistic  world  of  the  eastern  Mediterranean  had  by 
200  B.  c.  reached  a point  in  its  own  wars  and  rivalries  when 
it  was  to  feel  the  iron  hand  of  a great  new  military  power  from 
the  distant  world  of  the  western  Mediterranean.  At  this  point, 

1 It  was  as  if  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  were  termed  Bostonians,  New 
Yorkers,  Philadelphians,  Chicagoans,  etc. 


The  Civilization  of  the  Hellenistic  Age  483 

therefore  (200  b. c.),  we  shall  be  unable  to  understand  the 
further  story  of  the  eastern  Mediterranean,  until  we  have 
turned  back  and  taken  up  the  career  of  the  western  Mediter- 
ranean world.  There  in  the  West  for  some  three  centuries  the 
city  of  Rome  had  been  developing  a power  which  was  to  unite 
both  the  East  and  the  West  into  a vast  empire  including  the 
whole  Mediterranean. 

QUESTIONS 

Section  68.  What  was  the  prevalent  language  of  the  Hellenistic 
Age?  How  is  the  Rosetta  Stone  an  example  of  this  fact?  Describe 
the  improvements  in  houses.  What  written  documents  tell  us  of  this 
age,  and  how  have  they  been  preserved?  Describe  the  new  Hellenistic 
cities,  especially  Priene.  What  new  forms  of  architecture  came  in  ? 
Describe  the  commerce  of  Alexandria ; its  parks  and  public  buildings. 
Describe  the  important  examples  of  the  sculpture  of  tragic  and 
violent  action.  What  can  you  say  of  such  subjects  in  painting? 

Section  69.  What  can  you  say  of  inventions  in  the  Hellenistic 
Age?  of  improvements  in  time  measurement?  of  the  achievements 
of  Archimedes?  Tell  about  the  life  of  the  Alexandrian  scientists. 
Which  of  them  wrote  a geometry  that  is  still  in  use?  What  great 
truth  did  Aristarchus  discover?  How  did  Eratosthenes  compute  the 
size  of  the  earth  ? Describe  the  growth  of  geographical  knowledge ; 
the  world  map  of  Eratosthenes ; the  study  of  animal  life  and  medi- 
cine. What  can  you  say  of  the  rise  of  libraries  ? Who  was  the  first 
great  librarian,  and  what  did  he  do  ? What  effect  had  the  libraries  on 
publishing?  on  language  study?  Discuss  the  changes  in  literature. 

Section  70.  Discuss  the  gymnasium  as  a source  of  education. 
What  professions  could  a boy  study?  How  could  he  take  up  scien- 
tific study  and  research?  Where  did  a youth  study  philosophy? 
What  two  philosophical  schools  first  arose  at  Athens?  What  did 
Aristotle  do?  What  can  you  say  about  his  rank  as  a thinker?  Name 
the  two  later  schools  of  philosophy  at  Athens.  What  was  their  pur- 
pose ? What  had  happened  to  the  old  gods  ? 

Section  71.  What  kind  of  a world  had  now  grown  up  in  the 
eastern  Mediterranean?  What  can  you  say  of  citizenship  there? 
Under  what  form  of  state  had  Greek  civilization  chiefly  developed? 
What  had  now  become  of  the  Greek  city-state?  What  was  now  to 
become  of  the  Hellenistic  eastern  Mediterranean  world  ? 


769-  The 
Mediterra- 
nean and  its 
shore  lands 
form  the 
main  part 
of  the  ancient 
world 


CHAPTER  XXII  j 

THE  WESTERN  MEDITERRANEAN  WORLD  AND  THE  j 

ROMAN  CONQUEST  OF  ITALY 

j 

Section  72.  The  Western  Mediterranean  World 

While  we  have  been  following  the  history  of  the  eastern  I 

Mediterranean  and  the  peoples  grouped  about  it,  the  story  of  ! 

its  western  shores  has  largely  dropped  out  of  sight.  Before 
we  turn  to  this  Western  world,  however,  let  us  endeavor  to  | 

gain  a picture  of  the  Mediterranean  world  as  a whole.  This 
sea  is  a very  large  body  of  water,  almost  as  long  as  Europe  j 

Note.  The  above  headpiece  shows  an  ancient  bronze  wolf  (sixth  century  B.  c.), 
wrought  by  Greek  artists  in  Italy  (§  831),  and  illustrates  the  influence  of  Greek  I 
civilization  in  Rome  even  before  500  B.c.  The  two  infants  nourished  by  the  she-  ! 

wolf  are  later  additions  put  there  in  accordance  with  the  tradition  at  Rome  that  ; 

the  city  was  founded  by  these  twin  brothers  named  Romulus  and  Remus.  Their 
ancestor,  so  said  the  tradition,  was  yEneas  (§  1003),  one  of  the  Trojan  heroes,  who 
had  fled  from  Troy  after  its  destruction  (§  375),  and  after  many  adventures  had 
arrived  in  Italy.  His  son  founded  and  became  king  of  Alba  Longa  (§  7S3).  In  the 
midst  of  a family  feud  among  his  descendants,  these  twin  boys,  the  sons  of 
the  War-god,  Mars,  were  born,  and  after  they  had  been  set  adrift  in  the  Tiber  by 
the  ruling  king,  they  gently  ran  aground  at  the  base  of  the  Palatine  Hill,  where 
a she-wolf  found  and  nourished  them.  When  they  grew  up  they  returned  home 
to  Alba  Longa,  claimed  their  rights,  and  eventually  founded  Rome.  Similar 
legends  formed  all  that  the  Romans  knew  of  their  early  history  through  the 
period  of  the  kings  (see  p.  497,  footnote)  and  far  down  into  the  Republic. 

484 


Longitude* 


The  Western  Mediterranean  World  485 

itself.  Its  length  is  about  tvventy-four  hundred  miles,  and  laid 
out  across  the  United  States,  it  would  reach  from  New  York 
over  into  California.  It  is  important  for  us  to  bear  in  mind 
that  the  ancient  world  was  largely  made  up  of  the  lands  sur- 
rounding the  Mediterranean.  To  these  shore  lands  we  have 
chiefly  to  add  the  Black  Sea  and  the  oriental  lands  on  the  east. 
The  stage  of  ancient  history  was  then,  to  a large  extent,  the 
Mediterranean  and  its  shores. 

Now  the  Mediterranean  is  not  a single  compact  body  of 
water,  like  one  of  our  Great  Lakes.  A land  bridge  made  up 
of  Italy  and  Sicily  extends  almost  across  this  great  sea  and 
divides  it  into  two  parts,  an  eastern  and  a western  basin. 
There  are  no  accepted  geographical  names  for  these  two 
basins,  but  we  may  call  them,  for  convenience,  the  eastern 
and  the  western  Mediterranean  worlds.  We  have  been  follow- 
ing the  story  of  civilized  men  in  the  eastern  Mediterranean 
world ; we  must  now  turn  back  and  take  up  the  story  of  the 
western  Mediterranean  world  also. 

The  story  of  civilization  in  the  easter?i  Mediterranean  world 
began  very  early  under  the  leadership  of  the  Orient.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  peoples  of  the  western  Mediterranean  world  were 
too  far  away  to  receive  from  the  Orient  such  strong  influences 
toward  civilization.  Hence  the  West  had  lagged  far  behind, 
and  much  of  it  had  made  little  advance  in  civilization  since  the 
Stone  Age  life  of  the  Swiss  lake-villages.  But  a study  of  the 
map  (p.  288)  shows  us  that  the  western  Mediterranean  world 
is  not  wholly  separated  from  the  eastern,  which,  with  its  Greek 
and  Hellenistic  civilization,  overlapped  at  its  western  end  with 
the  western  Mediterranean  world.  Here  then,  in  southern  Italy 
and  Sicily,  we  shall  see  the  eastern  Mediterranean  civilizing 
the  western. 

The  most  important  land  in  the  western  Mediterranean  world 
in  early  times  was  Italy.  It  slopes  westward  in  the  main ; it 
thus  faces  and  belongs  to  tl)e  western  Mediterranean  world. 
The  Italian  peninsula,  thrusting  far  out  into  the  sea  (see  map, 


770.  Division 
of  the  Medi- 
terranean 
into  an  east- 
ern and  a 
western  basin 


7,  i.  ^pwad 
of  civilization 
from  the  east- 
ern Medi- 
terranean 
world  to  the 
backward 
■western  Med- 
iterranean 


772.  Italy: 
its  geography 
and  climate 


486 


Ancient  Times 


773.  Earliest 
migrations 
into  Italy 


\ 

\ 

...... 


774.  Earliest 
metal  in  Italy 
and  its  ori- 
ental names 


p.  484),  is  nearly  six  hundred  miles  long;  that  is,  about  half 
again  as  long  as  the  peninsula  of  Florida.  Italy  ^ is  not  only 
four  times  as  large  as  Greece,  but,  unlike  Greece,  it  is  not  cut 
up  by  a tangle  of  mountains  into  tortuous  valleys  and  tiny 
plains.  The  main  chain  of  the  Apennines,  though  crossing 
the  peninsula  obliquely  in  the  north,  is  nearly  parallel  with  the 
coasts,  and  many  of  its  outlying  ridges  are  quite  so.  There  are 
larger  plains  for  the  cultivation  of  grain  than  we  find  anywhere 
in  Greece ; at  the  same  time  there  is  much  more  room  for 
upland  pasturage  of  flocks  and  herds.  A considerably  larger 
population  can  be  supported  in  the  plains  of  Italy  than  in 
Greece.  At  the  same  time  the  coast  is  not  so  cut  up  and  in- 
dented as  in  Greece ; there  are  fewer  good  harbors.  Hence 
agriculture  and  live  stock  developed  much  earlier  than  trade. 

The  fertile  plains  and  forest-clad  slopes  of  Italy  have  always 
attracted  the  peoples  of  northern  Europe  to  forsake  their  own 
bleak  and  wintry  lands  and  migrate  to  this  warm  and  sunny 
peninsula  in  the  southern  sea.  By  2000  b.c.  the  lake-dwellers 
of  Late  Stone  Age  Switzerland  (§§  27-34)  pushed  southward 
through  the  Alpine  passes  and  occupied  the  lakes  of  northern 
Italy.  The  remains  of  over  a hundred  of  their  pile-supported 
settlements  (Fig.  225)  have  also  been  found  under  the  soil  of 
the  Po  valley,  once  a vast  morass,  which  these  people  reclaimed 
by  erecting  their  pile  dwellings  further  and  further  out  in  it. 
The  city  of  Venice,  still  standing  on  piles,  although  it  is  built 
mostly  of  stone,  is  a surviving  example  of  the  way  the  lake- 
dwellers  once  built  their  little  wooden  houses  on  piles  in  the 
same  region.  They  had  their  influence  on  the  later  Romans, 
who  afterward  made  their  military  camps  on  a plan  exactly 
like  that  of  the  Po  valley  pile  villages  (Fig.  225). 

When  these  people  reached  the  Po  valley,  they  had  already 
received  metal,  which  is  found  in  all  their  settlements.  The 
oriental  source  of  this  metal  is  still  evident  in  the  names  which 

1 The  area  of  Italy  is  about  110,000  square  miles,  about  twice  as  large  as 
Illinois,  and  not  quite  four  times  the  area'of  South  Carolina. 


The  Western  Mediterranean  World 


487 


copper  and  bronze  brought  with  them  from  the  East  into  Italy. 
Our  word  " copper  ” had  the  form  cuprum  in  Italy,  from  the 
name  of  the  island 
of  Cyprus  (ancient 
Cuprtcs)  (see  map, 
p.  288),  whose  rich 
mines  supplied  the 
Mediterranean  lands 
with  copper  from  very 
early  times.  Our  word 
" bronze  ” is  probably 
derived  from  the  first 
part  of  the  name  of 
the  city  of  Brondesium 
(later  Brundisium,  now 
called  Brindisi)  at  the 
back  of  the  heel  of 
Italy,  where  it  was  so 
near  the  ^gean  that 
it  very  early  received 


bronze  from  there 

(§  336). 

While  the  pile  vil- 
lagers were  settling 
in  the  Po  valley,  the 
tribes  forming  the 
western  end  of  the 
Indo-European  migra- 
tion (Fig.  1 1 2)  began 
to  feel  the  attractive- 
ness of  the  w'arm  and 


Fig.  225.  Ground  Plan  of  a Prehis- 
toric Pile  Village  in  Northern  Italy 

The  settlement  was  surrounded  by  a moat 
[A)  nearly  100  feet  across,  filled  with  water 
from  a connected  river  (C).  Inside  the  moat 
was  an  earth  wall  (B)  about  50  feet  thick 
at  the  base.  The  village  thus  inclosed 
was  about  2000  feet  long;  that  is,  four  city 
blocks.  The  whole  village,  being  in  the 
marshes  of  the  Po  valley,  was  supported 
on  piles,  like  the  lake- villages  (Fig.  15). 
The  plan  and  arrangement  of  streets  are 
those  of  the  Roman  military  camp  later 
derived  from  it 


verdant  hills  of  Italy. 

Probably  not  long  after  the  Greeks  had  pushed  southward  into  the 
Greek  peninsula  (§  371),  the  western  tribes  of  Indo-European 
blood  had  entered  the  bea*tiful  western  Mediterranean  world. 


775.  West- 
ern wing  of 
the  Indo- 
Europeans 
enters  Italy 


488 


Ancient  Times 


776.  Uncivi- 
lized state 
of  Italy  and 
the  West 


777.  The 
three  W estern 
rivals  con- 
fronting the 
Italic  tribes : 
first,  the 
Etruscans 


into  which  the  Italian  peninsula  extends.  They  came  in  succes- 
sive migrations,  but  the  most  important  group  who  settled  in 
the  central  and  southern  parts  of  the  peninsula  were  the  Italic 
tribes,  the  earliest  Italians.  Their  name,  first  applied  by  the 
Greeks  to  the  South,  was  finally  extended  to  the  whole  pen- 
insula ; hence  the  name  " Italy.”  Probably  within  a few  cen- 
turies they  had  also  overflowed  into  Sicily. 

We  remember  that  the  Greeks,  in  conquering  the  ^gean, 
took  possession  of  a highly  civilized  region  on  the  borders  of 
the  Orient.  This  was  not  the  case  with  the  Indo-European  in- 
vaders of  Italy.  They  found  the  western  Mediterranean  world 
still  without  civilization.  It  had  no  architecture,  no  fine  build- 
ings, no  fortified  cities,  only  the  rudest  arts  and  industries,  no 
writing,  and  no  literature.  As  the  Italic  tribes  fought  their  way 
into  the  country  the  earlier  dwellers  in  Italy  must  have  taken  to 
flight  before'  them,  as  the  Aigeans  fled  before  the  on-coming 
Greeks.  Pictures  of  these  early  Westerners,  the  descendants  of 
Stone  Age  Europe,  are  preserved  on  the  Egyptian  monuments 
of  the  thirteenth  century  b.  c.  They  took  service  in  the  Egyptian 
army  and  were  perhaps  the  very  fugitives  who  were  driven  out 
before  the  Italic  invasion  of  the  West.  Their  weapons  were 
huge  bronze  swords,  which  were  simply  enlarged  Egyptian  dag- 
gers (see  tailpiece,  p.  519)  such  as  they  had  long  imported. 
Thus  these  prehistoric  Westerners  had  enough  skill  in  working 
metals  to  invent  the  sword,'  which  Europe  still  continues  to  use. 

Besides  the  Italic  invaders  there  were  in  the  western  Mediter- 
ranean world  three  rival  peoples,  all  of  whom  came  from  the 
eastern  Mediterranean  world.  While  fighting  among  themselves, 
the  Italic  peoples  suddenly  saw  landing  on  the  western  coast 
of  Italy  a bold  race  of  sea  rovers  whom  we  call  the  Etrus- 
cans. They  were  a people  whose  origin  is  still  uncertain ; they 
probably  had  an  earlier  home  in  western  Asia  Minor,  and  the 

1 A curved  blade,  of  07ie  edge  only,  was  known  in  the  Egyptian  Empire  and 
also  in  the  Assyrian  Empire,  but  it  was  little  used  and  never  became  one  of  the 
recognized  arms  of  an  oriental  army.  The  iwo-edged  sword,  the  descendant  of  the 
dagger,  as  used  by  the  Roman  army,  was  of  Western  origin. 


The  Western  Mediterranean  World  4^9 

Eg\’ptian  monuments  tell  us  of  their  sea  raids  on  the  coast  of 
the  Delta  as  far  back  as  the  thirteenth  century  e.c.,  at  a time 
when  they  were  perhaps  leaving  Asia  Minor  in  search  of  a 
new  home  in  Italy.  In  any  case  the  Etruscans  were  settled 
in  Italy  by  looo  B.c.  They  thrust  back  the  Indo-European 
tribes,  and  finally  gained  control  of  the  west  coast  of  Italy 
from  the  Bay  of  Naples  almost  to  Genoa,  including  much  of 


The  Four  Rival  Peoples  of  the  Western  Mediterranean: 
Etruscans,  Italic  Tribes,  Greeks,  and  C.vrthaginians 


the  inland  country  as  far  back  as  the  Apennines  and  even  into 
the  Po  valley.  They  seemed  destined  to  become  the  final  lords 
of  Italy,  and  they  continued  as  an  important  people  of  the 
^^'est  far  down  into  Roman  histor)?,  as  we  shall  see. 

The  Carthaginians  were  the  second  of  the  three  rivals  of 
the  Italic  tribes.  During  their  great  mercantile  prosperity 
after  looo  B.c.,  the  Phoenicians  carried  their  commerce  far 
into  the  western  Mediterranean,  as  we  have  already  stated 
(§  397).  On  the  African  coast  opposite  Sicily  they  established 


778.  Second, 
the  Cartha- 
ginians 


490 


Ancient  Times 


779.  Third, 
the  Greeks 


780.  The 
Greeks  re- 
pulse the 
Carthaginians 
from  Sicily 
and  the 
Etruscans 
from  Great 
Greece 


781.  Empire 
of  Dionysius 
of  Syracuse 
and  its  fall 


a flourishing  commercial  city  called  Carthage,  which  was  before 
long  the  leading  harbor  in  the  western  Mediterranean  (Fig.  239). 
The  Carthaginians  soon  held  the  northern  coast  of  Africa  west- 
ward to  the  Atlantic.  Besides  gaining  southern  Spain,  they 
were  also  absorbing  the  islands  of  the  western  Mediterranean, 
especially  Sicily. 

The  Carthaginians  were  endeavoring  to  make  the  western 
Mediterranean  their  own,  when  the  Italic  peoples  saw  their 
third  rivals  invading  the  West.  They  were  the  Greeks.  We 
have  already  followed  the  expansion  of  the  Greeks  as  they 
founded  their  city-states  along  the  coast  of  southern  Italy  and 
in  Sicily  in  the  eighth  century  b.c.  (§§437-443).  The  strife 
among  these  city-states  made  the  Greeks  of  the  West  as  unable 
to  unite  into  a Greek  nation  as  Greece  itself  had  been.  The 
strongest  of  all  the  western  Greek  cities  was  Syracuse,  which 
took  the  lead  more  than  once.  We  recall  how  the  Athenians 
tried  to  conquer  the  West  by  capturing  Syracuse  (§  602). 

Although  we  have  spoken  of  these  three  peoples  — Etrus- 
cans, Carthaginians,  and  Greeks  — as  the  three  rivals  of  the 
Italic  tribes  in  the  West,  these  Italic  tribes  were  at  first  so 
insignificant  that  the  rivalry  was  long  a three-cornered  one,  with 
the  Greeks  in  Sicily  and  southern  Italy  maintaining  themselves 
on  two  fronts  against  both  Carthaginians  and  Etruscans.  We 
remember  how  in  the  famous  year  of  Salamis  the  Greeks  of 
Syracuse  won  a great  battle  against  the  Carthaginians  (§  514) 
and  saved  Sicily  from  being  conquered  by  them  (480  b.c.). 
Only  a few  years  later  it  was  also  Syracuse  which  met  the  bold 
Etruscan  sea  robbers  as  their  fleets  appeared  in  the  South,  and 
totally  defeated  them  (Eig.  226).  The  western  Greeks  therefore 
played  an  important  part  in  the  political  situation,  first  by  long 
preventing  the  Carthaginians  from  seizing  Sicily  and  southern 
Italy,  and  second  by  breaking  the  sea  power  of  the  Etruscans. 

By  400  B.c.  Dionysius,  the  Greek  tyrant  of  Syracuse,  was 
building  up  a powerful  empire  in  Sicily  and  southern  Italy, 
which  looked  like  a permanent  union  of  the  western  Greeks 


The  Western  Mediterranea7i  World 


491 


as  a nation.  But  the  successors  of  Dionysius  were  not  as  effi- 
cient as  he.  They  called  in  the  great  philosopher  Plato,  and 
they  attempted  to  carry  out  some  of  his  idealistic  theories  of 
government  (§  673),  but  the  result  was  a disastrous  collapse  of 
the  young  Syracusan  Empire  (357-354  b.c.).  Plato  himself 
expressed  the  fear  that  the  Greek 
language  was  then  about  to  die 
out  in  Sicily,  and  that  the  Car- 
thaginians or  one  of  the  rising 
Indo-European  tribes  of  Italy 
would  triumph  in  Sicily. 

Although  the  western  Greeks, 
like  the  homeland,  failed  to  unite 
in  a strong  and  permanent  state, 
the  influence  of  their  civilization 
in  the  West  was  all  the  more 
important.  Their  civilization  was 
essentially  the  same  as  that  which 
we  have  already  studied  (Chapters 
XI— XXI).  At  the  very  time  when 
Syracuse  was  victoriously  beat- 
ing back  the  Carthaginians  and 
Etruscans  on  two  fronts,  some  of 
the  noblest  monuments  of  Greek 
architecture  were  rising  in  these 
Western  cities  (Fig.  219,  and  Plate 
VII,  p.  558).  In  such  wonderful 
buildings  as  these,  great  architec- 
ture made  its  first  appearance  in  the  western  Mediterranean. 
The  same  was  true  of  many  other  contributions  of  Greek  culture 
with  which  we  are  now  familiar.  Thus  fifteen  hundred  years 
after  the  Italic  tribes  had  first  settled  in  Italy,  theie  grew  up 
on  the  south  of  them  a wonderful  world  of  civilization,  which 
went  on  growing  and  developing  to  reach  its  highest  in  that 
Hellenistic  culture  which  brought  forth  an  Archimedes  at 


Fig.  226.  Etruscan  Helmet 
CAPTURED  BY  THE  GREEKS 

OF  Syracuse  in  their  Vic- 
tory OVER  THE  Etruscans 
AT  CUM^  IN  474  B.c. 

Hiero,  the  Greek  tyrant  of  Syra- 
cuse, dedicated  this  helmet  at 
Olympia  as  part  of  the  spoil 
which  he  took  from  the  Etrus- 
cans in  his  great  naval  victory 
of  Cumae  (§  780).  It  is  now  in 
the  British  Museum,  and  it  stili 
bears  the  dedicatory  inscription 
placed  upon-it  by  the  Syracusan 
tyrant  nearly  twenty-four  hun- 
dred years  ago 


782.  Western 
Greek  cities 
bring  civili- 
zation into 
the  western 
Mediterra- 
nean world 


492 


Ancient  Times 


783.  The 
tribes  of 
Latium, 
and  Alba 
Longa  the 
leading 
Latin  town 


Syracuse  (§  742).  Let  us  now  turn  back  to  follow  the  career 
of  the  barbarous  Italic  tribes  of  central  Italy  under  the  leader- 
ship of  Rome,  and  watch  them  slowly  gaining  organization  and 
power,  and  finally  civilization,  as  they  are  dominated  first  by  the 
Etruscan  and  then  by  the  Greek  culture  which  we  have  been 
recalling. 

Section  73.  Earliest  Rome 

On  the  south  or  east  bank  of  the  Tiber,  which  flows  into  the 
sea  in  the  middle  of  the  west  coast  of  Italy  (see  map,  p.  484), 
there  was  a group  of  Italic  tribes -known  as  the  Latins.  In  the 


Fig.  227.  A Glimpse  across  the  Plain  of  Latium  and  the 
Appian  Way  to  the  Distant  Alban  Mountains 

In  the  foreground  is  a short  stretch  of  the  Appian  Way,  the  earliest 
fine  road  built  by  the  Romans.  It  extended  from  Rome  southward  to 
Capua,  and  was  finally  extended  to  Brundisium.  The  large  round  tower 
is  a famous  tomb,  built  for  a noble  Roman  lady  named  Cecilia  Metella 

days  when  the  Etruscan  sea-raiders  first  landed  on  the  shores 
north  of  the  Tiber,  these  Latin  tribes  had  occupied  a plain 
(Fig.  227)  less  than  thirty  by  forty  miles,’-  that  is,  smaller  than 
many  an  American  county.  They  called  it  " Latium,”  whence 

1 Latium  probably  contained  something  over  seven  hundred  square  miles. 


The  Western  Mediterranean  World 


493 


their  own  name,  " Latins.”  Like  their  Italic  neighbors  they 
li\-ed,  scattered  in  small  communities,  cultivating  grain  and  pas- 
turing flocks  on  the  upland.  Their  land  was  not  very  fertile, 
and  the  battle  for  existence  developed  hardy  and  tenacious  chil- 
dren of  the  soil.  Once  a year  they  went  up  to  the  Alban  Mount 
(Fig.  227),  where  all  the  Latin  tribes  united  in  a feast  of  their 


chief  god,  Jupiter,  whose  rude  mud-brick  sanctuary  was  on  the 
mount.  Close  by  was  a small  town  called  Alba  Longa,  whose 
leadership  the  Latin  tribes  followed  when  they  were  obliged,  as 
they  ver\’  often  were,  to  unite  and  repel  the  attacks  of  their 
hostile  neighbors  on  all  sides.  They  watched  very  anxiously 
the  growth  of  the  flourishing  Etruscan  towns  on  the  other  side 
of  the  Tiber,  and  they  did  what  they  could  to  keep  the  Etrus- 
cans from  crossing  to  the  Latin  side. 


494 


Ancient  Times 


784.  The 
emergence  of 
early  Rome 


When  these  Latin  peasants  needed  weapons  or  tools,  they 
were  obliged  to  carry  up  a little  grain  or  an  ox  to  a trading 
post  on  the  south  side  of  the  Tiber,  just  above  the  coast 
marshes,  which  extended  some  ten  or  twelve  miles  inland  from 
the  river’s  mouth.  Shallow  water  at  this  point,  and  an  island 
(Fig.  228),  made  an  easy  crossing  of  the  river,  and  the  metal 
tools  of  the  early  settlers  had  enabled  them  to  build  a stanch 


Fig.  228.  The  Tiber  and  its  Island  at  Rome 


The  Tiber  is  not  a large  river,  but  when  swollen  by  the  spring  freshets, 
it  still  sometimes  floods  a large  portion  of  Rome,  doing  serious  damage. 
The  houses  which  we  see  on  the  island  are  some  of  them  old,  but  not 
as  old  as  the  ancient  Rome  we  are  to  study.  The  bridges,  however,  are 
very  old.  The  one  on  the  right  of  the  island  was  built  of  massive  stone 
masonry  by  L.  Fabricius  in  62  B.c.  It  has  been  standing  for  over  two 
thousand  years.  Many  great  Romans,  like  Julius  Caesar,  whose  names 
are  familiar  to  us,  must  have  crossed  this  bridge  often 

bridge  here.  Overlooking  the  bridge  was  a bold  hill  called  the 
Palatine,  and  a square  stronghold  crowning  the  hill  guarded  the 
river  crossing.  Several  neighboring  hills  bore  straggling  villages, 
but  the  stronghold  on  the  Palatine  was  their  leader.  Here, 
stopped  by  the  shoals  and  the  bridge,  moored  now  and  then 
an  Etruscan  ship  which  had  .sailed  up  the  Tiber,  the  only  navi- 
gable river  in  Italy.  On  the  low  marshy  ground,  encircled  by  the 
hills,  was  an  open-air  market,  beside  an  old  cemetery  belonging 


The  Western  Mediterranean  World  495 

to  the  villages  (Fig.  229).  Here  in  the  Forum,  as  they  called 
this  valley  market  by  the  cemetery,  our  Latin  peasant  could 
meet  the  Etruscan  traders  and  exchange  his  grain  or  his  ox  for 
the  metal  tools  or  weapons  which  he  needed.  These  were  now 
of  iron,  but  he  remembered  the  stories  of  his  fathers,  telling 
how  all  their  tools  and  weapons  were  formerly  of  bronze  The 
population  of  the  villages  was  very  mixed  — some  Latin 
families  who  had 
taken  to  trading 
or  owned  fields 
near  by,  Etruscan 
traders  and  land- 
owners,  and  a few 
oversea  strangers 
of  various  nation- 
alities, with  many 
outcasts  and  refu- 
gees from  outly- 
ing communities. 

Such  must  have 
been  the  condition 
of  the  group  of  vil- 
lages called  Rome 
probably  as  early 
as  1000  B.c.  (but 
cf.  Fig.  229). 

The  fears  of 
the  Latin  tribes 
regarding  an  invasion  of  the  Etruscans  were  finally  realized. 
The  Etruscan  towns  after  800  b.c.  stretched  far  across  north- 
ern Italy  — a great  group  of  allied  city-kingdom.s,  each  with 
its  fortified  city.  Perhaps  as  early  as  750  b.c.  one  of  their 
princes  crossed  the  Tiber,  drove  out  the  last  of  the  line  of 
Latin  chieftains,  and  took  possession  of  the  stronghold  on  the 
Palatine.  From  this  place  as  his  castle  and  palace  he  gained 


Fig.  229.  Grave  of  Prehistoric  Vil- 
lager FOUND  UNDER  THE  FORUM  AT  ROME 

Excavations  under  the  Forum  (plan,  p.  500) 
have  disclosed  a cemetery  of  graves  like  this. 
The  skeleton  which  we  see  here  is  that  of  one 
of  the  prehistoric  men  who  lived  in  the  vil- 
lages on  the  summits  of  the  neighboring  hills, 
later  united  to  form  Rome  (§  7S5).  The  tools, 
weapons,  and  pottery  found  in  these  graves  show 
that  these  people  lived  not  many  generations 
after  looo  B.c.,  in  the  days  when  bronze  was 
giving  way  to  iron  (§  784) 


785.  Rome 
seized  by 
Etruscans 
(about 
750  B.c.) 


496  Ancient  Times 

control  of  the  villages  on  the  hills  above  the  Tiber,  which  then 
gradually  merged  into  the  city  of  Rome.  These  Etruscan  kings 
soon  extended  their  power  over  the  Latin  tribes  of  the  Plain  of 


Fig.  230.  A Street  of  Etruscan  Tombs  at  Ancient  C/ere 
NOT  FAR  North  of  Rome 

The  tomb-chamber,  or  sometimes  several  such  chambers  within,  con- 
tained a sarcophagus  in  which  the  body  was  laid.  It  was  often  accom- 
panied with  jewelry  of  gold  and  silver,  furniture,  implements,  and 
weapons  (Fig.  231),  besides  beautiful  vases  (Fig.  164).  The  walls  of  the 
chambers  were  often  painted  with  decorative  scenes  from  the  life  of  j 
the  Etruscans  and  from  scenes  of  Greek  mythology,  learned  by  the 
Etruscans  from  their  intercourse  with  the  Greeks.  The  Etruscans 
buried  here  lived  in  a strong  walled  town  of  which  the  ruins  lie  near 
by.  Their  manufactures,  especially  in  bronze,  flourished,  and  they 
carried  on  profitable  commerce  through  their  harbor  town,  only  a few  j 
miles  below  their  city.  In  one  of  these  tombs  the  name  of  the  de-  ! 
ceased  is  inscribed  on  the  wall  as  "Tarkhnas,”  which  can  be  nothing  i 
else  than  Tarquinius,  the  name  preserved  in  Roman  tradition  as  that  of  ; 

the  latest  kings  of  Rome  ! 

Latium,  and  the  town  of  Alba  Longa  by  the  Alban  Mount,  ; 
which  once  led  the  Latins,  disappeared.  Thus  Rome  became  a ! 
city-kingdom  under  an  Etruscan  king,  like  the  other  Etruscan  j 


The  Westeryi  Medite'rra7iean  World  497 


cities  which  stretched  from  Capua  far  north  to  the  harbor  of 
Genoa.  And  such  it  remained  for  two  centuries  and  a half. 
Although  Rome  was  ruled  by  a line  of  Etruscan  kings,  it  must 
be  borne  in  mind 
that  the  population 
of  Latium  which 
the  Etruscan  kings 
governed  contin- 
ued to  be  Latin 
and  to  speak  the 
Latin  tongue.^ 

Etruscan  ships 
had  known  Greek 


1 The  above  pres- 
entation makes  the 
line  of  early  kings  at 
Rome  (about  750  to 
about  500  E.c.)  exclu- 
sively Etruscan.  The 
traditional  founding  of 
Rome  not  long  before 
750  n.  c.  would  then 
correspond  to  its  cap- 
ture and  establishment 
as  a strong  kingdom 
by  the  Etruscans.  We 
possess  no  written  doc- 
uments of  Rome  for 
this  early  period.  We 
are  obliged  to  make 
our  conclusions  largely 
on  the  basis  of  a study 
of  archaeological  re- 
mains sur\’i\dng  in 
Rome  and  Latium  and 
vicinity.  Had  these  remains,  together  with  the  important  elements  of  Etruscan 
civilization  adopted  by  the  Romans,  formed  our  only  evidence,  no  one  would 
ever  have  suggested  any  other  theory  than  that  the  kings  of  Rome  were  Etrus- 
can. The  later  Romans  themselves,  however,  with  evident  disinclination  to  be- 
lieve that  their  early  kings  had  been  outsiders,  cherished  a tradition  that  their 
kings  were  native  Romans.  This  tradition,  with  many  picturesque  and  pleasing 
incidents  (headpiece,  p.  484),  has  found  a place  in  literature,  and  is  still  widely 
believed.  It  is  possible  that  there  may  be  some  slight  measure  of  truth  in  this 
tradition,  but  it  is  not  very  probable  in  view  of  all  the  known  evidence. 


Fig.  231.  Etruscan  Chariot  of  Bronze 

This  magnificent  work  is  the  finest  surviving 
product  of  Etruscan  skill  in  bronze  (§  787).  It 
was  found  in  an  Etruscan  tomb  (Fig.  230)  and 
is  now  in  the  possession  of  the  Metropolitan 
Museum  of  New  York.  It  probably  dates  from 
the  sixth  century  E.C. 


786.  The 
Etruscans 
learn  Greek 
writing 


498 


Ancient  Time's 


787.  Etrus- 
cans learn 
Greek  indus- 
tries, art,  and 
architecture 


waters  since  Mycenaean  days,  and  the  Etruscans  were  con- 
stantly trafficking  in  the  Greek  harbors.  There  they  learned  to 
write  their  language  with  Greek  letters.  Many  tombs  (Fig.  230) 
containing  such  inscriptions  still  survive  in  Italy.  Although  we 
know  the  letters  and  can  pronounce  the  Etruscan  words, 


Fig.  232.  A View  of  the  Tiber  with  the  Aventine  Hill 
AND  THE  Etruscan  Drain 


As  we  look  down  the  Tiber  in  this  view,  we  stand  not  far  from  our 
former  position  looking  itp  the  river  (Fig.  228)  (cf.  map,  p.  500).  The 
Aventine  Hill  is  at  the  left.  Along  its  foot,  at  the  water’s  edge,  ex- 
tend the  houses  of  modern  Rome.  At  this  end  of  this  row  of  houses  we 
see  the  arched  opening  of  the  ancient  Etruscan  sewer,  or  drain  (§  788), 
which  served  to  drain  the  Forum  under  which  it  passed.  The  Romans 
called  it  the  Cloaca  Maxima  (chief  sewer).  Although  much  altered  in 
later  times,  its  most  ancient  portions  are  probably  the  oldest  surviving 
masonry  at  Rome 

scholars  are  still  unable  to  understand  them ; nor  can  the  race 
of  the  Etruscans  as  yet  be  determined  from  them. 

This  intercourse  with  Greece  brought  in  beautiful  Greek 
pottery  (Fig.  164),  and  the  Etruscans  quickly  learned  to  make 
similar  decorative  paintings.  Many  such  paintings  still  cover 
the  walls  of  Etruscan  tombs  and  show  us  how  the  Etruscans 
looked,  the  clothing  they  wore,  and  the  weapons  they  carried. 


The  Western  Mediterranea^i  World  499 

Having  learned  to  mine  copper,  they  early  produced  such  fine 
work  in  bronze  (Fig.  231)  that  it  even  excelled  the  metal  work 
of  the  Greeks  for  a time,  and  they  developed  a flourishing  com- 
merce in  this  industry.  They  likewise  borrowed  a great  deal 
from  Grecian  architecture,  but  unlike  the  Greeks  they  made 
plentiful  use  of  the  arch,  with  which  they  had  probably  become 
acquainted  in  Asia  Minor  (Fig.  224).  It  was  the  Etruscans 
who  introduced  the  arch  into  Italy.  Their  architecture  was 
the  earliest  known  in  the  city  of  Rome,  and  always  had  a 
great  influence  upon  the  architecture  of  the  Romans. 

The  Etruscan  kings  introduced  great  improvements  into 
Rome.  The  Eorum,  the  low  market  valley,  was  often  flooded 
in  the  rainy  season,  and  they  built  a heavy  masonry  drain 
arched  at  the  top,  which  carried  off  the  water  to  the  river  and 
made  the  city  much  more  healthful.  This  ancient  sewer  drain 
still  survives  (Eig.  232).  On  the  hill  called  the  Capitol,  between 
the  Forum  and  the  Tiber,  they  built  a temple  to  Jupiter,  the 
State  god,  which  survived  for  centuries.  But  the  cruelty  and 
tyranny  of  the  Etruscan  rulers  finally  caused  a revolt,  led  prob- 
ably by  the  Etruscan  nobles  themselves,  and  the  kings  of  Rome 
were  driven  out.  The  fugitive  king  and  his  followers  fled  north- 
ward to  their  kinsmen,  to  Caere,  where  Etruscan  tombs  which 
probably  belonged  to  them  still  survive  (Eig.  230).  Thus  about 
500  B.c.  the  career  of  Rome  under  kings  came  to  an  end ; but 
the  two  and  a half  centuries  of  Etruscan  rule  left  their  mark 
on  Rome,  always  afterward  discernible  in  architecture,  religion, 
tribal  organization,  and  some  other  things. 

Section  74.  The  Early  Republic  : its  Progress 
AND  Government 

During  this  Etruscan  period,  Greek  influences  were  equally  im- 
portant in  Latium.  Down  at  the  dock  below  the  Tiber  bridge, 
ships  from  the  Greek  cities  of  the  south  were  becoming  more 
and  more  common.  Long  before  the  Etruscan  kings  were 


788.  Rule  of 
the  Etrus- 
can kings  of 
Rome  and 
their  expul- 
sion (about 
500  B.c.) 


789.  Greek 
alphabet 
adopted  in 
Rome 


500 


A7icie7tt  Times 


driven  out,  the  Roman  trader  had  gradually  learned  to  pick 
out  the  names  of  familiar  objects  of  trade  in  the  bills  handed 
him  by  the  Greek  merchants.  Erelong  the  Roman  traders  too 
were  scribbling  memoranda  of  their  own  with  the  same  Greek 


Map  of  Early  Rome  showing  the  Successive  Stages 
OF  ITS  Growth 


letters,  which  thus  became  likewise  the  Roman  alphabet,  slightly 
changed  to  suit  the  Latin  language.  Thus  the  oriental  alphabet 
was  carried  one  step  further  in  the  long  westward  journey 
which  finally  made  it  the  alphabet  with  which  this  book  is 
printed.  In  the  hands  of  the  Carthaginians  and  Romans 
in  the  west,  and  the  Arameans  (§  205)  on  the  east,  the 


The  Western  Mediterranean  World 


501 


Phoenician  alphabet  and  its  descendent  alphabets  now  stretched 
from  India  to  the  Atlantic  (Fig.  160). 

There  had  been  no  Roman  ships  at  the  Tiber  docks  at  first, 
but  as  time  passed  a Roman  mechanic  here  and  there  learned 
to  build  a ship  like  those  of  the  Greeks  alongside  it.  As  Roman 
traffic  thus  grew,  it  was  found  very  inconvenient  to  pay  bills 


790.  Greek 
influence  in 
shipbuilding, 
business, 
mone}',  and 
measures 
in  Rome 


Fig.  233.  Specimens  of  Early  Roman  Copper  Money 

In  the  time  of  Alexander  the  Great  (second  half  of  thefourth  century  b.c.), 
the  Romans  found  it  too  inconvenient  to  continue  paying  their  debts  in 
goods,  especially  in  cattle  (§  784).  They  therefore  cast  copper  in  blocks, 
each  block  with  the  figure  of  an  o.x  upon  it  (see  A,  above),  to  indicate 
its  value.  The  Roman  word  for  cattle  (peciis)  was  the  origin  of  their 
frequent  word  for  property  {pecunid)  and  has  descended  to  us  in  our 
common  word  " pecuniary.”  These  blocks  were  unwieldy,  and  influenced 
by  the  Greeks,  the  Romans  then  cast  large  disks  of  copper  {B,  above), 
which  also  were  very  ponderous,  each  weighing  nearly  a pound 
Troy.  Hence  this  coin,  called  an  ar,  was  divided  into  twelve  smaller 
coins,  each  called  an  ounce  (Roman  tnicid),  ■axiA  there  were  copper 
coins  of  two,  three,  four,  and  six  nncias.  When  two  generations  later 
(26S  B.C.)  the  Romans  began  to  coin  silver  (see  Fig.  235),  copper  was 
no  longer  used  for  large  payments  and  the  as  was  reduced  in  size 
to  one  sixth  its  former  weight 


with  grain  and  oxen  while  the  Greek  merchant  at  the  dock  paid 
his  bills  with  copper  and  silver  coins.  For  a long  time  instead 
of  the  oxen  themselves,  rough  bars  of  copper  were  used,  each 
bearmg  the  figure  of  an  ox  (Fig.  233,  A).  It  was  not  until 
over  a hundred  and  fifty  years  after  the  Etruscan  kings  had 
been  driven  out  that  the  Romans  issued  actual  copper  coins 
(Fig.  C33,  S').  Later,  as  contact  with  the  Greek  cities  increased, 


502 


Aytcient  Times 


791.  Traces 
of  Greek 
speech  in 
Rome  and 
JLatium 


792.  Greek 
influences  — 
religion 


793,  Oracles 


the  Romans  also  began  to  issue  silver  coins,  using  as  a basis 
^ Attic  drachma  (§  832).  In  the  same  way,  too,  the  Romans 
gradually  adopted  the  oriental  measures  of  length  and  of 
bulk  with  which  the  Greeks  measured  out  to  them  the  things 
they  bought. 

Greek  speech  too  began  to  leave  its  traces  in  the  Latin  speech 
of  Rome.  The  Latin  townsmen  and  peasants  learned  the  Greek 
words  for  the  clothing  offered  to  them  for  sale,  or  for  household 
utensils  and  pottery  and  other  things  brought  in  by  the  Greeks. 
So  the  Phoenician  garment  which  the  Greek  merchants  called 
kitbn  (§  394),  the  Latin  peasants  pronounced  ktiin  (ktoon),  and 
in  course  of  time  they  gave  it  a Latin  ending  ic  and  dropped 
the  k,  so  that  it  became  our  familiar  word  " tunic.” 

But  the  Greeks  also  brought  in  things  which  could  not  be 
weighed  and  measured  like  produce,  from  a realm  of  which 
the  Roman  was  beginning  to  catch  fleeting  glimpses.  For  the 
peasant  heard  of  strange  gods  of  the  Greeks,  and  he  was  told 
that  they  were  the  counterparts  or  the  originals  of  his  own 
gods.  For  him  there  was  a god  over  each  realm  in  nature  and 
each  field  of  human  life : Jupiter  was  the  great  Sky-god  and 
king  of  all  the  gods ; Mars,  the  patron  of  all  warriors ; Venus, 
the  queen  of  love ; Juno,  an  ancient  Sky-goddess,  was  protect- 
ress of  women,  of  birth  and  marriage,  while  Vesta,  too,  watched 
over  the  household  life,  with  its  hearth  fire  surviving  from  the 
nomad  days  of  the  fathers  on  the  Asiatic  steppe  two  thousand 
years  before  (§  249);  Ceres  was  the  goddess  who  maintained 
the  fruitfulness  of  the  earth,  and  especially  the  grainfields 
(cf.  English  " cereal  ”) ; and  Mercury  was  the  messenger  of 
the  gods  who  protected  intercourse  and  merchsLnAismg,  as  his 
name  shows.  The  streets  were  full  of  Greek  stories  regarding 
the  heroic  adventures  of  these  divinities  when  they  were  on 
earth.  The  Roman  learned  that  Venus  was  the  Greek  Aphrodite, 
Mercury  was  Hermes,  Ceres  was  Demeter,  and  so  on. 

This  process  was  aided  by  the  influence  of  Greek  oracles. 
The  oracles  delivered  by  the  Greek  Sibyl,  the  prophetess  of 


The  Western  Mediterranean  World  5^3 

Apollo  of  Delphi  (Fig.  172),  were  deeply  reverenced  in  Italy. 
Gathered  in  the  Sibylline  Books,  they  were  regarded  by  the 
Romans  as  mysterious  revelations  of  the  future.  Another 
method  of  reading  the  future  was  brought  in  by  the  Etruscans, 
who  were  able  to  discover  in  the  liver  (Fig.  234)  of  a sheep 
•killed  for  sacrifice  signs  which  they  believed  revealed  the  future. 
This  art  had  been  received  by  the  Etruscans  from  the 


Fig.  234.  Bronze  Model  of  a Liver  used  by  the  Etruscans 
FOR  Divination,  after  the  Old  Babylonian  Manner 

The  surface  of  the  model  is  divided  by  lines  into  sections,  forming  a 
kind  of  guiding  diagram  like  the  model  livers  of  baked  clay  employed  by 
the  Babylonians  (Fig.  94).  The  Etruscans  must  have  received  the  art 
in  the  East,  presumably  in  Asia  Minor,  before  they  migrated  to  Italy 

Babylonians  (Fig.  94)  by  way  of  Asia  Minor,  whence  the 
Etruscans  brought  it  to  Italy. 

An  art  like  this  appealed  to  the  rather  coldly  calculating 
mind  of  the  Roman.  As  he  looked  toward  his  gods  he  felt  no 
doubts  or  problems,  like  those  which  troubled  the  spirit  of 
Euripides  (§  581).  He  lacked  the  warm  and  vivid  imagination 
of  the  Greeks,  which  had  created  the  beautiful  Greek  mythology. 
He  was  inclined  to  regard  acts  of  worship  as  the  mere  fulfill- 
ment of  a contract  by  which  the  gods  must  bestow  favors  if 
the  worshiper  was  faithful  in  the  performance  of  his  duties. 
In  religion,  therefore,  the  Roman  saw  only  a list  of  mechanical 


794.  Mechan- 
ical characcer 
of  Roman 
religion  and 
the  Roman 
mind 


504 


Ancient  Times 


795.  Practi- 
cal sagacity 
of  the 
Romans 


706.  Elective 
consuls  re- 
place the 
kings ; the 
Roman 
Republic  is 
established 


duties,  such  as  the  presentation  of  offerings,  the  sacrifice  of 
animals,  and  the  like,  and  such  duties  were  easily  fulfilled. 
In  accordance  with  this  rather  legal  conception  of  religion,  he 
was  fitted  for  great  achievements  in  political  and  legal  organ- 
ization, but  not  for  new  and  original  developments  in  religion, 
art,  literature,  or  discoveries  in  science. 

Hence  it  is  that  in  sketching  the  beginnings  of  Rome  we 
have  found  no  Homer  to  picture  to  us  in  noble  verse  the  heroic 
days  of  her  early  struggles.  Although  less  gifted  than  the 
Greeks,  the  Romans  nevertheless  possessed  a remarkable  abil- 
itv  in  applying  sober  and  practical  common  sense,  enlightened 
by  experience,  to  every  problem  they  met.  As  we  shall  see, 
the  Romans  so  contrived  their  government  that  it  was  led 
and  guided  by  the  combined  experience  of  the  ripest  and 
most  skilled  leaders  among  them.  Thus  the  Roman  State  was 
never  exposed  to  the  momentary  whims  of  an  inexperienced 
multitude  as  in  Athens.  It  was  this  wisdom  and  sagacity  of 
th£__E.oinans_  _^m  p^ractical... affairs  which  gave  them  noarloed 
superiority  over  the., Greeks  in  such  matters.  Let  us  now 
see  how  Roman  political  wisdom  developed  the  invincible 
Roman  State. 

When  the  Etruscan  kings  were  driven  out  of  Rome,  about 
500  B.C.,  the  nobles,  called  pahicians,  who  had  been  chiefly 
instrumental  in  expelling  them,  were  in  control  of  the  govern- 
ment. But  none  of  their  number  was  able  to  make  himself 
king.  Perhaps  by  compromise  with  the  people,  the  patricians 
agreed  that  two  of  their  number  should  be  elected  as  heads  of 
the  State.  These  two  magistrates,  called  consuls,  were  both 
to  have  the  same  powers,  were  to  serve  for  a year  only  and 
then  give  way  to  two  others.  To  choose  them,  annual  elections 
were  held  in  an  assembly  of  the  weapon-bearing  men,  largely 
under  the  control  of  the  patricians.  Nevertheless,  we  must  call 
this  new  state  a republic,  of  which  the  consuls  were  the  presi- 
dents ; for  the  people  had  a voice  in  electing  them.  But  as 
only  patricians  could  serve  as  consuls,  their  government  was 


The  Western  Mediterranean  World 


S05 


ver)-  oppressive.  The  people,  called  the  plebs  (compare  our 
" plebeian  ”),  especially  among  the  Latin  tribes,  refused  to 
submit  to  such  oppression. 

The  patricians  were  unable  to  get  on  without  the  help  of  the 
peasants  as  soldiers  in  their  frequent  wars.  They  therefore 
agreed  to  give  the  people  a larger  share  in  the  government,  by 
allowing  them  in  their  own  assembly  to  elect  a group  of  new 
officials,  called  tribunes.  The  ^tribunes  had  the  right  to  veto  the 
action  of  any  officer  of  the  government  — even  that  of  the 
consuls  themselves.  When  any  citizen  was  treated  unjustly  by 
a consul  he  had  only  to  appeal  to  the  tribunes,  and  they  could 
rescind  the  consul’s  unjust  action  and  even  save  a citizen  from 
sentence  of  death.  The  tribunes  therefore  gained  great  in- 
fluence, because  they  could  stop  the  enforcement  of  any  law 
they  thought  unjust.  Later,  as  government  business  increased, 
their  number  was  also  increased. 

In  the  beginning  it  would  seem  that  almost  all  the  business 
of  government  was  in  the  hands  of  the  consuls.  They  were  the 
commanding  generals  of  the  army  in  war,  they  had  charge  of 
the  public  funds  in  the  treasury,  and  they  were  the  judges  in 
all  cases  at  law.  It  was  difficult  to  combine  all  these  duties. 
The  consuls  were  often  obliged  to  be  absent  from  Rome  for 
long  periods  while  leading  the  army,  and  at  such  times  they 
were  of  course  unable  to  give  any  attention  to  cases  at  law, 
and  two  citizens  having  a lawsuit  might  be  obliged  to  wait  until 
the  war  was  over.  Much  other  ordinary  business,  like  that  of 
the  treasury,  demanded  more  time  than  the  consuls  could  pos- 
sibly give  it.  They  found  it  difficult  to  carry  on  the  volume  of 
business  which  the  government  required. 

This  situation  made  it  necessary  to  create  new  officers  for 
various  kinds  of  business.  To  take  care  of  the  government 
funds,  treasury  officials  called  qucestors  were  appointed.  Two 
public  officers  called  censors  were  required  to  keep  lists  of 
the  people,  to  assess  the  amount  of  taxes  each  citizen  owed, 
to  determine  voting  rights,  and  to  look  after  the  daily  conduct 


7^.  The 
tribunes  de- 
fenders of 
the  people 


798.  Inability 
of  the  consuls 
to  attend  to 
all  the  public 
business 


799.  Grow- 
ing body  of 
government 
officials 


Ancient  Times 


506 


800.  Public 
questions  and 
the  control- 
ling power  of 
the  patricians 


801.  The 
struggle  of 
the  plebs  and 
patricians 


of  the  people  and  see  that  nothing  improper  was  permitted 
Our  own  use  of  the  word  ” censor  ” is  derived  from  these 
Roman  officials.  For  the  decision  of  legal  cases  a judge  called 
a prcetor  was  appointed  to  assist  the  consul,  and  the  number 
of  such  judges  slowly  increased.  In  times  of  great  national 
danger  it  was  customary  to  appoint  some  revered  and  trust- 
worthy leader  as  the  supreme  ruler  of  the  State.  He  was  called 
the  Dictator,  and  he  could  hold  his  power  but  a brief  period. 

But  a government  is  called  upon  to  do  some  other  things  of 
great  importance  besides  attending  to  administrative,  financial, 
and  legal  business.  Important  public  questions  arise  which  are 
not  mere  items  of  routine  business.  Examples  of  such  questions 
are  declaring  war,  restoring  peace,  and  making  new  laws  of  all 
sorts.  The  consuls  had  great  power  and  influence  in  all  such 
matters,  but  they  were  much  influenced  by  a council  of  patri- 
cians called  the  Senate  (from  Latin  senex,  meaning  " old  man  ”), 
which  had  existed  even  as  far  back  as  the  Etruscan  kings,  who 
used  to  call  upon  the  Senate  for  advice.  Now  the  patricians 
enjoyed  the  exclusive  right  to  serve  as  consuls,  to  sit  in  the 
Senate,  and  to  hold  almost  all  of  the  offices  created  to  carry 
on  the  business  of  government  (§  799).  The  power  which  the 
patricians  held,  therefore,  quite  unfairly  exceeded  that  of  the 
plebeians. 

The  tribunes,  as  we  have  seen  (§  797),  could  protect  the 
people  from  some  injustices,  and  save  their  lives  if  they  were 
illegally  condemned  to  death.  But  they  could  not  secure  to  the 
citizen  all  his  rights.  The  tribunes  could  not  recover  for  the 
cattle  of  the  people  the  vanished  grass  in  the  public  pastures, 
when  they  had  been  nipped  clean  by  the  great  herds  of  the 
patricians.  The  tribunes  could  not  secure  for  a citizen  the  right 
to  be  elected  as  consul,  or  to  become  a senator,  or  to  marry  a 
patrician’s  daughter.  The  struggle  which  had  resulted  in  the 
appointment  of  the  tribunes,  therefore,  went  on  — a struggle 
of  the  common  people  to  win  their  rights  from  the  wealthy  and 
powerful.  It  was  a struggle  like  that  which  we  have  followed 


The  Western  Mediterranean  World 


507 


in  Athens  and  the  other  Greek  states,  but  at  Rome  it  reached 
a much  wiser  and  more  successful  settlement.  The  citizens  of 
Rome  manfully  stood  forth  for  their  rights,  and  without  fight- 
ing, civil  war,  or  bloodshed  they  secured  them  to  a large 
extent  in  the  course  of  the  first  two  centuries  after  the  found- 
ing of  the  Republic. 

They  insisted  upon  a record  of  the  existing  laws  in  writing, 
in  order  that  they  might  know  by  what  laws  they  were  being 
judged.  About  fifty  years  after  the  establishment  of  the  Republic, 
the  earliest  Roman  laws  were  reduced  to  writing  and  engraved 
upon  twelve  tablets  of  bronze  (450  b.  c.).  But  at  the  same  time 
the  people  demanded  the  right  to  share  in  the  making  of  new 
laws,  and  to  possess  an  assembly  of  the  people,  which  might 
pass  new  laws. 

Far  back  in  the  days  of  the  kings  the  people  had  enjoyed 
the  right  to  a limited  share  in  the  government.  To  express 
their  opinion  they  gathered  in  an  assembly  called  the  Comitia. 
It  was  made  up  of  groups  of  families  or  brotherhoods  (like  the 
Greek  brotherhoods,  § 385),  each  called  a curia.  Hence  this 
assembly  was  called  the  Comitia  curiata.  Each  such  brother- 
hood assembled  and  voted  by  itself,  and  its  decision  then  counted 
as  one  vote.  A majority  of  the  brotherhoods  decided  a question. 

In  the  early  days  of  the  Republic,  when  the  frequent  wars 
kept  the  people  much  together  in  camp,  arrayed  in  their  fight- 
ing hundreds,  or  " centuries,”  it  easily  became  customary  to  call 
them  together  by  centuries.  Thus  a new  assenibly  by  centuries 
arose,  called  for  this  reason  the  Comitia  centuriata.  Owing  to 
the  expense  of  arms  and  equipment,  the  men  of  wealth  and 
influence  in  the  centuries  far  outnumbered  the  poorer  classes. 
The  assembly  by  centuries  was  therefore  controlled  by  the 
wealthy  and  noble  classes ; they  were  soon  electing  the  consuls, 
and  erelong  they  had  deprived  the  old  assembly  by  brotherhoods 
of  all  its  power. 

At  the  same  time  another  assembly  of  the  people  arose, 
intended  to  give  them  an  opportunity  to  transact  their  owm 


802.  The  old 
laws  reduced 
to  writing  and 
the  question 
of  new  laws 


803.  The 
earliest 
Roman 
assembly 
by  brother- 
hoods 
{^Comitia 
curiaid) 


804.  The 
assembly 
by  centuries 
{Comitia 
centuriata) 


5o8 


Ancient  Times 


805.  The 
tribal 
assembly 
(Comil  ia 
iribuia) 


806.  Law- 
making 
power  of  the 
assemblies 
and  resulting 
laws  making 
for  equality 
of  plebs  with 
patricians 


807.  The 
new  nobility 
of  former 
magistrates 


plebeian  public  business  concerning  solely  the  common  people. 
This  third  assembly  came  together  by  tribes,  and  it  was  there- 
fore called  the  Comitia  tributa,  or  tribal  assembly.  In  this  body 
every  man’s  vote  was  as  good  as  another’s,  and  as  it  was  pre- 
sided over  by  the  tribunes,  elected  to  protect  the  people,  the 
decisions  of  this  assembly  really  expressed  the  will  of  the  people. 

Having  shaken  off  the  legal  power  of  the  Senate  to  control 
their  action,  these  two  assemblies,  the  centuriate  and  the  tribal, 
became  the  lawmaking  bodies  of  the  Roman  State.  Eventually 
the  people  were  also  given  voting  rights  in  the  centuriate  assembly 
equal  to  those  of  the  patricians  and  the  wealthy.  As  a result  the 
people  were  able  to  pass  laws  by  which  they,  especially  the  last 
two  assemblies,  gained  the  right  to  make  laws,  and  in  this 
way  the  people  gradually  secured  a fairer  share  of  the  public 
lands  and  further  social  rights.  Finally,  and  most  important 
of  all,  these  new  laws  increased  the  rights  of  the  people  to 
hold  office.  In  the  end  Roman  citizens  elected  their  plebeian 
neighbors  as  censors  and  qusestors,  as  judges  and  at  last 
even  as  consuls,  and  they  saw  men  of  the  people  sitting  in 
the  Senate. 

This  progress  of  the  people  in  power  brought  with  it  im- 
portant new  developments  affecting  both  society  and  govern- 
ment. Roman  citizens  had  a deep  respect  for  government  and 
for  its  officials.  The  Roman  consul  appeared  in  public  attended 
by  twelve  men  called  lictors,  bearing  the  symbols  of  State 
authority.  Each  man  carried  a bundle  of  rods,  suggesting  the  j 
consul’s  power  to  scourge  the  condemned ; and  from  the  midst  | 
of  the  rods  rose  an  ax,  symbolizing  the  consul’s  legal  right  to  j 
inflict  the  death  penalty.  The  other  officials  of  high  rank  were 
likewise  attended  by  a smaller  group  of  lictors.  The  consuls 
and  all  the  higher  officials  wore  white  robes  edged  with  purple, 
a costume  which  only  these  men  had  the  right  to  wear.  When 
a magistrate  went  out  of  office  he  might  assume  his  official 
garment  from  time  to  time  on  feast  days.  There  soon  grew  up 
a group  of  once  plebeian  families,  thus  distinguished  by  the 


The  Westcfji  Mediterranea)i  World 


509 


public  service  of  its  members,  to  whom  the  Roman  citizens 
looked  up  with  great  respect.  When  the  voters  were  called 
upon  to  select  their  candidates,  they  preferred  members  of 
these  eminent  families,  especially  for  the  consulship.  A new 
nobility  was  thus  formed,  made  up  of  such  illustrious  families 
and  the  old  patricians. 

This  situation  directly  affected  the  Senate,  the  members  of 
which  had  formerly  been  appointed  from  among  the  patricians 
by  the  consuls.  A new  law,  however,  authorized  the  censors  to 
make  out  the  lists  of  senators,  giving  the  preference  to  those 
who  had  been  magistrates.  Thus  the  new  nobility  of  ex- 
magistrates, formerly  plebeians,  entered  the  Senate,  bringing 
in  fresh  blood  from  the  ranks  of  the  people. 

As  a result  of  these  changes  the  Senate  was  made  up  of  the 
three  hundred  men  of  Rome  who  had  gained  the  most  experi- 
ence in  government  and  in  public  affairs.  When  the  herald’s 
trumpet  echoed  from  the  Forum,  and  the  senators,  responding  to 
the  call,  crowded  into  the  modest  assembly  hall  beside  the 
Forum  and  took  their  seats,  the  consul  called  them  to  order. 
He  was  president  of  the  Senate,  and  he  and  his  colleague,  the 
other  consul,  were  the  heads  of  the  State,  with  more  power 
than  any  senator  possessed.  From  his  chair  on  the  platform  the 
consul  looked  down  into  the  strong  faces  of  wise  and  sagacious 
men,  many  of  whom  had  already  held  his  high  office  and  knew 
far  more  about  its  duties  than  he  did.  Moreover,  while  he  was 
in  office  for  only  a year,  the  men  confronting  him  held  their 
seats  in  the  Senate  for  life,  and  most  of  them  had  been  conduct- 
ing public  business  there  for  years.  The  result  was  that  their 
combined  influence,  operating  steadily  for  many  years,  was  too 
strong  for  the  consul.  Instead  of  telling  the  senators  of  his 
own  plans  and  of  the  laws  he  desired,  he  found  himself  listening 
to  the  proposals  of  the  Senate  and  carrying  out  the  will  of  the 
senators.  As  a result  the  consul  became  a kind  of  senatorial 
minister,  carrying  on  the  government  according  to  instructions 
from  the  Senate. 


808.  The 
new  nobility 
gains  con- 
trol of  the 
Senate 


809.  The 
Senate  gains 
the  leader- 
ship over 
the  consul 


510 


Ancient  Times 


810.  The 
Senate  gains 
control  of 
lawmaking 


811.  The 
Roman 
Senate  the 
supreme 
leader  of 
the  State 


In  the  matter  of  lawmaking  a similar  growth  of  the  Senate’s 
influence  took  place.  Although  the  popular  assemblies  (§§  803- 
805)  had  the  right  to  make  laws,  it  was  not  in  their  power  to 
propose  a new  law.  They  could  vote  upon  it  only  after  it 
had  been  proposed  by  a magistrate,  especially  by  one  of  the 
tribuneSj  who  were  the  presiding  officers  of  the  tribal  as- 
sembly. The  influence  of  the  Senate  on  the  magistrates  was 
such  that  the  magistrates  discussed  with  the  senators  every 
law  to  be  brought  before  the  assemblies  for  adoption.  The 
tribunes  could  stop  the  operation  of  any  law,  and  hence 
the  Senate  had  become  accustomed  to  consult  with  them 
before  a law  was  passed.  The  result  was  that  the  tribunes 
were  given  membership  and  seats  in  the  Senate,  and  so 
added  to  the  power  and  influence  of  that  already  powerful 
body. 

By  far  the  larger  part  of  the  Roman  citizens  lived  too  far 
away  to  come  up  to  the  city  and  vote.  The  small  minority 
living  in  Rome,  who  could  be  present  and  vote  at  the  meetings 
of  the  assemblies,  were  familiar  with  the  faces  of  the  senators 
and  they  well  knew  the  wisdom,  skill,  and  experience  of  these 
old  statesmen.  They  also  knew  that  there  was  a strong  feeling 
of  patriotism  among  the  senators,  and  standing  at  the  open 
doors  of  the  Senate  hall  they  had  heard  the  voice  of  many 
a gray-haired  ex-consul  whom  they  revered,  as  it  rang  through 
the  Forum,  in  eloquent  support  of  some  patriotic  measure 
or  in  earnest  summons  to  national  defense.  Feeling  too  their 
own  ignorance  of  public  affairs,  the  Roman  citizens  were  not 
unwilling  that  important  public  questions  should  be  settled  by 
the  Senate.  Thus  the  Roman  Senate  became  a large  com- 
mittee of  experienced  statesmen,  guiding  and  controlling  the 
Roman  State.  They  formed  the  greatest  council  of  rulers 
which  ever  grew  up  in  the  ancient  world,  or  perhaps  in  any 
age.  They  were  a body  of  aristocrats,  and  their  control  of 
Rome  made  it  an  aristocratic  state,  in  spite  of  its  republican 
form.  We  are  now  to  watch  the  steady  development  and 


The  Western  Mediterranean  World 


511 

progress  of  Roman  power  (see  map,  p.  516)  under  the  wise  and 
stable  leadership  of  the  Senate.  We  should  bear  in  mind,  how- 
ever, that  the  Senate’s  power  was  a slow  growth,  continuing 
during  the  wars  and  conquests  which  we  are  now  to  follow. 


Section  75.  The  Expansion  of  the  Roman  Republic 
AND  THE  Conquest  of  Italy 


It  was  a tiny  nation  which  began  its  uncertain  career  after 
the  expulsion  of  the  Etruscan  kings.  The  territory  of  the 
Roman  Republic  was  the  mere  city  with  the  adjacent  fields 
for  a veiy'  few  miles  around.  On  the  other  side  of  the  Tiber 
lived  the  dreaded  Etruscans,  and  on  the  Roman  side  of  the 
river,  all  around  the  little  republic,  lay  the  lands  of  the  Latin 
tribes  (§  783),  who  had  combined  in  what  was  called  the  Latin 
League  (see  map,  p.  516).  The  league  was  independent  and 
did  not  acknowledge  itself  subject  to  Rome.  But  in  their  own 
struggle  with  their  enemies,  the  Latin  tribes  found  the  leader- 
ship of  the  city  indispensable.  The  Latin  League  therefore 
made  a perpetual  treaty  with  Rome  — a treaty  uniting  the 
league  and  the  city  in  a combination  for  mutual  defense  under 
the  leadership  of  Rome.  But  this  arrangement  produced  only 
a loose  union,  not  yet  forming  a unified  nation.  Nevertheless, 
the  Roman  Senate  gave  to  the  citizens  of  Latium  privileges  in 
Rome  about  equal  to  those  of  Roman  citizens,  and  the  Latins 
were  therefore  ready  to  fight  for  the  defense  of  the  city  whose 
leadership  they  followed. 

For  two  generations  the  new  republic  struggled  for  the 
preservation  of  its  mere  existence.  This  struggle  against 
threatening  enemies  on  all  its  frontiers,  especially  the  Etrus- 
cans, was  the  motive  power  which  stirred  the  little  nation 
to  constant  effort,  to  vigorous  life,  and  to  steady  growth.  Fortu- 
nately for  the  Romans,  within  a generation  after  the  founda- 
tion of  the  Republic  the  fleet  of  Syracuse  utterly  destroyed 
the  Etruscan  fleet  (474  b.c.)  (Fig.  226).  Later  the  Etruscans 


812.  The 
Latin  Lea^e 
and  the  treaty 
with  Rome 


813.  Early 
struggles  of 
the  Repub- 
lic : against 
Etruscans 
and  Italic 
neighbors 


512 


Ancient  Times 


814.  Agri- 
cultural colo- 
nization and 
expansion 
the  Roman 
policy 


were  attacked  in  the  rear  by  the  Gauls  (§722  and  Fig.  215), 
who  were  at  this  time  pouring  over  the  Alpine  passes  into  the 
valley  of  the  Po  and  laying  waste  the  Etruscan  cities  of  the 
North.  This  weakening  of  the  Etruscans  at  the  hands  of  their 
enemies  on  both  north  and  south  probably  saved  Rome  from 
destruction.  It  enabled  the  Romans  to  maintain  a ten  year.:’ 
siege  of  Veii,  a strong  southern  fortress  of  the  Etruscans  only 
eight  miles  from  Rome,  till  they  captured  and  destroyed  it 
(396  B.C.).  At  the  same  time  the  Italic  tribes  surrounding 
Latium  on  the  south,  east,  and  north  were  constantly  invading 
and  plundering  the  fields  and  pastures  of  the  Latin  tribes  and 
threatening  the  city.  Rome  beat  off  these  marauders,  and  by 
establishing  a group  of  colonies  along  the  coast  south  of  the 
Tiber,  formed  a buffer  against  such  invasions  from  the  South. 

By  400  B.  c.  or  a little  after,  the  Romans  had  conquered  and 
taken  possession  of  a fringe  of  new  territory  on  all  sides,  which 
protected  them  from  their  enemies. 

In  the  new  territory  thus  gained  the  Romans  planted  colonies 
of  citizens,  or  they  granted  citizenship  or  other  valuable  privi- 
leges to  the  absorbed  population.  Roman  peasants,  obligated  to  ! 
bear  Roman  arms  and  having  a voice  in  the  government,  thus 
pushed  out  into  the  expanding  borders  of  Roman  territoiy^ 
This  policy  of  ag7icidtural  expansion  steadily  and  consistently  j 
followed  by  the  Senate  was  irresistible,  for  it  gave  to  Rome  j 
an  ever-increasing  body  of  brave  and  hardy  citizen-soldiers, 
cultivating  their  own  lands,  and  ready  at  all  times  to  take  up 
the  sword  in  defense  of  the  State  which  shielded  them.  The  [ 

Roman  policy  was  thus  in  striking  contrast  with  the  narrow  ' 

methods  of  the  Greek  republics,  which  jealously  prevented  out-  | 
siders  from  gaining  citizenship.  It  was  the  steady  expansion  of 
Rome  under  this  policy  which  in  a little  over  two  centuries  after  ; 
the  expulsion  of  the  Etruscan  kings  made  the  little  republic  on  1 
the  Tiber  mistress  of  all  Italy  (see  map,  p,  516).  j 

The  second  century  of  Roman  expansion  opened  with  a fear-  | 
ful  catastrophe,  which  very  nearly  accomplished  the  complete  | 


The  Western  Mediterra7iea7i  World 


513 


destruction  of  the  nation.  In  the  first  two  decades  after 
400  B.c.  the  barbarian  Gauls,-  who  had  been  overrunning  the 
territor)'  of  the  Etruscans  (§  813),  finally  reached  the  lower 
Tiber,  and  the  Roman  army  which  went  out  to  meet  them  was' 
completely  defeated.  The  city,  still  undefended  by  walls,  was 
entirely  at  their  mercy.  They  entered  at  once  (382  b.c.), 
plundering  and  burning.  Only  the  citadel  on  the  Capitol  hill 
held  out  against  the  barbarians.  Long  afterward  Roman  tradi- 
tion told  how  even  the  citadel  was  being  surprised  at  night  by 
a party  of  Gauls  who  clambered  up  the  heights,  when  the 
sacred  geese,  kept  in  a temple  close  by,  aroused  the  garrison 
by  their  cackling,  and  the  storming  party  was  repulsed.  Wearied 
by  a long  siege  of  the  citadel  the  Gauls  at  length  agreed  to 
accept  a ransom  of  gold  and  to  return  northward,  where  they 
settled  in  the  valley  of  the  Po.  But  they  still  remained  a 
serious  danger  to  the  Romans. 

As  Rome  recovered  from  this  disaster,  it  was  evident  that 
the  city  needed  fortifications,  and  for  the  first  time  masonry 
walls  (plan,  p.  500)  were  built  around  it.  This  gave  the  city  a 
strength  it  had  not  before  possessed.  It  gained  the  southern 
territory  of  the  Etruscans,  now  much  weakened  by  the  inroads 
of  the  Gauls,  and  it  also  seized  new  possessions  in  the  Cam- 
panian plain.  The  high-handed  manner  in  which  Rome  was 
now  taking  new  lands  seems  to  have  alarmed  even  the  Latin 
tribes,  and  they  endeavored  to  break  away  from  the  control  of 
the  powerful  walled  city.  In  the  two  years’  war  which  resulted 
the  city  was  completely  victorious,  and  the  Roman  Senate 
forced  the  defeated  Latin  tribes  to  break  up  the  Latin  League 
(338  B.C.).  The  Roman  Senate  then  proceeded  to  make  sepa- 
rate treaties  with  each  of  the  Latin  tribes,  and  did  not  grant 
them  as  many  privileges  as  formerly.  Rome  thus  gained  the 
undisputed  leadership  of  the  Latin  tribes,  which  was  at  last 
to  bring  her  the  leadership  of  Italy. 

The  year  338  B.c.,  in  which  this  important  event  took 
place,  is  a date  to  be  weU  remembered,  for  it  also  witnessed 


815.  Capture 
of  Rome  by 
the  Gauls 
(382  B.c.) 


816.  Subju- 
gation of  the 
Latin  tribes 
and  collapse 
of  the  Latin 
League 
(338  B.C.) 


514 


Ancient  Times 


817.  The 
leadership 
of  Greeks 
and  Latins 
decided  in  the 
same  year 
(338  B.c.) 


818.  The 
new  Samnite 
enemy  and 
the  opening 
of  hostilities 


819.  The 
Samnite 
Wars  (325- 
290  B.c.)  and 
the  battle 
of  Sentinum 
(295  B.c.) 


the  defeat  of  the  Greek  cities  at  the  hands  of  Philip  of 
Macedon  (§  685).  In  the  same  year,  therefore,  both  the 
Greeks  and  the  Latins  saw  themselves  conquered  and  falling 
under  the  leadership  of  a single  state  — the  Greeks  under  that 
of  Macedonia,  the  Latins  under  that  of  Rome.  But  in  Greece 
that  leadership  was  in  the  hands  of  one  man  who  might  and 
did  perish ; while  in  Italy  the  leadership  of  the  Latins  was  in 
the  hands  of  a whole  body  of  wise  leaders,  the  Roman  Senate. 
In  sixty-five  years  they  were  now  to  gain  the  leadership  of 
all  Italy  (see  maps  II,  III,  and  IV,  p.  516). 

Meantime  another  formidable  foe,  a group  of  Italic  tribes 
called  the  Samnites,  had  been  gaining  possession  of  the  moun- 
tains which  form  the  backbone  of  the  Italian  peninsula  inland 
from  Rome.  They  had  gained  some  civilization  from  the 
Greek  cities  of  the  South,  and  they  were  able  to  muster  a 
large  army  of  hardy  peasants,  very  dangerous  in  war.  But 
they  lacked  the  steadying  and  continuous  leadership  of  a gov- 
erning city  like  Rome.  Some  of  them  drifted  down  into  the 
plains  of  Campania  (see  map,  p.  484),  where  they  captured 
Capua,  one  of  the  southern  outposts  of  the  Etruscans.  Within 
forty  years  after  the  expulsion  of  the  Gauls,  the  Samnites  were 
in  hostile  collision  with  Rome.  By  325  b.c.  a fierce  war  broke 
out,  which  lasted  with  interruptions  for  a generation.  The 
Romans  lost  several  battles,  and  in  one  case  were  subjected 
by  the  Samnites  to  the  ordeal  of  marching  ” under  the  yoke,” 
a humiliation  which  the  Romans  never  forgot.^ 

But  the  resources  of  the  Roman  Senate  were  not  confined 
to  fighting.  They  gained  lands  and  established  Roman  colonies 
on  the  east  of  the  Apennines  and  in  the  plain  of  Campania. 
From  these  new  possessions  they  were  able  to  attack  the  Sam- 
nites from  both  sides  of  the  mountains  (see  map  II,  p.  516).  The 
Samnites  attempted  a combination  of  Rome’s  enemies  against 
her.  They  succeeded  in  shifting  their  army  northward  and 

I'rhe  defeated  troops  in  token  of  their  submission  marched  under  a lance 
supported  horizontally  on  two  upright  lances  and  called  a " yoke.” 


The  Western  Mediterranean  World 


515 


joining  forces  with  both  the  Etruscans  and  the  Gauls.  All  cen- 
tral and  much  of  northern  Italy  was  now  involved  in  the  war. 
In  the  mountains  midway  between  the  upper  Tiber  and  the 
eastern  shores  of  Italy  the  Roman  army  met  and  crushed  the 
combined  forces  of  the  allies  in  a terrible  battle  at  Sentinum 
(295  B.  c.).  This  battle  decided  the  future  of  Italy  for  over 
two  thousand  years.  It  not  only  gave  the  Romans  possession 
of  central  Italy,  but  it  made  them  the  leading  power  in  the 
whole  peninsula  (see  map  III,  p.  516). 

Henceforth  the  Etruscans  were  unable  to  maintain  them- 
selves as  a leading  power.  One  by  one  their  cities  were  taken 
by  the  Romans,  or  they  entered  into  alliance  with  Rome.  The 
Gallic  barbarians  were  beaten  off,  and  the  stream  of  Gallic  in- 
vasion which  was  thus  forced  back  in  northern  Italy  by  Rome 
flowed  over  eastward  and  southward  into  the  Balkan  Peninsula, 
as  we  have  seen  (§  722).  The  settled  Gauls,  however,  continued 
to  hold  the  Po  valley,  and  the  northern  boundary  of  the  Roman 
conquests  was  along  the  Arnus  River,  south  of  the  Apennines. 
Southward  the  resistance  of  the  Samnites  was  easily  crushed 
within  five  years  after  the  battle  at  Sentinum.  They  and  the 
other  leading  peoples  of  southern  Italy,  with  the  exception  of 
the  Greeks  there,  were  forced  to  enter  the  Roman  alliance. 
The  Romans  were  supreme  from  the  Amus  to  the  Greek  cities 
of  southern  Italy  (see  map  III,  p.  516). 

The  great  rivals  in  the  Western  world  were  now  the  Romans, 
the  Greeks,  and  the  Carthaginians.  As  for  the  home  cities  of 
the  Greeks,  they  were  under  the  successors  of  Alexander,  fight- 
ing among  themselves  for  possession  of  the  fragments  of  his 
empire  (Chap.  XX),  while  Rome  was  gaining  the  leadership 
of  Italy.  As  for  the  western  Greek  colonies  (§§  440-441)  four 
centuries  of  conflict  among  themselves  had  left  them  still  a 
disunited  group  of  cities  fringing  southern  Italy  and  Sicily. 
They  had  long  been  fighting  with  the  Italic  tribes  and  other 
peoples  of  southern  Italy,  and  a number  of  the  Greek  cities 
of  the  region  had  fallen.  The  survivors,  alarmed  at  the 


820.  Rome 
the  mistress 
of  central 
and  northern 
Italy  to  the 
Amus  River 
after  Sen- 
tinum 


821.  En- 
deavor of 
the  western 
Greeks  to 
unite  against 
Rome 


Expansion  of  Roman  Power  in  Italy 


The  Western  Mediterranean  World  5^7 

threatening  expansion  of  Roman  power,  now  made  another 
endeavor  to  unite,  and  called  in  help  from  the  outside. 

The  leading  city  of  the  Greeks  in  southern  Italy  was  Taren- 
tum.  Unable  to  secure  effective  aid  from  the  now  declining 
home  cities  of  Greece,  the  men  of  Tarentum  sent  an  appeal 
to  Pyrrhus,  the  vigorous  and  able  king  of  Epirus,  just  across 
from  the  heel  of  Italy.  Pyrrhus  fully  understood  the  highly 
developed  art  of  war  as  it  had  grown  up  with  Epaminondas 
(§  638)  and  Philip  of  Macedon  (§  681).  Besides  Thessalian 
horsemen,  the  best  cavalry  in  the  world,  he  had  secured  from 
the  Orient  a formidable  innovation  in  the  form  of  fighting 
elephants.  With  an  army  of  well-trained  Greek  infantry  of 
the  phalanx  besides,  and  his  well-known  talent  as  a soldier, 
Pyrrhus  was  a highly  dangerous  foe.  His  purpose  was  to 
form  a great  nation  of  the  western  Greeks  in  Sicily  and  Italy. 
Such  a nation  would  have  proved  a formidable  rival  of  both 
Rome  and  Carthage. 

On  the  arrival  of  Pyrrhus  he  completely  defeated  the 
Romans  at  Heraclea  in  280  b. c.,  and  in  the  following  year 
they  were  routed  again.  Pyrrhus  proceeded  in  triumph  to 
Sicily,  where  he  gained  the  whole  island  except  the  Cartha- 
ginian colony  on  the  outermost  western  end  (Lilybaeum), 
which  he  could  not  capture  for  lack  of  a fleet.  He  seemed 
about  to  succeed  in  his  effort  to  establish  a powerful  western 
Greek  empire,  when  he  met  with  serious  difficulties.  The 
Carthaginians,  who  saw  a dangerous  rival  rising  only  a few 
hours’  sail  from  their  home  harbor,  sent  a fleet  to  assist  the 
Romans  against  Pyrrhus.  When  the  ambassador  of  Pyrrhus 
arrived  at  Rome  with  proposals  of  peace,  the  Carthaginian  fleet 
was  at  the  mouth  of  the  Tiber,  and  the  Roman  Senate  reso- 
lutely refused  to  make  peace  while  the  army  of  Pyrrhus  occu- 
pied Italian  soil.  At  the  same  time  the  Greeks  disagreed  among 
themselves,  as  they  always  did  at  critical  times.  Pyrrhus  then 
withdrew  from  Sicily,  and  finding  himself  unable  to  inflict  a 
decisive  defeat  on  the  Romans,  he  returned  to  Epirus. 


822.  Pyrrhus 
of  Epirus 
and  his  plan 
of  forming 
an  empire  of 
the  western 
Greeks 


823.  The  war 
with  Pyrrhus 
(280- 
275  B.c.)  ; 
Roman 
defeats  at 
Heraclea 
(280 B.c.)  and 
Asculum 
(279  B.c.) 


518 


Aficient  Times 


824.  Rome 
in  possession 
of  the  entire 
Italian  pen- 
insula; result- 
ing rivalry 
befween 
Rome  and 
Lartnage 


One  by  one  the  helpless  Greek  cities  now  surrendered  to  the 
Roman  army,  and  they  had  no  choice  but  to  accept  alliance 
with  the  Romans  (see  map  I V,  p.  5 1 6).  Thus  ended  all  hope 
of  a great  Greek  nation  in  the  West.  In  two  centuries  and 
a quarter  (500-275  b.c.)  the  tiny  republic  on  the  Tiber  had 
gained  the  mastery  of  the  entire  Italian  peninsula  south  of  the 
Po  valley  (see  map  IV,  p.  5 1 6).  There  were  now  but  two  rivals 
in  the  western  Mediterranean  world — Rome  and  Carthage.  In 
following  the  inevitable  struggle  of  these  two  for  the  mastery 
of  the  western  Mediterranean  world  during  the  next  two  gen- 
erations, we  shall  be  watching  the  final  conflict  between  the 
western  wings  of  the  two  great  racial  lines,  the  Semitic  and 
the  Indo-European  (Fig.  112).  But  before  we  take  up  this 
struggle  we  must  learn  more  about  the  character  and  the  civili- 
zation of  the  great  Roman  power  which  thus  grew  up  in  Italy. 
These  men  who  won  the  supremacy  of  Italy  for  the  little 
republic  on  the  Tiber  were  the  first  generation  of  Romans 
about  whom  sufficient  information  has  survived  to  make  us 
well  acquainted  with  them. 


QUESTIONS 

Section  72.  Into  what  divisions  does  the  Mediterranean  fall? 

In  which  did  civilization  arise?  Why?  Describe  Italy.  Tell  about  | 
the  earliest  migrations  into  Italy  and  the  incoming  of  metal.  What  I 
Indo-European  tribes  came  into  Italy,  and  when?  Did  they  find 
civilization  there?  What  weapon  had  the  western  Mediterranean 
peoples  devised?  What  three  rivals  of  the  Italic  tribes  came  in? 
Tell  about  their  coming.  What  did  the  Greeks  accomplish  against 
the  Carthaginians  and  Etruscans?  Did  the  western  Greeks  unite 
into  a nation  ? What  did  they  bring  into  Italy  ? 

Section  73.  Describe  Latium.  What  tribes  settled  there?  ! 

\ What  town  first  led  them?  Where  was  the  market  of  the  Latins? 
Who  traded  there  ? Describe  the  place.  What  was  it  called  ? Who 
seized  it  in  the  eighth  century  B.  c.  ? What  line  of  kings  arose  ? ■ 

Describe  their  rule  and  civilization.  i 

Section  74.  Whence  did  the  Romans  gain  their  alphabet  ? What  ; 
other  Greek  influences  can  you  mention?  What  oriental  mode  of 


The  Western  Mediterranean  World 


519 


divination  did  the  Etruscans  and  the  Romans  practice?  What  can 
you  say  of  the  religious  ideas  of  the  Romans?  Who  succeeded  the 
Etruscan  kings  as  rulers  of  Rome  ? What  magistrates  did  the  people 
elect  for  their  own  protection?  What  great  council  arose?  Who 
had  the  exclusive  right  to  serve  as  consuls  and  to  sit  in  the  Senate  ? 
Describe  the  assemblies  of  the  people.  Who  had  the  power  to  make 
laws?  What  new  nobility  arose?  How  did  they  gain  control  of  the 
Senate  ? How  did  the  Senate  gain  the  leadership  of  the  State  ? What 
can  you  say  of  this  leadership  ? 

Section  75.  What  was  the  relation  between  Rome  and  the  Latin 
tribes  around  it?  What  was  happening  to  the  Etruscans  after 
500  B.C.?  Describe  the  colonial  policy  of  the  Roman  Senate.  Tell 
about  the  coming  of  the  Gauls.  What  happened  to  the  Latin  League 
in  338  B.C.?  What  happened  in  Greece  the  same  year?  Who  were 
the  Samnites?  Tell  the  story  of  the  Roman  struggle  with  them. 
What  battle  ended  it?  When?  Were  the  western  Greeks  able  to 
unite  against  Rome?  What  did  Tarentum  do?  Recount  the  war 
with  Pyrrhus.  What  happened  to  the  Greeks  of  Italy  after  the  retire- 
ment of  Pyrrhus?  How  long  had  it  taken  Rome  to  gain  the  leader- 
ship of  Italy  ? 

Note.  The  tailpiece  below  shows  us  the  prehistoric  warriors  of  the  western 
Mediterranean  in  the  thirteenth  century  B.c.  Notice  the  heavy  bronze  swords 
carried  with  point  up.  They  are  simply  elongated  Egyptian  daggers  (Fig.  132 
and  § 776).  The  scene  is  engraved  on  the  walls  of  the  temple  of  Abu  Simbel  in 
Egypt  (Fig.  70),  built  by  Ramses  11,  in  whose  army  these  Westerners  were 
serving. 


825.  The 
problem  of 
making  Italy 
a nation 


826.  Self- 
governing 
local  com- 
munities 
made  allies 


CHAPTER  XXIII 

THE  SUPREMACY  OF  THE  ROMAN  REPUBLIC  IN  ITALY  AND 
THE  RIVALRY  WITH  CARTHAGE 

Section  76.  Italy  under  the  Early  Roman 
Republic 

After  the  leadership  of  Italy  had  been  gained  by  Rome,  there 
were  men  still  living  who  could  remember  the  Latin  war  (ended 
338  B.C.),  when  Rome  had  lost  even  the  surrounding  fields  of 
little  Latium.  Now,  sixty-five  years  later,  the  city  on  the  Tiber 
was  mistress  cf  all  Italy.  The  new  power  over  a large  group 
of  cities  and  states,  thus  gained  within  a single  lifetime,  was 
exercised  by  the  Roman  Senate  with  the  greatest  skill  and  j 
success.  Had  Rome  annexed  all  the  conquered  lands,  and  en-  \ 
deavored  to  rule  them  from  Rome,  the  population  of  Italy 
would  have  been  dissatisfied,  and  constant  revolts  would  have 
followed.  How,  then,  was  Italy  to  become  a nation,  controlled  I 
by  Rome  ? 

The  Romans  began  by  granting  the  defeated  cities  a kind  I 
of  citizenship.  It  entitled  them  to  all  the  protection  of  the  , 
Roman  State  in  carrying  on  commerce  and  business,  to  all  ! 

Note.  The  above  headpiece  represents  the  beautiful  stone  sarcophagus  of 
one  of  the  early  Scipios,  found  in  the  family  tomb  on  the  Appian  Way  (Fig.  227). 

It  is  adorned  with  details  of  Greek  architecture,  which  clearly  show  that  it  was  1 
done  by  a Greek  artist  (§  831).  Verses  in  early  Latin,  on  the  side  of  the  sar-  j 
cophagus,  contain  praises  of  the  departed  Scipio. 

520  ! 


The  S^ipremacy  of  the  Roman  Republic  in  Italy  521 


the  rights  of  every  Roman  citizen  in  the  law  courts,  and,  at  the 
same  time,  to  social  privileges  like  that  of  intermarriage.  But 
this  citizenship  did  not  entitle  them  to  vote.  In  distant  com- 
munities, however,  no  one  felt  the  lack  of  this  privilege,  for  in 
order  to  vote  it  was  necessary  to  go  to  Rome.  Cities  and  com- 
munities controlled  by  Rome  in  this  way  were  called  " allies.” 
The  protection  of  the  powerful  Roman  State  in  carrying  on 
business  and  commerce  was  of  itself  a very  valuable  advan- 
tage to  the  allies.  They  were  therefore  willing  to  place  their 
troops  entirely  at  the  disposal  of  Rome,  and  also  all  their  deal- 
ings with  foreign  peoples;  for  they  still  had  full  control  of  their 
own  local  internal  affairs,  except  those  of  the  army.  In  all  this 
Rome  wisely  granted  the  different  cities  very  different  rights, 
and  laid  upon  them  highly  varied  restrictions.  Thus  no  two 
cities  were  likely  to  feel  the  same  grievances  or  make  common 
cause  against  Roman  rule  of  Italy. 

Rome  had,  however,  gradually  annexed  a good  deal  of  terri- 
tor)’  to  pay  her  war  expenses  and  to  supply  her  increasing  num- 
bers of  citizens  with  land.  Her  own  full  citizens  thus  occupied 
about  one  sixth  of  the  territory  of  Italy.  It  consisted  chiefly  of 
the  region  between  the  Apennine  Mountains  and  the  sea,  from 
Caere  on  the  north  to  Capua  and  Cumae  on  the  south  (see 
map,  p.  484).  It  likewise  included  some  important  areas  in 
the  Apennines  and  on  the  Adriatic  coast.  It  was  furthermore 
Rome’s  policy  to  sprinkle  Roman  colonies  through  the  territory 
of  the  allies.  All  Italy  was  thus  more  or  less  dotted  with  com- 
munities of  Roman  citizens.  By  these  wise  measures  Rome 
gained  and  kept  control  of  Italy. 

Rome  thus  brought  into  a kind  of  unity  what  we  may  geo- 
graphically call  Italy ; but  an  examination  of  its  population  will 
readily  show  us  how  far  Italy  really  was  from  being  a nation, 
even  though  controlled  by  Rome.  Besides  the  Gauls,  whose 
territory  in  the  Po  valley  had  not  yet  been  taken  over  by  the 
Romans,  were  the  conquered  Etruscans,  who  occupied  a large 
part  of  northern  Italy.  In  the  central  region  were  the  Latins 


827.  Com- 
munities 
enjoying  full 
Roman  citi- 
zenship 


828.  Lack 
of  national 
unity  in  Italy; 
diversity  of 
language 


522 


Ancient  Times 


829.  Lack 
of  national 
unity  in  Italy: 
no  common 
traditions 


830.  Italy 
to  become 
Latin  in 
speech, 
Greek  in 
civilization 


and  the  other  Italic  tribes.  These  tribes  all  spoke  related  dia- 
lects, which  were,  however,  so  different  that  no  one  tribe  could 
understand  any  of  the  others.  Finally,  in  the  South  were  the 
Greek  cities.  There  was  therefore  no  common  language  in 
Italy,  even  among  the  Indo-Europeans,  and  this  created  a situ- 
ation very  different  from  that  in  Greece. 

Neither  did  the  peoples  of  Italy  possess  any  common  literary 
inheritance  such  as  the  Greeks  had  in  the  Homeric  poems. 
Nothing  in  their  history,  like  the  Trojan  War  in  that  of  the 
Greeks  (§411),  had  ever  given  them  common  traditions. 
Roman  organization  had  created  a kind  of  United  States  of 
Italy,  which  might  after  a long  time  slowly  merge  into  a nation. 
Meantime  these  peoples,  of  course,  had  no  feeling  of  patriotism 
toward  Rome.  Speaking  different  languages,  so  that  they  did 
not  understand  one  another  when  they  met,  they  long  remained 
quite  distinct. 

In  language  the  future  nation  was  to  be  Latin,  the  tongue 
of  the  ruling  city ; geographically  it  comprised  Italy ; politically 
it  was  Roman.^  When  we  consider  Rome  from  the  point  of 
view  of  civilization,  however,  we  are  obliged  to  add  a fourth 
name.  For  as  time  went  on,  Italy  was  to  become  in  civilization 
more  and  more  Greek.  The  Greek  cities  extended  as  far  north 
as  the  plains  of  Campania,  where  Rome  had  early  taken  Capua, 
in  size  the  second  city  of  Italy.  In  the  days  of  the  war  with 
Pyrrhus  and  after,  the  Roman  soldiers  had  beheld  with  wonder 
and  admiration  the  beautiful  Greek  temples  in  such  cities  as 
Paestum  (Fig.  219)  and  Tarentum.  Here  for  the  first  time  they 
saw  also  fine  theaters,  and  they  must  have  attended  Greek  plays, 
of  which  they  understood  little  or  nothing.  But  the  races  and 
athletic  games  in  the  handsome  stadium  of  such  a Greek  city 
required  no  interpretation  in  order  to  be  understood  by  the 
sturdy  Roman  soldiers. 


1 Compare  the  similar  .application  of  three  names  to  our  own  country.  Politi- 
cally we  are  the  United  States,  geographically  we  are  commonly  called  America, 
while  our  language  is  English. 


The  Stipremacy  of  the  Romatt  Republic  in  Italy  523 


In  southern  Italy  the  Romans  had  taken  possession  of  the 
western  fringe  of  the  great  Hellenistic  world,  whose  wonderful 
civilization  we  have  already  studied  (Chap.  XXI).  The  Romans 
at  once  felt  the  superiority  of  this  new  world  of  cultivated  life, 
which  they  had  entered  in  southern  Italy.  When  a highborn 
Roman  family  like  that  of  the  Scipios  wished  to  have  carved  a 
beautiful  sarcophagus  (stone  coffin)  for  their  father,  they  em- 
ployed a Greek  sculptor  from  the  South  (headpiece,  p.  520).  At 
the  same  time 
the  temples  of 
Rome  began  to 
be  laid  out  on 
an  ground 

plan,  like  those 
of  the  Greeks, 
and  no  longer  on 
a square  ground 
plan  like  those 
of  the  Etruscans. 

As  Roman  power 
expands  we  shall 
see  this  conquest 
of  the  Remans 
by  Greek  civilization  making  greater  and  greater  progress- 
It  was  as  yet  chiefly  in  commerce  and  in  business  that  Greek 
influences  were  evident.  Greek  merchants  from  the  Southern 
cities  now  enjoyed  Roman  protection  when  they  traded  in 
Rome.  Greek  silver  money  appeared  in  greater  quantities  after 
the  capture  of  the  Greek  cities.  Copper  coins  were  no  longer 
sufficient  for  Roman  business,  and  not  long  after  the  fall  of 
Tarentum,  in  268  B.c.  (§  824),  Rome  issued  her  first  silver  coin 
(Fig.  235).  Just  as  Athens  had  once  done  (§  460),  so  Rome 
now  began  to  feel  the  influence  of  money,  and  a moneyed  class, 
largely  merchants,  arose.  They  were  not  manufacturers,  as  at 
Athens,  and  Rome  never  became  a great  industrial  center. 


Fig.  235.  A Roman  Denarius  of  Silver 

After  the  capture  of  the  Greek  cities  of  southern 
Italy,  the  Romans  began  the  coinage  of  silver 
(268  B.c.)  (see  § 832).  The  large  and  inconvenient 
as  (Fig.  233,  B)  was  no  longer  necessary  for  large 
payments,  and  it  was  thereafter  reduced  in  size 
to  one  sixth.  Silver  was  then  used  for  all  large 
transactions.  On  the  value  of  this  coin  see  § 832 


831.  Early 
evidences  of 
Greek  art  and 
architecture 
in  Rome 


832.  Greek 
influence  on 
commerce 
and  coinage 
of  silver  at 
Rome ; rise 
of  moneyed 
class 


524 


Ancient  Times 


Section  77.  Rome  and  Carthage  as 
Commercial  Rivals 


833.  Com- 
mercial 
expansion 
of  Rome 
seaward 


834.  Early 
mercantile 
successes  of 
the  Semites, 
and  the  foun- 
dation of 
Carthage 


The  old  policy  of  agricultural  expansion  (§  814)  had  slowly 
brought  Rome  the  leadership  within  Italy.  A new  policy  of 
com7nercial  expansion  was  to  bring  her  into  conflict  with  the 
Mediterranean  world  outside  of  Italy.  The  farmers  had  looked 
no  farther  than  the  shores  of  Italy,  but  the  transactions  of  the 
Roman  merchants  reached  out  beyond  those  shores.  Roman 
ships  issuing  from  the  Tiber  entered  a triangular  inclosure  of 
the  Mediterranean,  called  the  Etruscan  Sea.  The  sides  of  the 
triangle  were  formed  by  Corsica  and  Sardinia  on  the  west  and 
Italy  on  the  east,  while  on  the  south  the  bottom  of  the  triangle 
was  formed  by  Sicily  and  the  Carthaginian  coast  of  Africa.  A 
glance  at  the  map  (I,  p.  552)  shows  us  how  Rome  and  Carthage 
faced  each  other  across  this  triangular  sea,  where  both  were 
now  carrying  on  extensive  business. 

It  was  indeed  a dangerous  rival  which  now  confronted  Rome 
across  the  Etruscan  Sea.  In  the  veins  of  the  Carthaginians 
flowed  the  blood  of  those  hardy  desert  mariners  of  Arabia,  the 
Semitic  caravaneers  (§  137)  who  had  made  the  market  places 
of  Babylon  the  center  of  ancient  Eastern  trade  two  thousand 
years  before  Rome  ever  owned  a ship.  The  fleets  of  their 
Phoenician  ancestors  had  coursed  the  Mediterranean  in  the 
days  when  the  Stone  Age  barbarians  of  Italy  were  eagerly 
looking  for  the  merchant  of  the  East  and  his  metal  implements 
(§  328).  While  Rome  was  an  obscure  trading  village  on  the 
Tiber,  and  before  the  Greeks  ever  entered  these  waters,  the 
Phoenician  merchants,  the  earliest  explorers  of  the  western 
Mediterranean,  had  perceived  the  advantageous  position  of  the 
commanding  projection  where  the  African  coast  thrusts  out 
toward  Sicily.  Here,  on  the  northern  edge  of  the  region  now 
called  Tunis,  they  had  planted  the  city  which  had  become  the 
commercial  queen  of  the  western  Mediterranean  and  the  most 
powerful  rival  of  Rome  (map  I,  p.  552). 


The  Supremacy  of  the  Romafi  Republic  in  Italy  525 

This  advantageous  situation  gave  Carthage  unrivaled  com- 
mercial opportunities.  Gradually,  as  her  trade  carried  her  in 
both  directions,  she  had  gained  the  coast  on  both  sides- — 
eastward  to  the  frontiers  of  the  Greek  city  of  Gyrene,  and 
westward  to  the  Atlantic.  Her  merchants  absorbed  southern 
Spain,  with  its  profitable  silver  mines,  and  they  gained  control 
of  the  import  of  British  tin  by  way  of  the  Strait  of  Gibraltar. 
Outside  of  this  strait  their  settlements  extended  northward 
along  the  coast  of  Spain  and  southward  along  the  Atlantic 
coast  of  Africa  to  the  edge  of  the  Sahara.  In  this  direction 
Hanno,  one  of  their  fearless  captains,  explored  the  coast  of 
Africa  as  far  as  Guinea  (§  747,  and  map  I,  p.  552). 

It  was  only  the  incoming  of  the  Greeks  (§§  440—441)  which 
had  prevented  the  Carthaginians  from  taking  possession  of  the 
Mediterranean  islands  upon  which  their  splendid  harbor  looked 
out.  They  usually  held  a large  part  of  Sicily,  the  west  end  of 
which  was  almost  visible  from  the  housetops  of  Carthage. 
They  planted  their  colonies  in  the  islands  of  Sardinia  and 
Corsica,  and  they  had  ports  in  the  Balearic  Islands,  between 
Sardinia  and  Spain.  They  closed  the  Strait  of  Gibraltar  and 
the  ports  of  the  islands  to  ships  from  all  other  cities.  Foreign 
ships  intruding  in  these  waters  were  promptly  rammed  and 
sunk  by  Carthaginian  warships. 

Unlike  Rome,  the  military  power  of  Carthage,  supported  by 
the  profits  from  trade,  was  built  up  entirely  on  a basis  of  money, 
with  which,  as  long  as  she  prospered,  she  could  support  a large 
mercenary  army.  She  had  no  farmers  cultivating  their  own 
land,  from  w'hom  she  could  draw  an  army  of  citizen-soldiers  as 
did  Rome.  The  rich  and  fertile  region  of  Tunis  just  south  of 
Carthage  had  indeed  been  taken  by  the  Carthaginians  from  its 
native  owners.  Here  the  merchant  princes  of  the  city  developed 
large  and  beautiful  estates,  worked  by  slaves ; but  such  lands, 
supporting  no  small  farmers,  furnished  no  troops  for  the  army. 

This  was  a serious  weakness  in  the  organization  of  the  Car- 
thaginian state.  The  rulers  of  the  city  never  trusted  the  army. 


835.  Cartha- 
ginian ex- 
pansion in 
Africa  and 
Spain 


836.  Cartha- 
ginian expan- 
sion in  the 
western  Med- 
iterranean 
islands 


837.  Lack 
of  citizen- 
soldiers  at 
Carthage  ; 
commercial 
prosperity 
and  a mer- 
cenaiy  army 


838.  Cartha- 
ginian State 


526 


Ancient  Times 


839.  Car- 
thaginian 
civilization 


840.  The  city 
of  Carthage 


made  up  as  it  was  of  foreigners,  and  they  always  felt  some  dis- 
trust even  toward  their  own  generals,  although  they  were,  of 
course,  bom  Carthaginians.  The  fear  lest  the  generals  should 
endeavor  to  make  themselves  kings  of  Carthage  caused  much 
friction  between  the  government  and  the  Carthaginian  com- 
manders, and  was  frequently  a cause  of  weakness  to  the  nation. 
Although  there  were  two  elective  magistrates  called  Judges 
at  the  head  of  the  State,  Carthage  was  really  governed  by  a 
group  of  merchant  nobles,  a wealthy  aristocracy  whose  mem- 
bers formed  a Council  in  complete  control.  They  were  what 
the  Greeks  called  an  oligarchy  (§  618);  but  they  were  energetic 
and  statesmanlike  rulers.  Centuries  of  shrewd  guidance  on  their 
part  made  Carthage  a great  state,  far  exceeding  in  power  any 
of  the  Greek  states  that  ever  arose,  not  excluding  Athens. 

But  Carthage  remained  in  civilization  an  oriental  power. 
Wherever  her  works  of  art  are  dug  up  to-day,  they  show  all 
the  earlier  limitations  of  oriental  art,  and  seem  to  have  been 
little  influenced  by  the  Greeks.  Only  in  Sicily  did  Carthaginian 
merchants  yield  to  Greek  influence,  take  up  coinage,  and  issue 
silver  money.  In  Carthage  herself  they  retained  the  old  oriental 
commercial  use  of  bars  of  precious  metal  (§  189).  As  her  busi- 
ness grew,  however,  her  merchants  found  it  necessary  to  have 
some  convenient  medium  of  exchange,  and  they  issued  leathern 
money,  the  earliest  predecessor  of  paper  money,  stamped  with 
the  seal  of  the  State,  guaranteeing  its  value.  In  literature  their 
great  explorer  Hanno  (§  835)  wrote  an  account  of  his  explo- 


statesmen,  who  organized  and  developed  the  great  farming  dis- 
trict of  Tunis,  wrote  a treatise  on  agriculture,  which  the  Roman 
Senate  had  translated  into  Latin.  It  became  the  standard  book 
on  agriculture  in  Italy. 

In  matters  of  household  equipment  and  city  building  the 
Carthaginians  were  quite  the  equals  of  the  Greeks.  The  city 
of  Carthage  itself  was  large  and  splendid  (Fig.  239).  It  was  in 
area  three  times  as  large  as  Rome.  Behind  wide  docks  and 


The  Supremacy  of  the  Roman  Republic  in  Italy  527 


extensive  piers  of  masonry,  teeming  with  ships  and  merchan- 
dise, the  city  spread  far  inland,  with  spacious  markets  and  busy 
manufacturing  quarters  humming  with  industry.  Beyond  the 
dwellings  of  the  poorer  craftsmen  and  artisans  rose  the  stately 
houses  of  the  wealthy  merchants,  with  rich  and  sumptuous  trop- 
ical gardens.  Around  the  whole  swept  imposing  walls  and 
massive  fortifications,  inclosing  the  entire  city  and  making  its 
capture  almost  an  impossibility.  Behind  the  great  city,  outside 
the  walls,  stretched  a wide  expanse  of  waving  palm  groves  and 
tropical  plantations,  dotted  with  the  luxurious  country  houses 
of  the  splendid  commercial  lords  of  Carthage,  who  were  to  lead 
the  coming  struggle  with  Rome. 

Back  in  the  days  of  the  Latin  war  (ended  338  B.  c.),  or  a 
little  before,  wLen  the  Roman  merchants  were  still  doing  a 
small  business,  they  had  been  willing  that  the  Senate  should 
make  a treaty  with  Carthage,  drawing  lines  which  the  ships  of 
neither  side  should  cross.  Indeed,  about  the  middle  of  the  Sam- 
nite  Wars  the  Roman  Senate  had  made  a second  treaty  with 
Carthage  (306  b.c.),  in  which  it  was  agreed  that  no  Roman 
ships  would  enter  the  harbors  of  Sicily  and  no  Carthaginian 
ships  should  trade  in  the  ports  of  Italy.  The  capture  of  the 
Greek  cities  of  Italy  by  the  Romans  had  left  the  Greeks  of 
Sicily  to  face  the  power  of  Carthage  entirely  alone.  In  times 
past  they  had  done  this  with  great  success  (§  780),  but  now, 
unable  to  unite  against  Carthage,  they  were  slowly  yielding, 
and  the  Carthaginians  were  steadily  pushing  eastward  and  ab- 
sorbing Sicily.  The  merchants  of  Italy  looked  over  at  the  busy 
harbors  of  Sicily,  where  so  much  profitable  trade  was  going 
on,  and  it  filled  them  wfith  growing  impatience  that  they 
were  not  permitted  to  do  business  there.  With  increasing  vex- 
ation they  realized  that  Rome  had  gained  the  supremacy  o,f 
Italy  and  pushed  her  frontiers  to  the  southernmost  tip  of 
the  peninsula,  only  to  look  across  and  find  that  the  merchant 
princes  of  Carthage  had  made  the  western  Mediterranean  a 
Carthaginian  sea. 


841.  Early 
commercial 
treaties  and 
the  growing 
friction 
between 
Carthage 
and  Rome 


528 


Ancient  Times 


842.  Danger 
to  Rome  in 
the  threat- 
ened loss  of 
the  Strait 
of  Messina 


843.  War 
strength  of 
the  Romans 


844.  Roman 
improve- 
ments in 
arms  and 
tactics 


Indeed,  Carthage  was  gaining  a position  which  might  cut  off 
Rome  from  communication  with  even  her  own  ports  on  the 
Adriatic  side  of  Italy.  To  reach  them,  Roman  ships  must  pass 
through  the  Strait  of  Messina  between  Italy  and  Sicily.  The 
advance  of  Carthage  in  Sicily  might  enable  her  at  any  time  to 
seize  the  Sicilian  city  of  Messina  and  close  this  strait  to  Roman 
ships.  We  can  understand  the  dread  with  which  Italian  mer- 
chants looked  southward,  thinking  of  the  day  when  Cartha- 
ginian warships  in  the  harbor  at  Messina  would  stop  all  traffic 
between  the  west  coast  of  Italy  and  the  Adriatic. 

The  Roman  Senate  without  doubt  shared  these  apprehen- 
sions. Many  a Roman  senator  must  have  asked  himself  the 
question,  What  would  be  Rome’s  chances  of  success  in  a 
struggle  with  the  mighty  North-African  commercial  empire  ? 
Rome  had  little  or  no  navy.  The  Roman  army  had  been 
barely  able  to  maintain  itself  against  a modern  Hellenistic 
commander  like  Pyrrhus.  The  ancient  regulation  drawing  the 
soldiers  only  from  among  the  owners  of  land  had  formerly 
limited  the  size  of  the  army,  but  it  was  greatly  increased  in  size 
by  the  admission  of  the  new  class  of  men  having  property  in 
money  (§  832).  The  introduction  of  pay  for  citizens  in  the  army 
had  also  increased  the  possible  length  of  military  service  among  j 
a people  still  chiefly  made  up  of  farmers  obliged  to  return  home  ‘ 
to  plow,  sow,  and  reap.  The  Romans  could  thus  put  a citizen 
army  of  over  three  hundred  thousand  men  into  the  field.  Besides 
the  troops  made  up  of  Roman  citizens,  the  principle  was  adopted 
of  having  each  army  include  also  about  an  equal  number  of 
troops  drawn  from  the  allies.  This  plan,  therefore,  doubled  : 
the  number  of  available  troops.  The  Roman  army  conse-  ! 
quently  far  exceeded  in  size  any  army  ever  organized  in  the  ^ 
Mediterranean  world.  > 

In  arms  and  tactics  the  Romans  had  been  able  to  make  j 
some  improvements  in  the  Hellenistic  art  of  war  (§  681).  I 
The  spear  was  now  employed  by  the  Romans  only  as  the  1 
battle  opened,  when  it  was  hurled  into  the  ranks  of  the  enemy  I 


The  Snpremacy  of  the  Roman  Republic  in  Italy  5 29 


at  short  range.  After  this  the  battle 
was  fought  b}^  the  Romans  with 
short  swords,  which  were  much 
more  easily  handled  at  close  quar- 
ters than  long  spears  (Fig.  236;. 
At  the  same  time  the  Romans  had 
likewise  improved  the  phalanx, 
which  we  remember  had  thus  far 
been  a massive  unit,  possessing  as 
a whole  no  flexibility  (§637).  It 
had  no  joints.  The  Romans  gave 
it  joints  and  flexibility  by  cutting 
it  up  in  both  directions ; that  is, 
lengthwise  and  crosswise. 

They  divided  the  phalanx  length- 
wise into  three  divisions,  one  form- 
ing the  front,  one  the  middle,  and 
one  the  rear  (Fig.  237).  Each  divi- 
sion was  about  six  men  deep,  and 
there  ■'vas  only  a narrow  space  be- 
tween the  divisions.  The  front  divi- 
sion was  made  up  of  the  young  and 
vigorous  troops,  while  the  older  men 
were  placed  in  the  other  two  divi- 
sions. If  the  steady  old  troops  be- 
hind saw  that  a gap  was  being 
made  in  the  front  division,  it  was 
the  business  of  the  second  division 
to  advance  at  once  and  fill  the 
gap.  This  made  it  necessary'  to 
cut  up  the  divisions  crosswise,  into 
short  sections,  so  that  a section 
could  advance  without  carrying  the 
whole  division  forward.  Such  a 
section  of  a division  had  a front 


^CiA  N 57'  1 Xl  F-  F'(| 


845.  The 
Romans 
cut  up  the 
phalanx  into 
divisions  and 
maniples 


Fig.  236.  A Roman  Sol- 
dier OF  THE  Legion 


The  figure  of  the  soldier  is 
carved  upon  a tombstone, 
erected  in  his  memory  by 
his  brother.  His  offensive 
weapons  are  hisspe&r  (Jn'/nm), 
which  he  holds  in  his  extended 
right  hand  with  point  upward, 
and  his  heavy  short  sword 
(gladhis),  which  he  wears 
girded  high  on  his  right  side 
(see  § 844).  As  defensive 
equipment  he  has  a helmet, 
a leathern  corselet  stopping 
midway  between  the  waist  and 
knees,  and  a shield  (scutum) 


530 


Ancient  Times 


about  twenty  men  long,  and  being,  as  we  have  said,  six  men 
deep,  there  were  a hundred  and  twenty  men  in  each  section 
of  a division.  These  sections  were  called  ma7iiples.  Each 
maniple  in  advancing  to  fill  a gap  before  it  was  like  a foot- 
ball " back  ” when  he  springs  forward  to  stop  a gap  in  the 
line  before  him.  But  it  is  important  to  notice  that  thus  far 
all  three  divisions  of  the  phalanx  were  invariably  kept  to- 
gether ; they  were  inseparable.  The  middle  and  rear  divisions 


A Maniple  of  the  Front  Division 


Rear  Division  c 
Middle  Division  t 
Front  Division  c 


Bear 


Front 


Fig.  237.  Plan  of  a Roman  Threefold  Line  of  Battle  with 
Detail  of  a Single  Maniple  above  it 


Here  we  see  the  once  solid  and  indivisible  phalanx  of  the  Greeks 
broken  up  into  three  divisions  lengthwise  (lower  diagram), — a front, 
middle,  and  rear  division,  — and  likewise  cut  up  crosswise  into  short  sec- 
tions (maniples).  In  the  front  and  middle  divisions  these  maniples  were 
six  men  deep  and  twenty  men  long  (see  upper  diagram)  and  half  as  long 
in  the  rear  division.  These  sections  (maniples)  were  so  placed  that  the 
openings  between  them  did  not  coincide,  but  the  maniples  of  the  middle 
division  covered  the  openings,  or  joints,  in  the  front  division  (§  845) 

were  always  only  supports  of  the  profit  division  immediately  be- 
fore them.  It  had  not  yet  occurred  to  the  Romans  to  shift  the  | 
middle  or  rear  division,  as  football  backs  are  shifted,  to  fight  fac- 
ing in  another  direction,  or  to  post  them  in  another  part  of  the 
field,  leaving  the  first  division  to  fight  unsupported  (Fig.  237). 
When  a great  Roman,  during  the  struggle  with  Carthage,  discov- 
ered the  possibility  of  thus  shifting  the  middle  and  rear  divisions 
(§874),  a new  chapter  in  the  art  of  war  began. 

For  purposes  of  mustering  and  feeding  an  army,  the  Romans 
divided  it  into  larger  bodies,  called  legions,  each  containing 


The  Supremacy  of  the  Roman  Republic  in  Italy  5 3 1 


usually  forty-five  hundred  men,  of  whom  three  hundred  were 
cavalry,  twelve  hundred  were  light-armed  troops,  while  the 
three  thousand  forming  the  body  of  the  legion  were  the  heavy- 
armed men  making  up  the  three  divisions  just  described.  Each 
maniple  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  men  was  divided  into  two 
centuries  of  sixty  men  each,  for  a " century  ” soon  ceased 
always  to  contain  a hundred  men.  Each  century  had  a com- 
mander called  a centurion.  A centurion  and  his  century 
roughly  corresponded  to  our  captain  and  his  company. 

Notwithstanding  these  improvements,  the  Romans  did  not 
at  first  see  the  importance  of  a commander  in  chief  of  long 
experience  — a man  who  made  warfare  his  calling  and  had 
become  a professional  military'  leader  like  the  Hellenistic  com- 
manders (§  630).  Hence  the  Romans  intrusted  their  armies 
without  hesitation  to  the  command  of  their  consuls,  who  as 
presidents  of  the  republic  had  often  never  had  any  experience 
in  military  leadership.  Moreover,  the  consuls  might  be  leading 
their  troops  just  on  the  eve  of  battle,  and  find  themselves 
deprived  of  command  by  the  expiration  of  their  term  of  office. 
In  the  Samnite  Wars  this  difficulty  had  shown  the  Romans  the 
necessity  of  extending  a consul’s  military  power  under  such 
circumstances.  When  this  was  done  he  was  called  a proconsul. 
But  the  Romans  were  still  without  professional  generals  like 
Xenophon  (§  630).  At  the  same  time  the  introduction  of  pay 
for  officers  and  soldiers  had  made  extended  service  possible, 
and  an  experienced  body  of  lower  officers  such  as  the  centu- 
rions had  grown  up. 

In  military  discipline  the  Romans  surpassed  all  other  peoples 
of  ancient  times ; for  even  among  the  Greek  troops  there  was 
great  lack  of  discipline.  We  hear  of  a Roman  father  who 
ordered  his  son  to  be  executed  in  the  presence  of  the  army, 
because  the  young  man  had,  in  disobedience  of  orders,  accepted 
single  combat  with  an  enemy  and  slain  him.  Even  an  ex-consul, 
having  won  a victory  after  receiving  orders  from  the  Dictator 
not  to  give  battle,  was  condemned  to  death  by  the  Dictator  as 


846.  Legions 
and  cen- 
turions 


847.  Lack  of 
experienced 
commanding 
generals 


848.  Roman 
discipline 
and  the  forti- 
fied camp 


532 


Ancient  Times 


the  legal  consequence  of  disobedience  to  a superior.  It  was 
only  with  the  greatest  difficulty  that  he  was  saved  by  his  influ- 
ential friends.  In  accordance  with  the  strict  system  maintained 
in  all  their  operations  it  was  the  invariable  practice  of  a Roman 
army  when  it  halted  to  construct  a square  fortified  camp,  sur- 
rounded by  a ridge  of  earth  bearing  a stockade  of  wooden  posts 
driven  into  the  crest  of  the  ridge.  This  camp  was  a descendant 
of  the  old  prehistoric  pile  village  of  northern  Italy  (Fig.  225). 


QUESTIONS 

Section  76.  How  much  time  elapsed  from  the  final  subjection 
of  Latium  to  Roman  leadership  of  all  Italy.?  How  did  Rome  govern 
the  defeated  cities  of  Italy?  How  much  Italian  territory  was  occu- 
pied by  Roman  citizens?  Where  was  it?  Where  did  Rome  place 
her  colonies?  Was  Italy  a unified  nation?  Why  not?  Mention  the 
races  and  languages  of  Italy.  What  was  the  future  language  to  be? 
Mention  some  early  influences  of  Greek  art  and  architecture  in  Italy; 
of  Greek  business  methods  in  Italy.  What  financial  changes  took 
place  at  Rome  as  a result  ? 

Section  77.  Had  agriculture  carried  the  Romans  outside  of 
Italy?  Was  commerce  now  to  do  so?  Into  what  triangular  sea  does 
the  Tiber  flow?  What  great  commercial  rival  of  Rome  lay  on  the 
same  sea?  Who  were  the  ancestors  of  the  Carthaginians?  What 
had  they  achieved  in  business?  What  region  did  Carthage  com- 
mercially control?  How  did  she  treat  ships  of  other  peoples  in  this 
region?  Describe  the  military  organization  of  Carthage.  Had  she 
any  citizen-soldiers?  What  was  the  character  of  the  Carthaginian 
State?  of  Carthaginian  civilization ? Describe  the  city  and  surround- 
ings. What  was  happening  to  the  Greeks  of  Sicily?  In  whose 
hands  was  the  western  Mediterranean  commercially  ? Describe  the 
danger  at  Messina. 

Tell  about  the  war  strength  of  the  Romans  by  land.  Describe 
their  improvement  of  the  phalanx.  What  was  the  purpose  of  the 
legion?  How  large  was  it?  What  was  a centurion  ? Had  the  Romans 
any  commanding  generals  of  long  experience?  Did  they  have  any 
professional  soldiers?  What  can  you  say  about  the  discipline  of 
a Roman  army?  What  did  the  Romans  do  when  they  camped? 
Where  had  the  plan  of  the  Roman  camp  originated  ? 


CHAPTER  XXIV 


THE  ROMAN  CONQUEST  OF  THE  WESTERN 
MEDITERRANEAN  WORLD 

Section  78.  The  Struggle  with  Carthage  : the 
Sicilian  War,  or  First  Punic  War 

Whatever  might  be  the  risks  involved  in  a struggle  with 
Carthage,  the  Romans  were  soon  convinced  that  it  could  not 
be  avoided.  During  a siege  of  Messina  at  the  hands  of  the 
Syracusans,  one  party  in  the  besieged  place  called  in  the  aid 
of  the  Romans,  while  another  party  appealed  to  Carthage. 
The  result  was  that  a Carthaginian  garrison  quickly  occupied 
the  citadel  of  Messina,  and  the  Carthaginians  were  then  in 
command  of  the  Strait  of  Messina.  The  Romans  had  long 
hesitated,  but  now  they  took  the  memorable  step,  and  a Roman 
army,  responding  to  the  appeal  of  Messina,  left  the  soil  of 

Note.  The  above  fragment  of  a wall-painting  at  Pompeii  shows  us  a Roman 
warship,  seemingly  in  battle,  for  the  wreck  of  another  warship  is  visible  at  the 
left.  Notice  the  two  steering  oars  at  each  side  of  the  stern  — a device  found  on 
Nile  ships  three  thousand  years  earlier  (Fig.  47).  The  rudder  had  not  yet  devel- 
oped from  these  steering  oars.  The  Romans  ascribed  their  success,  in  spite  of 
inexperience,  against  the  Carthaginians  to  a new  boarding  grappler,  which  they 
invented  and  called  a " crow”  (con'its).  It  consisted  of  a heavy  upright  timber, 
which  was  made  to  fall  over  with  the  end  on  the  enemy’s  rail,  where  an  iron  hook 
attached  to  the  end  of  the  ''crow”  grappled  and  held  the  opposing  craft  until  the 
Romans  could  climb  over  into  it.  In  the  hand-to-hand  fighting  which  followed, 
the  sturdy  Romans  more  than  made  up  for  their  inexperience  in  seamanship. 

533 


^9.  Open- 
ing of  the 
Sicilian  War 
(First  Punic 
War)  with 
Carthage  at 
Messina 
(264  B.c.) 


534 


Ancient  Times 


850.  The 
Romans 
build  a fleet 


851.  Roman 
victory  and 
disaster  at  sea 


852.  Final 
naval  victory 
of  the 
Romans 
(241  B.C.) 


Italy  and  crossed  the  sea  for  the  first  time  in  Roman  history. 
The  struggle  with  Carthage  had  begun  (264  b.  c.). 

An  alliance  with  Syracuse  soon  gave  the  Romans  possession 
of  eastern  Sicily,  but  they  were  long  unable  to  make  much 
progress  into  the  central  and  western  portion  of  the  island. 
The  chief  reason  for  this  was  the  lack  of  a strong  war  fleet. 
The  Romans,  therefore,  adopting  a naval  policy  like  that  of 
Themistocles  (§  506),  determined  to  build  a fleet.  The  Senate 
rapidly  pushed  the  building  of  the  new  fleet,  and  in  the  fifth 
year  of  the  war  it  put  to  sea  for  the  first  time.  It  numbered 
a hundred  and  twenty  battleships,  of  which  a full  hundred 
were  large,  powerful  vessels  with  five  banks  of  oars. 

In  spite  of  inexperience,  the  Roman  fleet  was  victorious  in 
two  successive  battles  off  the  coast  of  Italy.  It  looked  as  if 
the  war  would  be  quickly  over.  The  Senate,  however,  finding 
that  the  legions  made  little  progress  in  Sicily,  determined  to 
invade  Africa  and  strike  Carthage  at  home.  The  invasion  was 
at  first  very  successful,  but  its  progress  was  unwisely  interfered 
with  by  the  Senate,  who  recalled  one  of  the  consuls  with  many 
of  the  troops.  The  result  was  that  the  remaining  consul,  with 
his  reduced  army,  was  disastrously  defeated.  Then  one  Roman 
fleet  after  another  was  destroyed  by  heavy  storms  at  sea,  and  ; 
one  of  them  was  badly  defeated  by  the  Carthaginians.  The  I 
Romans  thus  lost  their  newly  won  command  of  the  sea,  and  ' 
were  long  unable  to  make  any  progress  in  the  war. 

Year  after  year  the  struggle  dragged  on,  while  Hamilcar  ■ 
Barca,  the  Carthaginian  commander,  was  plundering  the  coasts  ; 
of  Italy  with  his  fleet.  The  treasury  at  Rome  was  empty,  1 
and  the  Romans  were  at  the  end  of  their  resources ; but  by  1 
private  contributions  they  succeeded  in  building  another  fleet,  | 
which  put  to  sea  in  242  b.c.  with  two  hundred  battleships  i 
of  five  banks  of  oars.  The  Carthaginian  fleet  was  defeated  I 
and  broken  up  (241  b.c.),  and  as  a result  the  Carthaginians  1 
found  themselves  unable  to  send  reenforcements  across  the  i 
sea  to  their  army  in  Sicily. 


Roman  Conquest  of  the  Western  Mediterranean  535 


They  were  therefore  at  last  obliged  to  accept  hard  terms  of 
peace  at  the  hands  of  the  Romans.  The  Carthaginians  were 
to  give  up  Sicily  and  the  neighboring  islands  to  Rome,  and 
to  pay  the  Romans  as  war  damages  the  sum  of  thirty-two 
hundred  talents,  over  three  and  a half  million  dollars,  within 
ten  years.  Thus  in  241  b.  c.,  after  more  than  twenty-three  years 
of  fighting,  the  first  period  of  the  struggle  between  Rome  and 
Carthage  ended  with  the  victory  of  Rome. 

The  struggle  had  been  carried  on  till  both  contestants  were 
completely  exhausted.  Both  had  learned  much  in  the  art  of 
war,  and  Rome  for  the  first  time  had  become  a sea  power. 
At  the  same  time  she  had  taken  a step  which  forever  changed 
her  future  and  altered  her  destiny ; for  the  first  time  she  held 
territory  outside  of  Italy,  and  from  this  step  she  was  never 
able  to  withdraw.  It  has  been  compared  with  the  action  of 
the  United  States  in  taking  Porto  Rico  and  the  Philippines ; 
for  in  gaining  interests  and  responsibilities  across  the  sea,  a 
nation  is  at  once  thrown  into  conflict  with  other  powers  having 
similar  interests,  and  this  conflict  of  interests  never  reaches  au 
end,  but  leads  from  one  war  to  another. 

Section  79.  The  Hannibalic  War  (Second  Punic 
War)  and  the  Destruction  of  Carthage 

Both  the  rivals  now  devoted  themselves  to  increasing  their 
strength,  nor  did  Rome  hesitate  to  do  so  at  'the  expense  of 
Carthage.  Taking  advantage  of  a revolt  among  the  hired  Car- 
thaginian troops  in  Sardinia,  the  Romans  accepted  an  invitation 
from  these  mercenaries  to  invade  both  Sardinia  and  Corsica ; 
and  in  spite  of  protests  from  Carthage,  only  three  years  after 
the  settlement  of  peace  Rome  took  possession  of  these  two 
islands.  Rome  now  possessed  three  island  outposts  against 
Carthage.  Some  years  later  the  Romans  were  involved  in  a 
serious  war  by  an  invasion  of  the  Gauls  from  the  Po  valley. 
The  Gauls  were  disastrously  defeated,  and  their  territory  was 


853.  Peace  at 
the  end  of  the 
Sicilian  War 
(241  B.c.) 


854.  Some 
results  of  the 
Sicilian  War 


855.  Roman  , 
seizure  of 
Sardinia  and 
Corsica  and 
conquest  of 
the  Po  valley 


536 


Ancient  Times 


856.  New 
Carthaginian 
conquests  in 
Spain  and 
the  rise  of 
Hannibal 


857.  Hanni- 
balic  War  is 
provoked  by 
a frontier 
quarrel  in 
Spain 
(219  B.c.) 


858.  Open- 
ing of  the 
Hannibalic 
War  (218- 
202  B.c.) : 
Hannibal’s 
reasons  for 
invading 
Italy  by 
land  from 
the  north 


seized  by  the  Romans  without  granting  the  Gauls  any  form  of 
citizenship.  Thus  Roman  power  was  extended  northward  to 
the  foot  of  the  Alps,  and  the  entire  peninsula  from  the  Alps 
southward  was  held  by  Rome  (map  II,  p.  552). 

To  offset  this  increase  of  Roman  power  and  to  compensate 
for  the  loss  of  the  three  large  islands,  the  Carthaginian  leaders 
turned  toward  Spain.  Here  still  dwelt  the  hardy  descendants 
of  the  Late  Stone  Age  Europeans  of  the  West  (§  325).  Hamil- 
car,  the  Carthaginian  general,  planned  to  secure  the  wealth  of 
their  silver  mines,  to  enlist  the  natives  in  the  army,  and  thus 
to  build  up  a power  able  to  meet  that  of  Rome.  He  died 
before  the  completion  of  his  plans,  but  they  were  taken  up 
by  his  gifted  son  Hannibal,  who  extended  Carthaginian  rule 
in  Spain  as  far  north  as  the  Ebro  River  (map  H,  p.  552). 
Although  only  twenty-four  years  of  age,  Hannibal  was  already 
forming  colossal  plans  for  a bold  surprise  of  Rome  in  her  own 
territory,  which  by  its  unexpectedness  and  audacity  should  crush 
Roman  power  in  Italy. 

Rome,  busily  occupied  in  overthrowing  the  Gauls,  had  been 
unable  to  interfere  with  the  Spanish  enterprises  of  Carthage. 
She  had,  however,  secured  an  agreement  that  Carthage  should 
not  advance  northward  beyond  the  Ebro  River.  To  so  bold 
and  resolute  a leader  as  Hannibal  such  a stipulation  was  only 
an  opportunity  for  a frontier  quarrel  with  Rome  in  Spain.  In 
the  tremendous  struggle  which  followed  he  was  the  genius 
and  the  dominating  spirit.  It  was  a colossal  contest  between  i 
the  nation  Rome  and  the  man  Hannibal.  We  may  therefore  : 
well  call  it  the  Hannibalic  War.  i 

While  the  Roman  Senate  was  demanding  that  the  leaders  at 
Carthage  disavow  his  hostile  acts,  Hannibal,  with  a strong  and 
well-drilled  army  of  about  forty  thousand  men,  was  already 
marching  northward  along  the  east  coast  of  Spain  (map,  p.  538).  , 

Several  reasons  led  him  to  this  course.  He  knew  that  since  the  | 
Sicilian  war  the  defeated  Carthaginian  fleet  would  be  unable  to  | 
protect  his  army  if  he  tried  to  cross  by  water  from  Carthage  and  j 


Roman  Conquest  of  the  Western  Mediterranean  537 


to  land  in  southern  Italy.  Moreover,  his  cavalry,  over  six  thou- 
sand strong,  was  much  too  numerous  to  he  transported  by  sea. 
In  southern  Italy,  furthermore,  he  would  have  been  met  at  once 
by  a hostile  population,  whereas  in  northern  Italy  there  were  the 
newly  conquered  Gauls,  burning  for  revenge  on  the  Romans, 
their  conquerors.  Hannibal  intended  to  offer  them  an  oppor- 
tunity for  that  revenge  by  enlistment  in  his  ranks.  Moreover, 
he  had  reports  of  dissatisfaction  among  the  allies  of  Rome  also, 
and  he  believed  that  by  an  early  victory  in  northern  Italy  he 
could  induce  the  allies  to  forsake  Rome  and  join  him  in  a war 
for  independence  which  would  destroy  Roman  leadership  in 
Italy.  For  these  reasons,  while  the  Roman  Senate  was  planning 
to  invade  Spain  and  Africa,  they  found  their  own  land  suddenly 
invaded  by  Hannibal  from  the  north. 

By  clever  maneuvering  at  the  Rhone,  Hannibal  avoided  the 
Roman  army,  which  had  arrived  there  on  its  way  to  Spain.  The 
crossing  of  the  Rhone,  a wide,  deep,  and  swift  river,  with  ele- 
phants and  cavalry  and  the  long  detour  to  avoid  the  Romans 
so  delayed  Hannibal  that  it  was  late  autumn  when  he  reached 
the  Alps  (218  B. c.).  Overwhelmed  by  snowstorms;  struggling 
over  a steep  and  dangerous  trail,  sometimes  so  narrow  that  the 
rocks  had  to  be  cut  away  to  make  room  for  the  elephants ; 
looking  down  over  dizzy  precipices,  or  up  to  snow-covered 
heights  where  hostile  natives  rolled  great  stones  down  upon 
them,  the  discouraged  army  of  Hannibal  toiled  on  day  after  day, 
exhausted,  cold,  and  hungry.  At  every  point  along  the  strag- 
gling line,  where  help  was  most  needed,  the  young  Carthaginian 
was  always  present,  encouraging  and  guiding  his  men.  But 
when  they  issued  from  the  Alpine  pass,  perhaps  Mt.  Cenis, 
into  the  upper  valley  of  the  Po,  they  had  suffered  such  losses 
that  they  were  reduced  to  some  thirty-four  thousand  men. 

With  this  little  army  the  dauntless  Carthaginian  youth  had 
entered  the  territory  of  the  strongest  military  power  of  the  time 
— a nation  which  could  now  call  to  her  defense  over  seven  hun- 
dred thousand  men,  citizens  and  allies.  From  this  vast  number 


859.  Hanni- 
bal evades 
the  Romans 
at  the  Rhone 
and  leads  his 
army  across 
the  Alps 
(218  B.c.) 


8O0.  Inferior 
size  of  Han- 
nibal’s army 
compared 
with  Roman 
resources 


538 


Ancient  Times 


86i.  Supe- 
riority of 
Hannibal’s 
military 
knowledge 
over  that  of 
the  Roman 
consuls 


Rome  could  recruit  army  after  army ; but  Hannibal,  on  the  other 
hand,  as  long  as  Carthage  did  not  control  the  sea,  could  expect 
no  reenforcements  from  home  except  through  Spain.  A militaiy 
success  was  necessary  at  once  in  order  to  arouse  the  hopes  of 
the  Gauls  and  secure  recruits  from  among  them. 

Hannibal,  who  was  in  close  contact  with  a number  of  Greeks, 
was  thoroughly  acquainted  with  the  most  highly  developed 


The  Route  and  Marches  of  Hannibal  from  218  to  203  b.c. 


The  dates  indicate  the  progress  of  the  march.  During  Hannibal’s  long 
stay  in  southern  Italy,  he  made  many  marches  and  local  movements 
not  indicated  in  the  above  sketch.  Indeed,  we  know  very  little  about 
many  of  his  operations  in  this  region 


methods  of  warfare.  The  exploits  of  Alexander,  who  had  died 
a little  over  a century  before  Hannibal’s  invasion  of  Italy,  were 
familiar  to  him,  and  it  is  not  impossible  that  the  fascinating  story 
of  Alexander’s  campaigns  was  read  to  the  young  Carthaginian 
as  he  lay  with  his  Greek  companions  around  the  camp  fires  in 
Italy.  Furthermore,  we  recall  that  Roman  consuls,  command- 
ing the  Roman  armies,  were  simply  magistrates  like  our  mayors 
or  presidents,  often  without  much  more  knowledge  of  handling 


Roman  Conqtiest  of  the  Western  ]\Iediterra7iean  5 39 


an  army  than  has  a city  mayor  in  our  time.  Gifted  with  little 
imagination,  blunt  and  straightforward,  brave  and  eager  to  meet 
the  enemy  at  once,  the  Roman  consuls  were  no  match  for  the 
crafty  young  Carthaginian. 

By  skillful  use  of  his  cavalry,  in  which  the  Romans  were 
weak,  Hannibal  at  once  won  two  engagements  in  the  Po  valley. 
The  Gauls  began  to  flock  to  his  standards,  but  they  were  raw, 
undisciplined  troops.  He  was  still  outside  the  barrier  of  Roman 
fortresses  defending  the  Apennines,  and  this  he  must  not  fail 
to  pierce  without  delay.  By  early  spring,  therefore  (217  b.c.), 
amid  fearful  difficulties  which  would  have  broken  the  courage 
of  most  commanders,  Hannibal  successfully  passed  the  belt  of 
Roman  strongholds  blocking  the  roads  through  the  Apennines. 
Even  after  he  had  crossed  the  Arnus,  the  Roman  consul  Flamin- 
ius  had  no  notion  of  the  Carthaginian  advance,  though  he  soon 
learned  that  the  Carthaginians  were  between  him  and  Rome. 
Nevertheless,  on  the  shores  of  Lake  Trasimene,  Hannibal  easily 
surprised  the  army  of  the  unsuspecting  consul  on  the  march, 
ambushed  the  legions  both  in  front  and  rear,  and  cut  to  pieces 
the  entire  Roman  army,  so  that  only  a handful  escaped  and  the 
consul  himself  fell.  But  a few  days’  march  from  Rome,  Hannibal 
might  now  have  advanced  directly  against  the  city ; but  he  had 
no  siege  machinery  (headpiece,  p.  1 40),  and  his  forces  were  not 
numerous  enough  for  the  siege  of  so  strong  a fortress.  More- 
over, his  cavalry,  in  which  he  was  superior  to  the  Romans, 
would  have  been  useless  in  a siege.  He  therefore  desired  an- 
other victory  in  the  hope  that  the  allies  of  Rome  would  revolt 
and  join  him  in  attacking  the  city. 

Hannibal  therefore  marched  eastward  to  the  Adriatic  coast, 
where  he  secured  numerous  horses,  much  needed  by  his  cavalry, 
and  also  found  plentiful  provisions,  besides  an  opportunity  to 
drill  his  Gallic  recruits.  At  this  dangerous  crisis  the  Romans 
appointed  a Dictator,  a stable  old  citizen  named  Fabius,  whose 
policy  was  to  wear  out  Hannibal  by  refusing  to  give  battle  and 
by  using  every  opportunity  to  harass  the  Carthaginians.  This 


862.  Hanni- 
bal’s first 
three  vic- 
tories 


863.  A year 
of  delay  and 
preparation 
(217- 
216  B.c.) 


540 


Ancient  Times 


policy  of  caution  and  delay  did  not  meet  with  popular  favor  at 
Rome.  The  people  called  Fabius  the  Laggard  (^Cunctator),  a 
name  which  ever  afterward  clung  to  him ; and  the  new  consuls 
elected  for  216  b.  c.  were  urged  to  take  action  and  destroy  the 
Carthaginian  army  without  more  delay.  They  therefore  re- 
cruited an  army  of  nearly  seventy  thousand  men  and  pushed 
southward  toward  the  heel  of  the  Italian  peninsula  to  meet 
Hannibal.  The  Carthaginian  deftly  outwitted  them  and,  march- 
ing to  Cannae,  captured  the  Roman  supplies.  The  consuls 
were  then  obliged  to  give  battle  or  retire  for  more  supplies. 


Heavy  Infantry  Center 


Cavalry 


I 


Cavalry 


6000  6000 
African  African 

Infantry  A Infantry 


Cavalry 


Former 
Position 
of  Africans 


Position  of  the  two  armies  as  the 
battle  began 
black = Carthaginians 
shaded  = Romans 


Roman  center  surrounded  after 
the  Roman  cavalry  was  routed 
and  the  two  African  divisions 
were  pushed  forward 


Plan  of  the  Battle  of  Cann^  (§§  864-865) 


864.  The 
dispositions 
at  the  battle 
of  Cannae 


With  their  fifty-five  thousand  heavy-armed  infantry  the  consuls 
were  almost  twice  as  strong  as  Hannibal,  who  had  but  thirty- 
two  thousand  such  troops.  On  the  other  hand,  Hannibal  had 
about  ten  thousand  horse  against  six  thousand  of  the  Roman 
cavalry,  while  both  armies  were  about  equally  strong  in  light- 
armed troops.  Varro,  the  Roman  consul,  had  been  merely  a 
successful  business  man  at  Rome.  He  drew  up  his  heavy-armed 
troops  in  a deep  mass  in  the  center,  with  a short  front.  Had 
he  spread  them  out,  so  that  their  superior  numbers  might 
form  a longer  front  than  that  of  Hannibal,  they  might  have 
enfolded  and  outflanked  the  Carthaginian  army.  Both  armies 
divided  their  cavalry,  that  it  might  form  the  two  wings.  Instead 
of  massing  all  his  heavy-armed  troops  in  the  center  to  meet  the 


Roma7i  Cojiquest  of  the  Western  Mediterranean  541 


great  mass  of  the  Roman  center,  Hannibal  took  out  some  twelve 
thousand  of  his  heavy-armed  African  infantry  in  two  bodies  of 
she  thousand  each  and  stationed  them  in  a deep  column  behind 
each  of  his  cavalry  wings  (plan  A,  p.  540). 

Hannibal’s  stronger  cavalry  put  to  flight  the  Roman  horse 
forming  both  wings.  Then  as  his  well-trained  horsemen  turned 
back  to  attack  the  heavy  mass  of  the  Roman  center  in  the 
rear,  he  knew  that  it  was  too  late  for  the  Romans,  perceiving 
their  danger,  to  retreat  and  escape,  for  they  were  caught  be- 
tween the  Carthaginian  center  before  them  and  the  Carthagin- 
ian cavalry  behind  them.  Only  the  sides  of  the  trap  were  open. 
Then  came  a great  moment  in 
the  youiig  Carthaginian’s  life. 

With  imerring  judgment,  just  at 
the  proper  instant,  he  gave  the 
orders  which  closed  up  the  sides 
of  the  trap  he  hac^  so  cleverly 
prepared.  Tlte,  two  bodies  of 
Africans  whim  he  had  posted 
behind  the  'cavalry  wings,  on 
each  side,  pushed  quietly  forward 
till  they/  occupied  positions  on 
each  side  of  the  fifty-five  thou- 
sand brave  Romans  of  the  center,  who  were  thus  inclosed  on 
all  sides  (plan  JS,  p.  540).  Wdiat  ensued  was  simply  a slaughter 
of  the  doomed  Romans,  lasting  all  the  rest  of  the  day.  When 
night  closed  in  the  Roman  army  was  annihilated.  Ex-consuls, 
senators,  nobles,  thousands  of  the  best  citizens  of  Rome  had 
fallen  in  this  frightful  battle.  Every  family  in  Rome  was  in 
mourning.  Of  the  gold  rings  worn  by  Roman  knights  as  an 
indication  of  their  rank,  Hannibal  is  reported  to  have  sent  a 
bushel  to  Carthage.  Even  in  modem  times  pieces  of  armor 
have  been  picked  up  on  the  battlefield  (Fig.  238). 

Thus  this  masterful  young  Carthaginian,  the  greatest  of 
Semite  generals,  within  two  years  after  his  arrival  in  Italy  and 


4 


Fig.  238.  Carthaginian 
Helmet  picked  up  on  the 
Battlefield  at  Cann.e 


865.  Hanni- 
bal annihi- 
lates the 
Roman  army 
at  the  battle 
of  Cannae 
(216  B.c) 


542 


Ancient  Times 


866.  Hanni- 
bal organizes 
the  revolting 
Roman  allies 
against  Rome 
and  calls  in 
the  Mace- 
donians 


867.  Hanni- 
bal’s states- 
manship and 
the  diffi- 
culties of 
his  position 


868.  Roman 
diplomacy 
checkmates 
Macedonia 
and  Roman 
determina- 
tion recovers 
the  revolting 
cities 


before  he  was  thirty  years  of  age,  had  defeated  his  giant  an-  ; 
tagonist  in  four  battles  and  destroyed  three  of  the  opposing  ! 

armies.  He  might  now  count  upon  a revolt  among  the  Roman  j 

allies.  Within  a few  years  southern  Italy,  including  the  Greek  I 
cities,  and  even  Syracuse  in  Sicily  forsook  Rome  and  joined  j 

Hannibal.  Only  some  of  the  southern  Latin  colonies  held  out  j 

against  him.  To  make  matters  worse  for  Rome,  immediately  | 
after  Cannae,  Hannibal  sent  messengers  to  Macedonia,  and  one 
of  the  later  Philips  then  reigning  there  agreed  to  send  help  to 
the  Carthaginians  in  Italy. 

In  all  this  Hannibal  was  displaying  the  judgment  and  insight 
of  a statesman  combined  with  amazing  ability  to  meet  the 
incessant  demands  of  the  military  situation.  This  required  him 
to  lay  out  campaigns,  to  drill  the  inexperienced  new  recruits,  to 
insure  supplies  of  food  and  fresh  horses  for  his  army,  while  at 
the  same  time  he  was  forced  also  to  find  the  money  with  which 
to  pay  his  turbulent  and  dissatisfied  mercenaries.  In  carrying  out 
all  this  work  he  was  untiring,  and  his  eye  was  everywhere.  It 
was  no  uncommon  thing  for  some  private  soldier  to  wake  in 
the  morning  and  find  his  young  general  sleeping  on  the  ground 
by  his  side.  There  was  a consuming  fire  of  desire  in  his  soul 
to  save  Carthage ; and  now  his  glorious  victories  were  drawing 
together  the  foes  of  Rome  in  a great  combination  which  he 
believed  would  bring  about  the  destruction  of  his  country’s 
hated  antagonist. 

But  opposing  the  burning  zeal  of  a single  gifted  soul  were 
the  dogged  resolution,  the  ripe  statesmanship,  the  unshaken 
organization,  and  the  seemingly  inexhaustible  numbers  of  the 
Romans.  It  was  a battle  of  ^ giants  for  the  mastery  of  the  world ; 
for  the  victor  in  this  struggle  would  without  any  question  be 
the  greatest  power  in  the  Mediterranean.  Had  the  successors 
of  Alexander  in  the  Hellenistic  eastern  Mediterranean  discerned 
the  nature  of  this  gigantic  struggle  in  Italy,  and  been  able  to 
combine  against  Rome,  they  might  now  have  crushed  her  for- 
ever (see  map  I,  p.  450).  But  the  Roman  Senate,  with  clever 


Roman  Conquest  of  the  Western  Mediterranean  543 


statesmanship,  made  an  alliance  with  the  Greeks,  thus  stirring 
up  a revolt  in  Greece  against  the  Macedonians  and  preventing 
them  from  furnishing  help  to  Hannibal.  --  Ir?=§^fe^f-H-annibal’s 
victories,  the  steadiness  and  fine  leadership  of  the  Roman  Senate 
held  central  Italy  loyal  to  Rome.  Although  the  Romans  wdre-^  \ 
finally  compelled  to  place  arms  in  the  hands  of  slaves  and  mere  \ 

boys,  new  armies  were  formed.  With  these  forces  the  Romans 
proceeded  to  besiege  and  capture  the  revolting  allied  cities  one 
after  another.  Even  the  clever  devices  of  Archimedes  during 
a desperate  siege  (§  742)  did  not  save  Syracuse  from  being 
recaptured  by  the  Romans  (212  b.  c.). 

Capua  likewise,  the  second  city  of  Italy,  which  had  gone  869.  Hanni- 

over  to  his  cause,  was  besieged  by  the  Romans  in  spite  of  all 

Hannibal’s  efforts  to  drive  them  away.  As  a last  hope  he  2nd 

•'  ^ the  recapture 

marched  upon  Rome  itself,  and  with  his  bodyguard  rode  up  to  of  Capua  by 
. , , . the  Romans 

one  of  the  gates  of  the  great  city,  whose  power  seemed  so  un-  (211  b.c.) 
broken.  For  a brief  time  the  two  antagonists  faced  each  other, 
and  many  a Roman  senator  must  have  looked  over  the  walls 
at  the  figure  of  the  tremendous  young  Carthaginian  who  had 
shaken  all  Italy  as  with  an  earthquake.  But  they  were  not  to 
be  frightened  into  offers  of  peace  in  this  way,  nor  did  they 
send  out  any  message  to  him.  His  army  was  not  large  enough 
to  lay  siege  to  the  greatest  city  of  Italy,  nor  had  he  been  able  to 
secure  any  siege  machinery  (§  632),  and  he  was  obliged  to 
retreat  without  accomplishing  anything.  Capua  was  thereupon 
captured  by  the  Romans  and  punished  without  mercy. 

The  hitherto  dauntless  spirit  of  the  young  Carthaginian  at  870.  Hanni- 

last  began  to  feel  the  crushing  weight  of  Roman  confidence,  forcements 

When  he  had  finally  been  ten  years  in  Italy,  he  realized  that  intercepted 

\ ^ and  destroyed 

unless  powerful  reenforcenents  could  reach  him,  his  cause  was  (207  b.c.) 
hopeless.  His  brother  Hasdrubal  in  Spain  had  gathered  an 
army  and  was  now  marching  into  Italy  to  aid  him.  At  the 
Metaurus  River,  in  the  region  of  Sentinum,  where  the  fate 
of  Rome  had  once  before  been  settled  (§  819),  Hasdrubal 
was  met  by  a Roman  army.  He  was  completely  defeated  and 


544 


Ancient  Times 


871.  The 
decline  of 
Hannibal’s 
power  in 
Italy  and 
the  rise  of 
Scioia 


872.  Scipio 
and  Hanni- 
bal meet 
at  Zama 
(202  B.c.) ; 
the  tactics 
of  Hannibal 


slain  (207  B.C.).  To  the  senators  waiting  in  keenest  anticipation 
at  Rome  the  news  of  the  victory  meant  the  salvation  of  Italy 
and  the  final  defeat  of  an  enemy  who  had  all  but  accomplished 
the  destruction  of  Roman  power.  To  Hannibal,  anxiously  await- 
ing tidings  of  his  brother  and  of  the  needed  reenforcements, 
the  first  announcement  of  the  disaster  and  the  crushing  of  his 
hopes  was  the  head  of  Hasdrubal  hurled  into  the  Carthaginian 
camp  by  a Roman  messenger. 

For  a few  years  more  Hannibal  struggled  on  in  the  southern 
tip  of  Italy,  the  only  territory  remaining  of  all  that  he  had  cap- 
tured. Meantime  the  Romans,  taught  by  sad  experience,  had 
given  the  command  of  their  forces  in  Spain  to  Scipio,  one  of 
the  ablest  of  their  younger  leaders.  He  had  routed  the  Car- 
thaginians and  driven  them  entirely  out  of  Spain,  thus  cutting 
off  their  chief  supply  both  of  money  and  of  troops.  In  Scipio 
the  Romans  had  at  last  found  a general,  with  the  masterful  qual- 
ities which  make  a great  military  leader.  He  demanded  of  the 
Senate  that  he  be  sent  to  Africa  to  invade  the  dominions  of 
Carthage  as  Hannibal  had  invaded  those  of  Rome. 

By  203  B.c.  Scipio  had  twice  defeated  the  Carthaginian  forces 
in  Africa,  and  Carthage  was  forced  to  call  Hannibal  home.  He 
had  spent  fifteen  years  on  the  soil  of  Italy,  and  the  great  strug- 
gle between  the  almost  exhausted  rivals  was  now  to  be  decided 
in  Africa.  At  Zama,  inland  from  Carthage,  the  final  battle 
of  the  war  took  place.  Hannibal,  having  insufficient  cavalry, 
foresaw  that  his  weak  cavalry  wings  would  be  defeated  by 
Scipio’s  opposing  heavy  bodies  of  horsemen.  When,  as  he  ex- 
pected, the  Roman  cavalry  wings  disappeared  in  pursuit  of  his 
own  fleeing  horsemen,  the  wings  of  both  armies  were  cleared 
away  for  one  of  those  unexpected  but  carefully  planned  maneu- 
vers by  which  the  great  Carthaginian  had  destroyed  the  Roman 
army  at  Cannae.  From  behind  his  line  Hannibal  moved  out  two 
divisions  in  opposite  directions,  elongating  his  own  line  beyond 
the  ends  of  the  Roman  line,  which  he  intended  to  inclose  on 
either  side.  In  football  language,  Hannibal  had  ordered  his 


Roman  Co7iquest  of  the  Western  Mediterranean  545 


backs  to  spread  out  and  to  execute  a play  around  both  the 
Roman  ends  at  once.  The  fate  of  two  empires  was  trembling 
in  the  balance  as  Hannibal’s  steel  trap  thus  extended  its  jaws 
on  either  side  to  enfold  the  Roman  army. 

But  behind  the  Roman  army  there  was  a mind  like  that  of 
Hannibal.  The  keen  eye  of  the  Roman  commander  discovered 
the  flash  of  moving  steel  behind  the  Carthaginian  lines.  He 
understood  the  movement  and  at  once  grasped  the  danger  which 
threatened  his  army.  As  a result  of  Cannse,  Scipio  had  long 
before  abandoned  all  Roman  tradition,  and  had  taught  his 
front  division  to  fight  without  the  support  of  the  rear  divisions 
behind  them  (§  845).  In  football  language  again,  he  too  had 
learned  to  shift  his  backs  and  had  taught  the  line  to  hold  with- 
out them.  The  shrewd  young  Roman  commander  therefore 
gave  his  orders  without  hesitation.  For  the  first  time  in  history 
the  rear  divisions  behind  the  front  of  a Roman  center  left  the 
front  division  to  fight  alone.  As  quietly  as  on  a parade  march 
they  parted  to  the  left  and  right  and,  marching  behind  the  fight- 
ing line  in  opposite  directions,  they  took  up  their  posts,  extend- 
ing the  Roman  front  at  either  end  where  at  first  the  cavalry 
wings  had  been.  When  Hannibal’s  spreading  divisions  pushed 
out  beyond  the  Roman  ends,  where  they  were  expected  to  carry 
out  their  " around-the-end  ” movements,  they  found  facing  them 
a Roman  wall  of  steel,  and  the  battle  continued  in  two  parallel 
lines  longer  than  before.  The  great  Carthaginian  had  been 
foiled  at  his  own  game  by  an  equally  great  Roman.  When  the 
Roman  cavalry  returned  from  their  pursuit  and  fell  on  the 
Carthaginian  flank,  Hannibal  beheld  his  lines  crumbling  and 
giving  way  in  final  and  complete  defeat. 

In  this  great  battle  we  see  the  conclusion  of  a long  and  re- 
markable development  in  the  art  of  war,  from  the  wild  disorder 
of  entirely  undisciplined  fighting  (Fig.  88)  to  the  formation 
of  a heavy  phalanx  of  disciplined  men,  the  earliest  trained- 
fighting  team  as  it  appeared  in  the  Orient  (Fig.  87).  Then 
in  Europe,  after  Philip  and  Alexander,  the  deep  phalanx  as 


873.  The 
counter- 
moves of 
Scipio  bring 
Roman  vic- 
tory at  Zama 


874.  The 
new  art  of 
war ; divi- 
■sion  tactics 


546 


Ancient  Times 


875.  The 
treaty  ending 
the  Hanni- 
balic  War 
(201  B.c) 


S76.  The  fate 
of  Hannibal 


877.  The  de- 
struction of 
Carthage 
(146  B.c.) : 
Third  Punic 
War 


used  by  the  Greeks  was  no  longer  regarded  by  the  Romans 
as  a rigid,  indivisible  fighting  unit,  but  it  was  broken  up  into  a 
fighting  line  in  front  and  a group  of  shifting  backs  behind. 
On  the  field  of  Zama,  Scipio  and  Hannibal  had  advanced  to  a 
new  stage  in  the  art  of  warfare,  and  had  created  what  is  now 
known  as  " division  tactics  ” — the  art  of  manipulating  an  army 
on  the  field  in  divisions  shifted  behind  the  line  of  battle  as  a 
skillful  football  leader  shifts  his  backs,  trusting  to  the  line  to 
hold  while  he  does  so. 

The  victory  of  Rome  over  Carthage  made  Rome  the  leading 
power  in  the  whole  ancient  world.  In  the  treaty  which  followed 
the  battle  of  Zama,  the  Romans  forced  Carthage  to  pay  ten 
thousand  talents  (over  $11,000,000)  in  fifty  years  and  to  sur- 
render all  her  warships  but  ten  triremes.  But  what  was  worse 
she  lost  her  independence  as  a nation,  and  according  to  the 
treaty  she  could  not  make  war  anywhere  without  the  consent 
of  the  Romans.  Although  the  Romans  did  not  annex  her 
territory  in  Africa,  Carthage  had  become  a vassal  state. 

Hannibal  had  escaped  after  his  lost  battle  at  Zama.  Although 
we  learn  of  his  deeds  chiefly  through  his  enemies,  the  story 
of  his  dauntless  struggle  to  save  his  native  country,  begun 
when  he  was  only  twenty-four  and  continued  for  twenty  years, 
reveals  him  as  one  of  the  greatest  and  most  gifted  leaders  in 
all  history  — a lion-hearted  man,  so  strong  of  purpose  that 
only  a great  nation  like  Rome  could  have  crushed  him.  Indeed, 
Rome  now  compelled  the  Carthaginians  to  expel  Hannibal,  and, 
a man  of  fifty,  he  went  into  exile  in  the  East,  where  we  shall 
find  him  stirring  up  the  successors  of  Alexander  to  combine 
against  Rome. 

Such  was  the  commercial  ability  of  the  Carthaginians  that 
they  continued  to  prosper  even  while  paying  the  heavy  tribute 
with  which  Rome  had  burdened  them.  Meantime,  the  new  mis- 
tress of  the  western  Mediterranean  kept  an  anxious  eye  on  her 
©Id  rival.  Even  the  stalwart  Romans  remembered  with  uneasi- 
ness the  invasion  of  Hannibal.  Cato,  a famous  old-fashioned 


Roman  Co7iqiiest  of  the  Western  Mediterra7iean  547 


senator,  was  so  convinced  that  Carthage  was  still  a danger  to 
Rome  that  he  concluded  all  his  speeches  in  the  Senate  with  the 
words,  " Carthage  must  be  destroyed.”  For  over  fifty  years 
more  the  merchants  of  Carthage  were  permitted  to  traffic  in 
the  western  Mediterranean,  and  then  the  iron  hand  of  Rome 
was  laid  upon  the  doomed  city  for  the  last  time.  To  defend 
herself  against  the  Numidians  behind  her,  Carthage  was 
finally  obliged  to  begin  war  against  them.  This  step,  which 


Fig.  239.  The  Harbors  of  Carthage  as  they  are  To-day 

Of  the  city  destroyed  by  the  Romans  almost  nothing  has  survived.  It 
was  rebuilt  under  Julius  Cassar,  but,  as  we  see  here,  very  little  of  this 
later  city  has  survived.  Thorough  and  systematic  excavation  would 
probably  recover  many  valuable  remains  of  ancient  Carthaginian  civili- 
zation, of  which  we  know  so  little 

the  Romans  had  long  been  desiring,  was  a violation  of  the 
treaty  with  Rome.  The  Senate  seized  the  opportunity  at 
once  and  Carthage  was  called  to  account.  In  the  three  years’ 
war  (Third  Punic  War)  which  followed,  the  beautiful  city  was 
captured  and  completely  destroyed  (146  b.c.)  (see  Fig.  239). 
Its  territory’  was  taken  by  Rome  and  called  the  Province  of 
Africa.  A struggle  of  nearly  one  hundred  and  twenty  years 
had  resulted  in  the  annihilation  of  Rome’s  only  remaining 
rival  in  the  West  (see  map  III,  p.  552). 


878.  Rome, 
supreme  in 
the  West, 
turns  east- 
ward 


548  Aftcient  Times 

Thus  the  fourfold  rivalry  in  the  western  Mediterranean, 
which  had  long  included  the  Etruscans  and  Carthaginians,  the 
Greeks  and  the  Romans,  had  ended  with  the  triumph  of  the 
once  insignificant  village  above  the  prehistoric  market  on 
the  Tiber  (§  784).  Racially,  the  western  wing  of  the  Indo- 
European  line  had  proved  victorious  over  that  of  the  Semite 
line  (Fig.  112).  The  western  Mediterranean  world  was  now 
under  the  leadership  of  a single  great  nation,  the  Romans,  as 
the  eastern  Mediterranean  world  had  once  been  under  the 
leadership  of  the  Macedonians.  We  must  now  turn  back  and 
follow  the  dealings  of  Rome  with  the  Hellenistic-oriental  world 
of  the  eastern  Mediterranean,  which  we  left  (Chap.  XXI) 
after  it  had  attained  the  most  highly  refined  civilization  ever 
achieved  by  ancient  man  (see  map  II,  p.  450). 

QUESTIONS 

Section  78.  At  what  point  did  Rome  and  Carthage  come  into 
conflict.?  How?  When?  Had  the  Romans  any  sea  power?  How 
did  they  get  it?  Give  a brief  statement  of  the  course  of  the  Sicilian 
War.  What  were  the  main  results  ? 

Section  79.  What  territory  did  the  Romans  gain  shortly  after 
the  Sicilian  War?  Whither  did  Carthage  go  for  new  resources? 
Who  provoked  the  ensuing  war  ? Describe  Hannibal’s  plan  of  cam- 
paign in  full.  Recount  his  march  into  Italy.  How  did  his  numbers 
compare  with  those  of  Rome?  What  can  you  say  of  his  military 
knowledge?  Describe  his  first  three  encounters  with  the  Romans. 
Where  did  he  then  go  ? What  did  the  Romans  do  ? Draw  two  plans, 
and  tell  the  story  of  the  battle  of  Cannae.  What  political  moves  did 
Hannibal  then  make?  How  did  the  Romans  meet  them?  What 
course  did  Rome  follow  toward  her  revolting  allies  ? What  happened 
at  Capua?  What  did  Hannibal’s  brother  do? 

What  were  the  Romans  meantime  doing  in  Spain  ? Who  was  the 
Roman  leader  there  ? Recount  the  battle  of  Zama.  What  advance 
in  the  art  of  warfare  was  shown  there  ? What  were  the  main  results 
of  the  Hannibalic  War?  What  became  of  Hannibal?  Recount  the 
destruction  of  Carthage.  How  long  had  the  struggle  between  Rome 
and  Carthage  lasted  ? Who  was  now  leader  of  the  West? 


CHAPTER  XXV 

WORLD  DOMINION  AND  DEGENERACY 

Section  8o.  The  Roman  Conquest  of  the  Eastern 
Mediterranean  World 

While  the  heirs  of  Alexander  were  carrying  on  their  cease- 
less feuds,  plots,  wars,  and  alliances  in  the  eastern  Mediter- 
ranean, as  we  have  seen  them  doing  down  to  about  200  B.c. 
(Chap.  XX),  the  vast  power  of  Rome  had  been  slowly  rising 
in  the  West.  The  serious  consequences  of  Rome’s  growth,  and, 
especially  of  her  expansion  beyond  the  sea,  were  now  evident. 
The  Roman  Senate  could  not  allow  any  state  on  the  Mediter- 
ranean to  develop  such  strength  as  to  endanger  Rome  in  the 
way  Carthage  had  done  during  the  Hannibalic  War.  For  this 
and  other  reasons  the  western  giant  was  now  to  overshadow 
the  whole  Hellenistic  world  of  the  East,  and  finally  to  draw  the 

Note.  The  relief  above,  found  in  the  Theater  of  Marcellus,  built  by  Augustus 
(§  994),  gives  us  a veiy  vivacious  glimpse  of  a battle  between  gladiators  and  wild 
beasts,  just  as  the  Romans  saw  it.  The  gladiators  in  this  combat  wear  only  a 
tunic  and  have  no  defensive  armor  except  a helmet  and  a shield.  Note  the  ex- 
■ pression  of  pain  on  the  face  of  the  gladiator  at  the  left,  whose  arm  is  being 
-lacerated  by  the  lion. 


879.  Coming 
conflict  be- 
tween the 
western  and 
the  eastern 
(Hellenistic) 
Mediterra- 
nean world 


549 


550 


Ancient  Times 


880.  Causes 
of  the  Roman 
war  with 
Macedon 


881.  Battle  of 
Cynoscephalae 
( 197  B.c.) ; 
Macedon  a 
vassal  of 
Rome 


three  great  states  of  Alexander’s  heirs  into  his  grasp.  Let  us  see 
what  the  reasons  for  the  first  collision  were  (see  map  II,  p.  450). 

Hannibal  had  induced  Macedonia  to  combine  with  him 
against  Rome  (§  866).  This  hostile  step  could  not  be  over- 
looked by  the  Romans  after  the  Hannibalic  War.  Philip,  the 
Macedonian  king,  was  a gifted  ruler  and  an  able  military  com- 
mander like  his  great  ancestor,  the  father  of  Alexander  the 
Great,  a hundred  and  fifty  years  earlier.  The  further  plans 
of  this  later  Philip  filled  the  Senate  with  anxiety.  For  he 
had  arranged  a combination  between  himself  and  Antiochus 
the  Great  (the  third  of  the  name),  the  Seleucid  king  of  Syria. 
By  this  alliance  the  two  were  to  divide  the  dominions  of  Egypt 
between  them.  Because  of  what  he  had  already  done,  and 
also  because  of  what  he  would  do  if  allowed  to  go  on  and 
gain  greatly  increased  power,  the  Romans  were  now  obliged  to 
turn  eastward  and  crush  Philip  of  Macedon  (map  II,  p.  450). 

The  Greek  states  had  no  reason  to  support  the  rule  of 
Macedonia  over  them ; Antiochus  was  too  busy  seizing  the 
Asiatic  territory  of  Egypt  to  send  any  help  to  Macedonia ; and 
hence  a year  after  the  close  of  the  Hannibalic  War,  Philip 
found  himself  without  strong  allies,  face  to  face  with  a Roman 
army.  By  his  unusual  skill  as  a commander  he  evaded  the 
Roman  force  for  some  time.  But  in  the  end  the  massive  Mace- 
donian phalanx,  bristling  with  long  spears,  was  obliged  to  meet 
the  onset  of  the  Roman  legions,  with  their  deadly  short  swords 
and  the  puzzling  divisions  behind  the  lines  shifting  into  unex- 
pected positions  which  the  phalanx  was  not  flexible  enough 
to  meet.  On  the  field  of  Cynoscephalas  (dog’s  heads),  in 
197  B.C.,  the  Macedonian  army  was  disastrously  routed,  and 
the  ancient  realm  of  Alexander  the  Great  became  a vassal  state 
under  Rome.  As  allies  of  Rome,  the  Greek  states  were  then 
granted  their  freedom  by  the  Romans. 

This  war  with  Macedon  brought  the  Romans  into  conflict 
with  Antiochus  the  Great,  the  Seleucid  king,  who  held  a large 
part  of  the  vast  empire  of  Persia  in  Asia.  For  Antiochus  now 


World  Dominion  ayid  Dege7ieracy 


551 


endeavored  to  profit  by  Philip’s  defeat  and  to  seize  some  of 
Philip’s  former  possessions  which  the  Romans  had  declared 
free.  A war  with  this  powerful  Asiatic  empire  was  not  a matter 
which  the  Romans  could  view  without  great  anxiety.  Moreover, 
Hannibal,  expelled  from  Carthage  (§  876),  was  now  in  Greece 
with  Antiochus,  advising  him.  In  spite  of  the  warnings  and 
urgent  counsels  of  Hannibal,  Antiochus  threw  away  his  oppor- 
tunities in  Greece  until  the  Roman  legions  maneuvered  him 
back  into  Asia  Minor,  whither  the  Romans  followed  him,  and 
there  the  great  power  of  the  West  for  the  first  time  confronted 
the  motley  forces  of  the  ancient  Orient  as  marshaled  by  the 
successor  of  Persia  in  Asia  (see  map  II,  p.  450). 

The  conqueror  of  Hannibal  at  Zama  was  with  the  Roman 
army  to  counsel  his  brother,  another  Scipio,  consul  for  the  year, 
and  therefore  in  command  of  the  legions.  There  was  no  hope 
for  the  undisciplined  troops  of  the  Orient  when  confronted  by 
a Roman  army  under  such  masters  of  the  new  tactics  as  these 
two  Scipios.  At  Magnesia,  the  West  led  by.  Rome  overthrew 
the  East  led  by  the  dilatory  Antiochus  (190  b.  c.),  and  the  lands 
of  Asia  Minor  eastward  to  the  Halys  River  submitted  to  Roman 
control.  Under  the  ensuing  treaty  Antiochus  was  not  permitted 
to  cross  the  Halys  River  westward  or  to  send  a warship  west 
of  the  same  longitude.  Within  twelve  years  (200  to  189  b. c.) 
Roman  arms  had  reduced  to  the  condition  of  vassal  states  two 
of  the  three  great  empires  which  succeeded  Alexander  in  the 
East  — Macedonia  and  Syria  (see  map  III,  p.  450).  As  for 
Egypt,  the  third,  friendship  had  from  the  beginning  existed 
between  her  and  Rome.  A little  over  thirty  years  after  a 
Roman  army  had  first  appeared  in  the  Hellenistic  world,  Egypt 
acknowledged  herself  a vassal  of  Rome  (168  b.  c.). 

Although  defeated,  the  eastern  Mediterranean  world  long 
continued  to  give  the  Romans  much  trouble.  The  quarrels  of 
the  eastern  states  among  themselves  were  constantly  carried 
to  Rome  for  settlement.  It  became  necessary  to  destroy  Mace- 
donia as  a kingdom  and  to  make  her  a Roman  province.  At 


882.  Roman 
conflict  with 
the  Seleucid 
Empire,  re- 
sulting from 
the  conquest 
of  Macedon 


883.  The 
overthrow  of 
Antiochus 
at  Magnesia 
(190  B.c.)  and 
the  voluntary' 
vassalship 
of  Egypt 
(168  B.c.) 


884.  Anni- 
hilation of 
Macedon 
and  the  sub- 
jection of 
the  Greeks 


552 


Ancient  Times 


885.  The 
rapidity  of 
the  Roman 
conquests 


886.  Rome’s 
great  task 
of  imperial 
organization 


the  same  time  Greek  sympathy  for  Macedonia  was  made  the 
pretext  for  greater  severity  toward  the  Greeks.  Many  were 
carried  off  to  Italy  as  hostages,  and  among  them  no  less  than 
a thousand  noble  and  educated  Achasans  were  brought  to  Rome. 
When  in  spite  of  this  the  Achaean  League  (§  725)  rashly  brought 
on  a war  with  Rome,  the  Romans  applied  the  same  methods 
which  they  were  using  against  Carthage.  The  same  year 
which  saw  the  destruction  of  Carthage  witnessed  the  burn- 
ing of  Corinth  also  (146  b.  c.).  Greek  liberty  was  of  course 
ended,  and  while  a city  of  such  revered  memories  as  Athens 
might  be  given  greater  freedom  (§  726),  those  Greek  states 
whose  careers  of  glorious  achievement  in  civilization  we  have 
followed,  were  reduced  to  the  condition  of  Roman  vassals. 

It  was  little  more  than  three  generations  since  the  Republic 
on  the  Tiber  took  the  fateful  step  of  beginning  the  conflict  with 
Carthage  for  the  leadership  of  the  West.  That  struggle  had  led 
her  into  a similar  conflict  for  the  leadership  of  the  East.  There 
were  old  men  still  living  who  had  talked  with  veterans  of  the 
Sicilian  War  with  Carthage,  and  the  grandsons  of  the  Romans 
who  had  fought  with  Hannibal  had  burned  Carthage  and 
Corinth  at  the  end  of  the  great  wars.  For  nearly  a century 
and  a quarter  (beginning  264  b.c.)  one  great  war  had  followed 
another,  and  the  Roman  republic,  beginning  these  struggles  as 
mistress  of  Italy  only,  had  in  this  short  space  of  time  (from  great- 
grandfather to  great-grandson)  gained  the  political  leadership  of 
the  civilized  world  (cf.  maps  I,  II,  and  III,  p.  552). 

The  Roman  Senate  had  shown  eminent  ability  in  conduct- 
ing the  great  wars,  but  now,  having  gained  the  supremacy 
of  the  Mediterranean  world,  Rome  was  faced  by  the  problem 
of  devising  successful  government  for  the  vast  dominions  which 
she  had  so  quickly  conquered.  In  extent  they  would  have 
reached  entirely  across  the  United  States.  To  organize  such 
an  empire  was  a task  like  that  which  had  been  so  successfully 
accomplished  by  Darius,  the  organizer  of  the  Persian  Empire 
(§  267).  We  shall  find  that  the  Roman  Senate  utterly  failed 


i 

i 

1 

i 

i 

(■ 

i 

1 


i 

V 


4 

JL 


5Q« 

Map  I 


Roman  Power  at  the 
Beginning:  of  the  Wars 
with  Carthage  (264  B.G.) 
Scale  of  Miles 
0 100 


R.-  K.  *0.  CO 


Sequence  Map  showing  the  Expansion  of  the  Roman  Po\ 

TO  THE  Deati 


30'  Greenwich  -lO 


'"aptttde  10*  West  0*  Longi|udyl 


^ Map  II 

Expansion  of  Roman  Power 
between  the  Sicilian  and  Hannibalian 
Wars  with  Carthage  (241-218  B.C.) 
s<--^  Scale  of  Miles 

V ^ 0 100  300  600  ^ 


Marseille^ 


Corsi( 


jyracuse^T  . 

Jv\e  A n'^ 
'{  P T 


Roman  Power 


Carthaginian  Power 
Macedonian  and  Seleucid  Empires 
Ptolemaic  Empire 


Longi^d^O'L  Eaatt  ,20* 


"iiO^  Greenwicb  "W*  50* 

\ 3 \ Map  IV  / 

3 Expansion  of  Roman  Power 

' \ from  the  Beginning  of  the  Revolution 

1 to  the  Death  of  Caesar  (133-44  B.C.) 
Scale  of  Miles  ' 

\ 3 0 100  300  600  — 1,..^ 


' • CIP' 
<^vete  S'. 
Ale.vandr,a' 


CyteS^ 


Roman  Power 
Allies  of  Rome 


.o.\r  THE  Begixxixg  of  the  Wars  ivith  Carthage  (264  b.c.) 
■ .ESAR  (44  B.c.) 


i 

! 

i 


1 

i 

I 


i' 

I. 


.A 


World  Dominion  and  Degeneracy 


553 


in  the  effort  to  organize  the  new  dominions.  The  failure  had 
a most  disastrous  influence  on  the  Romans  themselves  and, 
together  with  the  ruinous  effects  of  the  long  wars  on  Italy, 
Anally  overthrew  the  Roman  republic  — an  overthrow  in  which 
Rome  as  a nation  almost  perished.  Let  us  now  glance  at  the 
efforts  of  Rome  to  govern  her  new  dominions  and  then 
observe  the  effect  of  the  long  wars  and  of  world  power  on 
the  Romans  and  their  life. 


Section  8i.  Roman  Government  and  Civilization 
IN  THE  Age  of  Conquest 


The  Romans  had  at  first  no  experience  in  governing  their 
conquered  lands,  as  the  United  States  had  none  when  it  took 
possession  of  the  Philippines.  Most  of  the  conquered  coun- 
tries the  Romans  organized  as  provinces,  somewhat  after  the 
manner  of  the  provinces  of  the  old  Persian  Empire.  The  peo- 
ple of  a province  were  not  permitted  to  maintain  an  army, 
but  they  were  obliged  to  pay  taxes  and,  lastly,  to  submit  to 
the  uncontrolled  rule  of  a Roman  magistrate  who  was  gov- 
ernor of  the  province.  It  was  chiefly  the  presence  and  power 
of  this  governor  which  made  the  condition  of  the  provinces 
beyond  the  sea  so  different  from  that  of  the  Roman  possessions 
in  Italy.  The  regulations  for  the  rule  of  the  provinces  were 
made  in  each  case  by  the  Roman  Senate,  and  on  the  whole 
they  were  not  oppressive.  But  the  Senate  made  no  provisions 
for  compelling  the  Roman  governor  to  obey  these  regulations. 

Such  a governor,  enjoying  unlimited  power  like  that  of  an 
oriental  sovereign,  found  himself  far  from  home  with  Roman 
troops  at  his  elbow  awaiting  his  slightest  command.  He  had 
complete  control  of  all  the  taxes  of  the  province,  and  he  could 
take  what  he  needed  from  its  people  to  support  his  troops  and 
the  expenses  of  his  government.  He  usually  held  office  for  a 
single  year  and  was  generally  without  experience  in  provincial 
government.  His  eagerness  to  gain  a fortune  in  his  short  term 


887.  Estab- 
lishment 
of  Roman 
provinces 


888.  The 
unlimited 
power  and 
corruption  of 
the  Roman 
provincial 
governors 


554 


Ancient  Times 


889.  The 
new  wealth 
of  Rome 


890.  Growth 
of  commerce 
and  the  rise 
of  banking 


of  office  and  his  complete  ignorance  of  the  needs  of  his  prov- 
ince frequently  reduced  his  government  to  a mere  system  of 
looting  and  robbery.  The  Senate  soon  found  it  necessary  to 
have  laws  passed  for  the  punishment  of  such  abuses ; but  these 
laws  were  found  to  be  of  little  use  in  improving  the  situation. 

The  effects  of  this  situation  were  soon  apparent  in  Italy.  In 
the  first  place,  the  income  of  the  Roman  government  was  so 
enormously  increased  that  it  was  no  longer  necessary  to  collect 
direct  taxes  from  Roman  citizens.  This  new  wealth  was  not 
confined  to  the  State.  The  spoils  from  the  wars  were  usually 
taken  by  the  victorious  commanders  and  their  troops.  At  the 
same  time  the  provinces  were  soon  filled  with  Roman  business 
men.  There  were  contractors  called  publicans,  who  were  allowed 
to  collect  the  taxes  for  the  State  at  a great  profit  (§  623),  or 
gained  the  right  to  work  State  lands.  We  remember  the  common 
references  to  these  publicans  in  the  New  Testament,  where  they 
are  regularly  classified  with  " sinners.”  With  them  came  Roman 
money-lenders,  who  enriched  themselves  by  loaning  money  at 
high  rates  of  interest  to  the  numerous  provincials  who  were 
obliged  to  borrow  to  pay  the  extortionate  taxes  claimed  by 
the  Roman  governors.  The  publicans  were  themselves  money- 
lenders, and  all  these  men  of  money  plundered  the  provinces 
worse  than  the  greedy  Roman  governors  themselves.  As  these 
people  returned  to  Italy,  there  grew  up  a wealthy  class  such 
as  had  been  unknown  there  before. 

Their  ability  to  buy  resulted  in  a vast  import  trade  to  supply 
the  demand.  From  the  Bay  of  Naples  to  the  mouth  of  the 
Tiber  the  sea  was  white  with  Roman  ships  converging  on  the 
docks  of  Rome.  The  men  who  controlled  all  this  traffic  be- 
came wealthy  merchants.  To  handle  all  the  money  in  circula- 
tion, banks  were  required.  During  the  Hannibalic  War  the 
first  banks  appeared  at  Rome  occupying  a line  of  booths  on 
each  side  of  the  Forum.  After  200  b. c.  these  booths  gave 
way  to  a fine  basilica  (§  732)  like  those  which  had  appeared  in 
the  Hellenistic  cities  (Fig.  271,  3).  Here  the  new  wealthy  class 


World  Dominion  a7id  Degener'acy 


555 


met  to  transact  financial  business,  and  here  large  companies 
were  formed  for  the  collection  of  taxes  and  for  taking  govern- 
ment contracts  to  build  roads  and  bridges  or  to  erect  public  build- 
ings. Shares  in  such  companies  were  daily  sold,  and  a business 
like  that  of  a modern 
stock  exchange  devel- 
oped in  the  Forum. 

Under  these  influ- 
ences Rome  greatly 
changed.  With  in- 
creasing wealth  and 
growing  population, 
there  was  a great 
increase  in  the  de- 
mand for  dwellings. 

Rents  at  once  rose, 
and  land  in  the  city 
greatly  increased  in 
value.  A good  form  Fig.  240.  Ax 
of  paying  investment 
was  apartments  for 
rent,  and  as  the  value 
of  property  rose,  a 
larger  return  in  rents 
could  be  secured  by 
increasing  the  number 
of  floors.  Hence  own- 
ers began  to  erect 


Old  Roman 
House 


Atrium- 


There  was  no  attempt  at  beautiful  archi- 
tecture, and  the  bare  front  showed  no  adorn- 
ment whatever.  The  opening  in  the  roof, 
which  lighted  the  atrium  (§  892),  received 
the  rainfall  of  a section  of  the  roof  sloping 
toward  it,  and  this  water  collected  in  a pool 
built  to  receive  it  in  the  floor  of  the  atrium 
below  (Fig.  241,  B).  The  tiny  area,  or  garden, 
shown  in  the  rear  was  not  common.  It  was 
here  that  the  later  Romans  added  the  Hel- 
lenistic peristyle  (Fig.  242) 


tall  buildings  with 
several  stories,  though  these  ancient  " skyscrapers  ” were 
never  as  tall  as  ours.  ■ It  became  necessary  to  limit  their  height 
by  law,  as  we  do,  and  when  badly  built,  as  they  sometimes  w'ere, 
they  fell  down,  as  they  have  been  known  to  do  in  our  own  cities. 

\\Fen  a returned  governor  of  Africa  put  up  a showy  new 
house,  the  citizen  across  the  way  who  still  lived  in  his  father’s 


891.  Rome 
becomes  a 
profitable 
real-estate 
center 


Ancieyit  Times 


892.  The  I 
fashioned 
Roman 
house 


SS6 

Id-  old  house  began  to  be  dissatisfied  with  it.  It  was  built  of  sun- 
dried  brick,  and,  like  the  old  settler’s  cabin  of  early  America,  it 
had  but  one  room.  In  this  room  all  the  household  life  centered. 
The  stool  and  spinning  outfit  of  the  wife  and  the  bed  of  the 

citizen  were  each 
assigned  to  a comer, 
while  the  kitchen 
was  simply  another 
comer  where  the 
family  meals  were 
cooked  over  an  open 
fire.  There  was  no 
chimney,  and  the 


Fig.  241. 


Plan  of  a Roman 
WITH  Peristyle 


The  earliest  Roman  house  had  consisted  of  a 
single  room,  the  atrium  {A),  with  the  pool  for  the 
rain  water  [B].  Then  a small  alcove,  or  lean-to, 
was  erected  at  the  rear  [C],  as  a room  for  the 
master  of  the  house.  Later  the  bedrooms  on 
each  side  of  the  atrium  were  added.  Finally, 
under  the  influence  of  Greek  life  (§  893),  the 
garden  court  (D  and  Fig.  242)  with  its  surround- 
ing colonnaded  porch  (peristyle)  (Fig.  208)  and 
a fountain  in  the  middle  [E)  was  built  at  the 
rear.  Then  a dining  room,  sitting  room,  and 
bedrooms  were  added,  which  opened  on  this 
court,  and  being  without  windows,  they  were 
lighted  from  the  court  through  the  doors.  In 
town  houses  it  was  quite  easy  to  partition  off 
a shop,  or  even  a whole  row  of  shops,  along 
the  front  or  side  of  the  house,  as  in  the  Hel- 
lenistic house  (Fig.  208).  The  houses  of  Pom- 
peii (Fig.  255)  were  almost  all  built  in  this  way 


House  smoke  passed  out 
of  a square  hole  in 
the  middle  of  the 
roof.  The  whole 
place  was  so  be- 
grimed by  smoke 
that  the  room  was 
called  the  atrium, 
a word  perhaps 
connected  with  the 
Latin  word  for 
"black”  (Fig.  240). 
Here,  then,  the  fam- 
ily took  their  meals, 
here  they  slept,  and 
here  in  full  view  of 
pots  and  kettles, 
beds  and  tables,  the  master  of  the  house  received  his  friends 
and  transacted  his  affairs  with  business  or  official  callers. 

The  Roman  citizen  of  the  new  age  had  walked  the  streets  of 
the  Hellenistic  cities.  Indeed,  he  had  long  before  been  familiar 
with  the  comfort,  luxury,  and  beauty  with  which  the  Greek 


World  Dominio7i  and  Degeneracy 


557 


piin\mi(Vii|i)iuiii(tjF 


''minniiimmu 


viiUSnikumLlltcaiiuiiui 


houses  of  Capua  and  Naples  were  filled  (§§  728  and  738).  At 
first  he  added  bedrooms  on  either  side  of  his  atrium  and  an 
additional  small  room  at  its  rear,  as  the  master’s  office  and  pri- 
vate room.  Soon,  however,  even  the  enlarged  atrium-house 


Fig.  242.  Peristyle  of  a Pompeian  House 

We  must  imagine  ourselves  standing  with  our  backs  toward  the  atrium 
(having  immediately  behind  us  the  room  C in  Fig.  241).  We  look  out 
into  the  court,  the  garden  of  the  house  (Fig.  241,  Z>).  The  marble 
tables  and  statues  and  the  marble  fountain  basin  in  the  middle 
(Fig.  241,  E),  just  as  we  see  them  here  in  the  drawing,  were  all  found  by 
the  excavators  in  their  places,  as  they  were  covered  by  volcanic  ashes 
over  eighteen  hundred  years  ago  (Fig.  255).  Here  centered  the  family 
life,  and  here  the  children  played  about  the  court,  brightened  with 
flowers  and  the  tinkling  music  of  the  fountains 

(Fig.  240)  was  not  large  enough,  and  behind  it  was  added  the 
Hellenistic  court  surrounded  by  its  colonnaded  porch  (Figs.  241 
and  242),  from  which  opened  bedrooms,  a dining  room,  a 
library,  rest  rooms,  and  at  the  rear  the  kitchen.  As  luxury  in- 
creased a second  story  might  be  added  to  receive  the  bedrooms 


893.  The 
wealthy 
Roman’s 
new  modern 
house 


558 


Ancient  Times 


894.  The 
luxurious 
furnishings 
and  adorn- 
ment of  the 
wealthy  Ro- 
man’s house 


895.  The 
new  conven- 
iences and 
luxuries  of 
the  wealthy 
Roman 
household 


and  perhaps  the  dining  room  also.  The  atrium  then  became  a 
large  and  stately  reception  hall  where  the  master  of  the  house 
could  display  his  wealth  in  statues,  paintings,  and  other  works 
of  art  — the  trophies  of  war  from  the  East. 

The  old  Roman  houses  had  been  unadorned  and  had  con- 
tained nothing  but  the  bare  necessities.  Carthaginian  ambassa- 
dors had  been  much  amused  to  recognize  at  successive  dinners  in 
Rome  the  same  silver  dishes  which  had  been  loaned  around  from 
house  to  house.  Not  long  before  the  Carthaginian  wars  an  ex- 
consul had  been  fined  for  having  more  than  ten  pounds’  weight 
of  silverware  in  his  house.  A generation  later  a wealthy  Roman 
was  using  in  his  household  silverware  which  weighed  some  ten 
thousand  pounds.  One  of  the  Roman  conquerors  of  Macedonia 
entered  Rome  with  two  hundred  and  fifty  wagonloads  of  Greek 
statues  and  paintings.  The  general  who  crushed  the  Aiitolians 
carried  off  over  five  hundred  bronze  and  marble  statues,  while 
the  destroyer  of  Carthage  filled  all  Rome  with  Greek  sculptures. 
A wealthy  citizen  in  even  so  small  a city  as  Pompeii  paved  a 
dining  alcove  with  a magnificent  mosaic  picture  of  Alexander  in 
battle  (Fig.  202),  which  had  once  formed  a floor  in  a splendid 
Hellenistic  house  in  Alexandria.  In  the  same  way  the  finest 
furniture,  hangings,  and  carpets  of  the  East  now  began  to  adorn 
the  houses  of  the  wealthy  in  Rome. 

All  those  conveniences  which  we  have  found  in  the  Hellenistic 
dwellings  (§  728)  were  likewise  quickly  introduced,  such  as  pipes 
for  running  water,  baths,  and  sanitary  conveniences.  The  more 
elaborate  houses  were  finally  equipped  with  tile  pipes  conduct- 
ing hot  air  for  warming  the  important  rooms,  the  earliest  sys- 
tem of  hot-air  heating  yet  found.  The  kitchen  was  furnished 
with  beautiful  bronze  utensils,  far  better  than  those  commonly 
found  in  our  own  kitchens  (Fig.  243).  On  social  occasions  the 
food  on  the  table  included  imported  delicacies  and  luxuries,  pur- 
chased at  enormous  expense.  A jar  of  salted  fish  from  the  Black 
Sea  cost  seventy-five  or  eighty  dollars,  and  the  old-fashioned  sena- 
tor Cato,  in  a speech  in  the  Senate,  protested  against  such 


Cl.  s c: 

w & 

^ c ^ ^ 

C o 


5 

^ biD 

D S 

X 

— . ^ 
3 "H. 

C/) 

D ‘'O 


^ C bli 


£ 

3 


bn-^ 

g O 

S o 


S O 
*->  T3 


World  Dominion  and  Degeneracy 


559 


luxun-,  stating  that  " Rome  was  the  only  city  in  the  world 
where  such  a jar  of  fish  cost  more  than  a yoke  of  oxen.” 

Such  luxury  required  a great  body  of  household  servants. 
There  was  a doorkeeper  at  the  front  door  (he  was  called  " jani- 
tor ” from  the  Latin  word  jafiua,  meaning  ''  door  ”),  and  from 


Fig.  243.  Bronze  Kitchen  Utensils  excavated  at  Pompeii 

This  kitchen  ware  used  by  the  cooks  of  Pompeii  was  found  still  lying 
in  the  kitchens  of  the  houses  as  they  were  uncovered  by  the  excavators. 
The  pieces  have  been  lettered,  and  the  student  will  find  it  interesting  to 
make  a list  of  them  by  name,  identifying  them  by  letter  and  indicating 
their  use  as  far  as  possible 

the  front  door  inward  there  was  a servant  for  every  small  duty 
in  the  house,  even  to  the  attendant  who  rubbed  down  the  mas- 
ter of  the  house  after  his  bath.  Almost  all  these  menials  were 
slaves,  but  it  was  not  always  possible  to  secure  a slave  as  cook, 
and  a wealthy  Roman  would  pay  as  much  as  five  thousand 
dollars  a year  for  a really  good  cook. 


896.  Numer- 
ous house- 
hold servants 
chiefly  slaves 


56o 


Ancient  Times 


897.  Works 
of  Greek  art 
in  Rome  and 
their  refining 
influence 


898.  Helle- 
nistic archi- 
tecture in 
Rome ; the 
basilica  and 
the  theater 


899.  Andro- 
nicus  and  his 
translations 
of  Greek 
literature  into 
Latin  (240- 
207  B.c.) 


While  the  effect  of  all  this  luxury  introduced  from  the  East 
was  on  the  whole  very  bad,  nevertheless  the  former  plain, 
matter-of-fact,  prosaic  life  of  the  Roman  citizen  was  stimulated 
and  refined  both  at  home  and  in  the  Senate  hall  by  the  most 
beautiful  creations  of  Greek  genius.  Even  while  eating  his 
dinner,  the  commonplace  citizen  of  Pompeii  sat  looking  at  the 
heroic  death  of  the  Persian  nobles  of  Darius  (Fig.  202).  But 
there  were  never  any  Roman  artists  capable  of  producing  such 
works  as  these. 

A Roman  senator  returning  from  Alexandria  could  not  but 
feel  that  Rome,  in  spite  of  some  new  and  modern  buildings, 
was  very  plain  and  unattractive,  with  its  simple  temples  and 
old  public  buildings ; and  he  realized  that  Alexandria  was  the 
greatest  and  most  splendid  city  in  the  world.  Roman  emula- 
tion was  aroused  and  forms  of  Hellenistic  architecture,  like  the 
basilica  on  the  Forum  (§  890),  were  beginning  to  appear  in 
Rome.  It  was  not  long,  too,  before  a Greek  theater  appeared, 
improved  by  the  Romans  with  awnings  to  keep  out  the  hot 
sunshine,  a curtain  in  front  of  the  stage,  like  ours,  and  seats 
in  the  orchestra  circle  where  once  the  Greek  chorus  had  sung 
(Plate  VII,  p.  558). 

At  the  close  of  the  Sicilian  War  (241  b.c.)  a Greek  slave 
named  Andronicus,  who  had  been  taken  as  a lad  by  the  Romans 
when  they  captured  the  Greek  city  of  Tarentum  (§  824),  was 
given  his  freedom  by  his  master  at  Rome.  Seeing  the  interest 
of  the  Romans  in  Greek  literature,  he  translated  the  Odyssey 
(§  410)  into  Latin  as  a schoolbook  for  Roman  children.  For  { 
their  elders  he  likewise  rendered  into  Latin  the  classic  trage-  i 
dies  which  we  have  seen  in  Athens  (§  579),  and  also  a I 
number  of  Attic  comedies  (§  582).  This  worthy  Greek,  An-  ' 
dronicus,  was  the  first  literary  man  in  history  to  attempt  , 
artistic  translations  possessing  literary  finish.  He  was,  there- 
fore, the  founder  of  the  art  of  literary  translation.  Through  \ 
his  work  the  materials  and  the  forms  of  Greek  literature  [ 
began  to  enter  Roman  life. 


World  Dominio7i  and  Degs7ieracy 


561 


The  Romans  had  been  accustomed  to  do  very  little  in  the 
way  of  educating  their  children.  There  were  no  schools  at  first, 
but  the  good  old  Roman  custom  had  been  for  the  father  to  in- 
struct his  own  children.  Even  when  schools  arose,  there  was 
no  literature  for  the  Roman  lads  to  learn,  as  Greek  boys  had 
learned  Homer  and  the  other  poets  (§  555).  The  Roman 
father’s  respect  for  law  and  order  led  him  to  have  his  son  taught 
the  "Twelve  Tables”  of  the  law,  and  recite  them  to  the  school- 
master, as  English-speaking  children  are  taught  the  Ten  Com- 
mandments. Such  schools  had  been  very  poorly  equipped ; 
some  of  them,  indeed,  were  held  in  the  open  air  in  a side 
street  or  a comer  of  the  Eorum.  At  best  they  had  met  in 
a bare  room  belonging  to  a dwelling  house,  and  there  were  no 
schoolhouses. 

Gradually  parents  began  to  send  their  children  to  the  schools 
which  the  freed  Greek  slaves  of  Rome  were  beginning  to  open 
there.  Moreover,  there  was  here  and  there  a household  which 
possessed  an  educated  Greek  slave,  like  Andronicus,  who  might 
become  the  tutor  of  the  children,  giving  regular  instruction  and 
teaching  his  pupils  to  read  from  the  new  primer  of  Andronicus, 
as  we  may  call  his  Latin  translation  of  Homer.  Now  and  then 
Greek  teachers  of  renown  appeared  and  lectured  in  Rome. 
Young  Roman  nobles  thus  gained  the  opportunity  of  studying 
rhetoric  and  public  speaking,  which  they  knew  to  be  of  great 
practical  use  in  the  career  of  public  office  to  which  they  all 
aspired.  Indeed,  it  was  not  uncommon  for  a young  Roman  of 
station  to  complete  his  higher  education  in  Athens  itself  (§  762). 

As  Rome  gained  control  of  Greece,  the  mingling  of  Greek 
and  Roman  life  was  increasingly  intimate.  When  a thousand 
of  the  leading  Achseans  were  brought  to  Rome  as  hostages 
(§  884),  there  was  among  them  a Greek  statesman  of  great 
refinement  and  literary  culture  named  Polybius.  He  was  taken 
into  the  family  of  the  Scipios,  traveled  about  with  them  on  their 
great  campaigns,  and  occupied  a position  of  dignity  and  re- 
spect. He  v/itnessed  the  destruction  of  both  Carthage  and 


900.  The  old- 
fashioned 
Roman 
schools 


901.  Greek 
influences 
in  the  new 
education 
in  Rome 


902.  The 
influence  of 
cultivated 
Greeks  in 
Rome ; 
Polybius 


562 


Ancient  Times 


903.  Greek 
foundations 
of  Latin 
literature 


904.  Rise 
of  Latin 
literature 


Corinth,  and  finally  wrote  an  immortal  history,  in  Greek,  of 
the  great  Roman  wars.  Such  cultivated  Greeks  had  a great 
influence  on  the  finer  Romans  like  the  Scipios.  Polybius  tells 
how  he  stood  with  the  younger  Scipio  and  watched  the  burn- 
ing of  Carthage,  while  his  young  Roman  lord  burst  into  tears 
and  quoted  Homer’s  noble  lines  regarding  the  destruction 
of  Troy. 

Such  familiarity  with  the  only  literature  known  to  the  Romans, 
such  daily  and  hourly  intimacy  with  cultivated  Greeks,  aroused 
the  impulse  toward  literary  expression  among  the  Romans 
themselves.  To  be  sure,  the  Latins,  like  all  peasant  peoples, 
had  had  their  folk  songs  and  their  simple  forms  of  verse,  but 
these  natural  products  of  the  soil  of  Latium  soon  disappeared 
as  the  men  of  Latin  speech  felt  the  influence  of  an  already 
highly  finished  literature.  Latin  literature,  therefore,  did  not 
develop  along  its  own  lines  from  native  beginnings,  as  did 
Greek  literature,  but  it  grew  up  on  the  basis  of  a great  inherit- 
ance from  abroad.  Indeed,  we  now  see,  as  the  Roman  poet 
Horace  said,  that  Rome,  the  conqueror,  was  herself  conquered 
by  the  civilization  of  the  Greeks. 

Poets  and  writers  of  history  now  arose  in  Italy,  and  educated 
Romans  could  read  of  the  great  deeds  of  their  ancestors  in  long 
epic  poems  modeled  on  those  of  Homer.  In  such  literature  were 
gradually  recorded  the  picturesque  legends  of  early  Rome,  like 
the  story  of  Romulus  and  Remus  and  similar  tales  (p.  484,  note), 
extending  down  through  the  early  kings  (p.  497,  note).  It  is 
from  these  sources,  now  no  longer  regarded  as  history,  that  the 
early  history  of  Rome  used  to  be  drawn.  The  Greek  comedies 
of  Menander  (§  754)  attracted  the  Romans  greatly;  imitat- 
ing these,  the  new  Latin  play  writers,  especially  Plautus  (died 
about  184  B.c.)  and  Terence  (died  about  159  B.c.),  produced 
very  clever  comedies  caricaturing  the  society  of  Rome,  to  which 
the  Romans  listened  with  uproarious  delight.  Their  production 
on  the  stage  led  to  the  highly  developed  theater  buildings  which 
we  have  already  mentioned  (§  898). 


World  Domhiion  and  Degeneracy  563 

As  the  new  Latin  literature  grew,  papyrus  rolls  bearing  Latin 
works  were  more  and  more  common  in  Rome.  Then  publish- 
ers, in  back  rooms  filled  with  slave  copyists,  began  to  appear 
in  the  city.  One  of  the  Roman  conquerors  of  Macedon  brought 
back  the  books  of  the  Macedonian  king,  and  founded  the  first 
private  library  in  Rome.  Wealthy  Romans  were  now  pro- 
viding library  rooms  in  their  houses.  A group  of  literary 
men  arose,  including  the  finest  of  the  Roman  leaders,  and  no 
man  could  claim  to  belong  to  this  cultivated  world  without 
acquaintance  with  a well-stocked  library  of  Greek  and  Latin 
books.  Such  Romans  spoke  Greek  almost  if  not  quite  as  w'ell 
as  Latin.  These  educated  men  were  finally  in  sharp  contrast 
with  the  uneducated  mass  of  the  Roman  people,  and  there 
thus  arose  the  twm  classes,  educated  and  uneducated  — a 
distinction  unknown  in  rhe  days  of  the  early  farmer  republic. 

Section  82.  Degeneration  in  City  and  Country 

The  new  life  of  Greek  culture  and  luxury  brought  with  it 
many  evils.  Even  the  younger  Scipio,  an  ardent  friend  of  Greek 
literature  and  art,  expressed  his  pained  surprise  at  finding 
Roman  boys  in  a Greek  dancing  school,  learning  unwholesome 
dances,  just  as  many  worthy  people  among  us  disapprove  of 
the  new  dances  now  widely  cultivated  in  America.  Cato,  one 
of  the  hardiest  of  the  old-fashioned  Romans,  denounced  the  new 
culture  and  the  luxury  w^hich  had  come  in  with  it  (§  895).  As 
censor  he  had  the  power  to  stop  many  of  the  luxurious  new 
practices,  and  he  spread  terror  among  the  showy  young  dandies 
and  ladies  of  fashion  in  Rome.  He  and  other  Romans  like  him 
succeeded  in  passing  law  after  law  against  expensive  habits  of 
many  kinds,  like  the  growing  love  of  showy  jewelry  among 
the  women,  or  their  use  of  carriages  where  they  formerly 
went  on  foot.  But  such  laws  could  not  prevent  the  slow  cor- 
ruption of  the  people.  The  old  simplicity,  purity,  and  beauty 
of  Roman  family  life  was  disappearing,  and  divorce  was 


905.  Publish- 
ers, libraries, 
and  the  edu- 
cated class 


906.  Corrupt- 
ing influences 
of  the  new 
luxury ; laws 
against  ex- 
travagance 


564 


Ancient  Times 


907.  Inability 
of  the  masses 
to  appreciate 
Greek 
literature 


908.  Gladi- 
atorial com- 
bats as  a 
political 
influence 


909.  Amphi- 
theater for 
gladiatorial 
combats,  and 
circuses  for 
chariot  races 


becoming  common.  The  greatest  days  of  Roman  character 
were  past,  and  Roman  power  was  to  go  on  growing,  without 
the  restraining  influence  of  old  Roman  virtue. 

This  was  especially  evident  in  the  lives  of  the  uneducated  and 
poorer  classes  also.  To  them,  as  indeed  to  the  vast  majority  of 
all  classes,  Greek  civilization  was  chiefly  attractive  because  of 
the  numerous  luxuries  of  Hellenistic  life.  The  common  people 
had  no  comprehension  of  Greek  civilization.  At  the  destruction 
of  Corinth,  Polybius  saw  Roman  soldiers  shaking  dice  on  a won- 
derful old  Greek  painting  which  they  had  torn  down  from  the 
wall  and  spread  out  on  the  ground  like  an  old  piece  of  awning. 
When  a cultivated  Roman  thought  to  gain  popular  favor  by 
arranging  a program  of  Greek  instrumental  music  at  a pub- 
lic entertainment,  the  audience  stopped  the  performance  and 
shouted  to  the  musicians  to  throw  down  their  instruments  and 
begin  a boxing  match ! Contrast  this  with  the  Athenian  public 
in  the  days  of  Pericles ! 

It  was  to  Roman  citizens  with  tastes  like  these  that  the 
leaders  of  the  new  age  were  obliged  to  turn  for  votes  and  for 
support  in  order  to  gain  office.  To  such  tastes,  therefore,  the 
Roman  nobles  began  to  appeal.  Early  in  the  Sicilian  War  with 
Carthage  there  had  been  introduced  the  old  Etruscan  custom 
of  single  combats  between  condemned  criminals  or  slaves,  who 
slew  each  other  to  honor  the  funeral  of  some  great  Roman. 
These  combatants  came  to  be  called  gladiators,  from  a Latin  1 
word  gladins,  meaning  " sword.’'  The  delight  of  the  Roman  i 
people  in  these  bloody  displays  was  such  that  the  officials  in 
charge  of  the  various  public  feasts,  without  waiting  for  a 
funeral,  used  to  arrange  a long  program  of  such  combats  in 
the  hope  of  pleasing  the  people,  and  thus  gaining  their  votes 
and  securing  election  to  future  higher  offices. 

These  barbarous  and  bloody  spectacles  took  place  at  first 
within  a temporary  circle  of  seats,  which  finally  became  a great 
stone  structure  especially  built  for  the  purpose.  It  was  called  , 
an  amphitheater,  because  it  was  formed  by  placing  two  (amphi) 


World  Dominion  and  Degeneracy 


565 


theaters  face  to  face  (Fig.  262).  Soon  afterward  combats  be- 
tween gladiators  and  wild  beasts  were  introduced  (headpiece, 
p.  549).  The  athletic  contests  which  had  so  interested  the 
Greeks  were  far  too  tame  for  the  appetite  of  the  Roman  public. 
The  chariot  race,  how'ever,  did  appeal  to  the  Romans,  and  they 
began  to  build  enormous  courses  surrounded  by  seats  for  vast 
numbers  of  spectators.  These  buildings  they  called  circuses. 

The  common  people  of  Rome  were  thus  gradually  debased 
and  taught  to  expect  such  public  spectacles,  sometimes  lasting 
for  days,  as  their  share  of  the  plunder  from  the  great  con- 
•quests.  At  the  same  time,  as  their  poverty  increased,  the  free 
food  once  furnished  them  by  the  wealthy  classes  far  exceeded 
what  private  donors  were  able  to  give.  It  was  therefore  taken 
up  by  the  State,  which  arranged  regular  distributions  of  grain 
to  the  populace.  Vicious  as  this  custom  was,  it  was  far  from 
being  so  great  an  evil  as  the  bribery  which  the  candidates  for 
office  now  secretly  practiced.  Laws  passed  to  prevent  the 
practice  w'ere  of  slight  effect.  The  only  Roman  citizens  who 
■could  vote  were  those  who  attended  the  assemblies  at  Rome, 
and  henceforth  we  have  only  too  often  the  spectacle  of  a 
Roman  candidate  controlling  the  government  that  ruled  the 
world  by  bribing  the  little  body  of  citizens  who  attended  the 
Roman  assemblies. 

All  these  practices  enormously  increased  the  expenses  of  a 
political  career.  The  young  Roman,  who  formerly  might  have 
demonstrated  his  ability  and  his  worthy  character  in  some  minor 
office  as  a claim  upon  the  votes  of  the  community,  was  now 
obliged  to  borrow  money  to  pay  for  a long  program  of  gladia- 
torial games.  In  secret  he  might  also  spend  a large  sum  in 
bribing  voters.  If  elected  he  received  no  salary,  and  in  carry- 
ing on  the  business  of  his  office  he  was  again  obliged  to  meet 
heavy  expenses.  For  the  Roman  government  had  never  been 
properly  equipped  with  clerks,  bookkeepers,  and  accountants; 
that  is,  the  staff  of  public  servants  whom  we  call  the  " civil 
service.”  The  newly  elected  official,  therefore,  had  to  supply 


910.  Distri- 
bution of 
free  grain 
to  the  poor, 
and  bribery 


911.  Ex- 
penses of 
a political 
career;  lack 
of  a civil 
service 


566 


Ancient  Times 


912.  Growth 
of  self- 
interest  ; the 
unrepublican 
character  of 
returned 
provincial 
governors 


913.  Growth 
of  great  es- 
tates ; decline 
of  the  small 
farms 


914.  Cap- 
tives of  war 
as  slaves 


a Staff  of  clerks  at  his  own  expense.  Even  a consul  sat  at 
home  in  a household  room  turned  into  an  office  and  carried 
on  government  business  with  his  own  clerks  and  accountants, 
of  whom  one  was  usually  a Greek. 

The  Roman  politician  now  sought  office,  in  order  that  through 
it  he  might  gain  the  influence  which  would  bring  him  the  governor- 
ship of  a rich  province.  If  he  finally  gained  his  object,  he  often 
reached  his  province  burdened  with  debts  incurred  in  winning 
elections  in  Rome.  But  the  prize  of  a large  province  was  worth 
all  it  cost.  Indeed,  the  consulship  itself  was  finally  regarded  as 
merely  a stepping-stone  to  a provincial  governorship.  When  a 
retired  provincial  governor  returned  to  Rome,  he  was  no  longer 
the  simple  Roman  of  the  good  old  days.  He  lived  like  a prince 
and,  as  we  have  seen,  he  surrounded  himself  with  royal  luxury. 
These  men  of  self-interest,  who  had  held  the  supreme  power 
in  a province,  were  a menace  to  the  republic,  for  they  had 
tasted  the  power  of  kings  without  the  restraints  of  Roman  law 
and  Roman  republican  institutions  to  hamper  them. 

But  the  evils  of  the  new  wealth  were  not  less  evident  in  the 
cou7it?-y.  It  was  not  thought  proper  for  a Roman  senator  or 
noble  to  undertake  commercial  enterprises  or  to  engage  in  any 
business.  The  most  respectable  forrn_  of  wealth  was  lands. 
Hence  the  successful  Roman  noble  bought  farm  after  farm, 
which  he  combined  into  a great  estate  or  plantation.  The  capi- 
talists who  had  plundered  the  provinces  did  the  same.  Look- 
ing northward  from  Rome,  the  old  Etruscan  country  was  now 
made  up  of  extensive  estates  belonging  to  wealthy  Romans  of 
the  city.  Only  here  and  there  were  still  to  be  found  the  little 
farms  of  the  good  old  Roman  days.  Large  portions  of  Italy 
were  in  this  condition.  The  small  farm  seemed  in  a fair  way 
to  disappear  as  it  had  done  in  Greece  (§  626). 

It  was  impossible  for  a wealthy  landowner  to  work  these 
great  estates  with  free,  hired  labor.  Nor  was  he  obliged  to 
do  so.  From  the  close  of  the  Hannibalic  War  onward  the 
Roman  conquests  had  brought  to  Italy  great  numbers  of 


World  Dominion  and  Degeneracy 


567 


captives  of  war  from  Carthage,  Spain,  Gaul,  Macedonia,  Greece, 
and  Asia  Minor.  These  unhappy  prisoners  were  sold  as  slaves. 
The  coast  of  the  Adriatic  opposite  Italy  alone  yielded  one 
hundred  and  fifty'  thousand  captives.  An  ordinary  day  laborer 
would  bring  about  three  hundred  dollars  at  auction,  a crafts- 
man or  a good  clerk  was  much  more  valuable,  and  a young 
woman  who  could  play  the  lyre  would  bring  a thousand  dollars. 
The  sale  of  such  captives  was  thus  enormously  profitable.  We 
ha\'e  already  seen  such  slaves  in  the  households  at  Rome.  The 
estates  of  Italy  were  now  filled  with  them. 

Household  slavery  was  usually'  not  attended  with  much  hard- 
ship, but  the  life  of  the  slaves  on  the  great  plantations  was 
little  better  than  that  of  beasts.  Worthy  and  free-bom  men 
from  the  eastern  Mediterranean  were  branded  with  a hot  iron 
like  oxen,  to  identify'  them  forever.  They  were  herded  at  night 
in  cellar  barracks,  and  in  the  morning  were  driven  like  half- 
staiwed  beasts  of  burden  to  work  in  the  fields.  The  green 
fields  of  Italy,  where  sturdy  farmers  once  watched  the  grow- 
ing grain  sown  and  cultivated  by'  their  own  hands,  were  now 
worked  by  wretched  and  hopeless  creatures  who  wished  they' 
had  never  been  bom.  \^’hen  the  supply  of  captives  from  the 
wars  failed,  the  Roman  government  winked  at  the  practices 
of  slave  pirates,  who  carried  on  wholesale  kidnaping  in  the 
Higean  and  eastern  Mediterranean  for  years.  They  sold  the 
victims  in  the  slave  market  at  Delos,  whence  they  w'ere  brought 
by  Roman  merchants  to  Italy. 

Thus  Italy  and  Sicily  were  fairly  flooded  with  slaves.  The 
brutal  treatment  which  they  received  was  so  unbearable  that  at 
various  places  in  Italy  they  finally  rose  against  their  masters. 
Even  when  they  did  not  revolt,  they  were  a grave  danger  to 
public  safety'.  The  lonelier  roads  of  Italy  yvere  infested  by- 
slave  herdsmen,  lawless  ancient  cowboys  who  robbed  and  slew 
and  in  many  districts  made  it  unsafe  to  live  in  the  country-  or 
travel  the  country'  roads.  The  conditions  in  Sicily  were  worse 
than  in  Italy.  In  central  and  southern  Sicily'  the  revolting 


915.  Brutal 
treatment  of 
plantation 
slaves 


916.  Slave 
revolts  and 
disorders 


568 


A^icient  Times 


917.  Hos- 
tility between 
the  rich  and 
the  poor,  es- 
pecially the 
small  farmers 


918.  De- 
struction of 
farms  and 
farm  life  in 
Italy  by  war 


slaves  gathered  some  sixty  thousand  in  number,  slew  their  j 
masters,  captured  towns,  and  set  up  a kingdom.  It  required 
a Roman  consul  at  the  head  of  an  army  and  a war  lasting 
several  years  to  subdue  them. 

During  the  uprising  of  the  slaves  in  Sicily  the  small  farm 
owners,  free  me7i,  went  about  burning  the  fine  villas  of  the  \ 
wealthy  plantation  proprietors.  The  slave  rebellion  therefore 
was  a revelation  of  the  hatred  not  only  among  the  slaves  but 
also  among  the  poor  farming  class  of  freeitieti  — the  hatred 
toward  the  rich  landowners  felt  by  all  the  lower  classes  in  the 
country,  slave  or  free.  The  great  conquests  and  the  wealth 
they  brought  in  had  made  the  rich  so  much  richer  and  the 
poor  so  much  poorer  that  the  two  classes  were  completely 
thrust  apart  and  they  no  longer  had  any  common  life.  Italy 
was  divided  into  two  great  social  classes  dangerously  hostile  to  | 
each  other.  The  bulk  of  the  population  of  Italy  had  formerly  j 
been  small  farmers,  as  we  have  seen.  Let  us  examine  the  effect  I 
of  the  great  wars  on  the  small  farmers.  ' 

War  seemed  a great  and  glorious  thing  when  we  were  fol-  j' 
lowing  the  brilliant  victories  of  Hannibal  and  the  splendid  tri-  [; 
umph  of  Scipio  at  Zama.  But  now  we  are  to  see  the  other  side  , 
of  the  picture.  Never  has  there  been  an  age  in  which  the  ter-  i 
rible  and  desolating  results  of  war  have  so  tragically  revealed  ; 
the  awful  cost  of  such  glory.  The  happy  and  industrious  fami-  ' ! 
lies  cultivating  the  little  farms  which  dotted  the  green  hills  and  !| 
plains  of  Italy  had  now  been  helplessly  scattered  by  the  storms  1 1 
of  war,  as  the  wind  drives  the  autumn  leaves.  The  campaigns  1 
of  Hannibal  left  southern  Italy  desolate  far  and  wide,  and  | 
much  of  central  Italy  was  in  little  better  condition.  These  j 
devastated  districts  left  lying  waste  were  never  again  cultivated, 
and  slowly  becaipe  pasture  lands.  In  regions  untouched  by 
invasion,  fathers  and  elder  sons  had  been  absent  from  home  | 
for  years  holding  their  posts  in  the  legion,  fighting  the  battles  j 
which  brought  Rome  her  great  position  as  mistress  of  the  j 
world.  If  the  soldier  returned  he  often  found  the  monotonous  I 


World  Dommio7i  and  Dege^ieracy 


569 


round  of  farm  duties  much  too  tedious  after  his  adventurous 
life  of  war  abroad.  Leaving  the  plow,  therefore,  he  returned 
to  his  place  in  the  legion  to  resume  the  exciting  life  of  war  and 
plunder  under  some  great  leader  whom  he  loved.  Home  life 
and  wholesome  country'  influences  were  undermined  and  broken 
up.  The  mothers,  left  to  bring  up  the  younger  children  alone, 
saw  the  family  scattered  and  drifting  away  from  the  little  farm, 
till  it  was  left  forsaken. 

Too  often  as  the  returning  soldier  approached  the  spot  where 
he  was  bom  he  no  longer  found  the  house  that  had  sheltered 
his  childhood.  His  family  was  gone  and  his  little  farm,  sold  for 
debt,  had  been  bought  up  by  some  wealthy  Roman  of  the  city 
and  absorbed  into  a great  plantation  like  those  which  the 
Romans  had  found  surrounding  Carthage  (§  837).  His  neigh- 
bors, too,  had  disappeared  and  their  farms  had  likewise  gone 
to  enlarge  the  rich  man’s  great  estate.  Across  the  hills  on  a 
sunny  eminence  he  saw  the  stately  villa,  the  home  of  the 
Roman  noble,  \vho  now  owned  the  farms  of  all  the  surround- 
ing country.  He  cursed  the  wealth  which  had  done  all  this, 
and  wandered  up  to  the  great  city  to  look  for  free  grain  from 
the  government,  to  enjoy  the  games  and  circuses,  and  to  in- 
crease the  poor  class  already  there. 

Or  if  he  found  his  home  and  his  little  farm  uninjured,  and  was 
willing  to  settle  down  to  work  its  fields  as  of  old,  he  was  soon 
aware  that  the  hordes  of  slaves  now  cultivating  the  great  planta- 
tions around  him  were  producing  grain  so  cheaply,  that  when  he 
had  sold  his  harvest  he  had  not  received  enough  for  it  to  enable 
him  and  his  family  to  live.  At  the  same  time  the  markets  of 
Italy  were  filled  with  cheap  grain  from  Sicily,  Africa,  and  Egypt- 
\A’ith  this  imported  grain  often  given  away  by  the  government, 
he  could  not  compete,  and  slowly  he  fell  behind ; he  borrowed 
money,  and  his  debts  increased.  Forced  to  sell  the  little  farm 
at  last,  he  too  wandered  into  Rome,  where  he  found  thousands 
upon  thousands  of  his  kind,  homeless,  embittered,  and  dependent 
upon  the  State  for  food. 


919.  The 
small  farms 
bought  up 
by  wealthy 
plantation 
owners 


920.  Inability 
of  the  farmer 
to  compete 
with  slave 
labor  and 
cheap  im- 
ported grain 


570 


Ancient  Times 


921.  Degen- 
eration and 
discontent 
in  Italy 


922.  Eco- 
nomic and 
agricultural 
decline  in 
Greece 


923.  Decline 
of  Hellenistic 
civilization 


The  Sturdy  farmer-citizens  who  had  made  up  the  bulk  of 
the  citizenship  of  Rome,  the  yeomanry  from  whom  she  had  1 

drawn  her  splendid  armies,  — these  men  who  had  formed  the  | 
very  substance  of  the  power  upon  which  the  Roman  Senate 
had  built  up  its  world  empire,  were  now  perishing.  After  the  | 
Macedonian  wars  the  census  returns  showed  a steady  decline  in  1 

the  number  of  citizens  of  the  republic  in  Italy.  At  the  same  time  i, 

there  was  serious  discontent  among  the  cities  of  the  allies  in  ! 
Italy  because  they  had  never  been  given  full  citizenship.  They 
saw  the  government  of  a world  empire  in  the  hands  of  a corrupt 
Senate  and  a small  body  of  more  and  more  brutalized  citizens 
at  Rome,  and  they  demanded  their  share  in  the  control  of  the 
great  empire  to  whose  armies  they  had  contributed  as  many 
troops  as  the  citizens  of  the  Republic  had  done. 

The  wealth  and  power  which  Roman  world  dominion  had  ' 
gained  had  thus  brought  Rome  and  Italy  to  the  verge  of  de-  I 
struction.  Nor  was  the  situation  any  better  in  the  most  civi-  1 

lized  portions  of  the  empire  outside  of  Italy,  and  especially  in  ! 

Greece.  Under  the  large  plantation  system,  introduced  from 
Asia  Minor,  where  it  had  grown  up  under  the  Persians  (§  269), 
the  Greek  farmers  had  disappeared  (§  626),  as  those  of  Italy 
were  now  beginning  to  do.  Add  to  this  condition  the  robberies 
and  extortions  of  the  Roman  taxgatherers  and  governors,  the  [ 
continuous  slave  raids  of  the  AEgean  pirates,  whose  pillaging  ■ 
and  kidnaping  the  Roman  Republic  criminally  failed  to  prevent, 
the  shift  of  Greek  commerce  eastward  (§  724),  and  we  have 
reasons  enough  for  the  destruction  of  business,  of  agriculture,  1 
and  of  prosperity  in  the  Greek  world.  ■ 

But  that  wondrous  development  of  higher  civilization  which  { 
we  found  in  the  Hellenistic  world  (Chap.  XXI)  was  likewise  i 
showing  signs  of  decline.  The  sumptuous  buildings  forming  ! 
the  great  home  of  science  in  Alexandria  (§  743)  now  repre-  ; 
sented  little  more  than  the  high  aims  once  cherished  and  sup-  j 
ported  by  the  Macedonian  kings  of  Egypt.  For  when  such 
State  support  failed,  with  its  salaries  and  pensions  to  scientists 


World  Dominion  and  Degeneracy 


571 


and  philosophers,  the  line  of  scientists  failed  too.  Hence  we 
see  how  largely  science  in  the  Hellenistic  Age  was  rooted  in 
the  treasuries  of  the  Hellenistic  kings,  rather  than  in  the  nainds 
of  the  Greek  race  as  it  had  been  of  old,  when  for  sheer  love  of 
knowledge  the  Greek  philosopher  carried  on  his  studies  without 
such  support. 

The  Mediterranean  was  now  the  home  of  Greek  civilization 
in  the  East  and  of  Roman  civilization  in  the  MTst,  but  the  fail- 
ure of  the  Roman  Senate  to  organize  a successful  government 
for  the  empire  they  had  conquered,  — a government  even  as 
good  as  that  of  Persia  under  Darius  (§  286),  — this  failure  had 
brought  the  whole  world  of  Mediterranean  civilization  perilously 
near  destruction.  In  the  European  background  beyond  the 
Alpine  frontiers,  there  were  rumblings  of  vast  movements 
among  the  northern  barbarians,  threatening  to  descend  as  oi 
old  and  completely  overwhelm  the  civilization  which  for  over 
three  thousand  years  had  been  slowly  built  up  by  Orientals  and 
Greeks  and  Romans  in  the  Mediterranean  world.  It  now 
looked  very  much  as  if  the  Roman  State  was  about  to  perish, 
and  with  it  the  civilization  which  had  been  growing  for  so  many 
centuries.  Was  civilized  man  indeed  to  perish  from  the  earth  ? 
Or  would  the  Roman  State  be  able  to  survive  and  to  preserve 
civilization  from  destruction  ? 

Rome  was  a city-state.'  The  finest  fruits  of  civilization  in 
art,  literature,  science,  and  thought  had  been  produced  under 
the  government  of  city-states,  as  we  have  seen  (§  767).  But 
among  the  Greeks  this  very  limited  form  of  state  had  out- 
lived its  usefulness  and  had  over  and  over  again  proved  its 
inability  to  organize  and  control  successfully  a larger  world, 
that  is,  an  empire.  The  city-state  of  the  Roman  Republic 
had  now  also  demonstrated  that  its  limited  machinery  of 
government  was  quite  unfitted  to  rule  successfully  the  vast 
Mediterranean  world  which  it  was  now  endeavoring  to  con- 
trol. Would  it  be  able  to  transform  itself  into  a great  im- 
perial State,  with  all  the  many  offices  necessary  to  give 


924.  Failure 
of  Roman 
government 
of  the  Medi- 
terranean 
world ; peril- 
ous situation 
of  civilization 


925.  The 
failure  of  the 
city-state  in 
imperial 
government 


572 


Ancient  Times 


926.  The  re- 
sponsibility 
of  Rome  to 
organize  and 
defend  the 
civilization 
of  the  Medi- 
terranean 
world 


successful  government  to  the  peoples  and  nations  surrounding 
the  Mediterranean  ? Would  it  then  be  able  to  do  for  the  Medi- 
terranean world  what  the  oriental  empires  had  once  done  for  a 
world  equally  large  in  Western  Asia  and  Egypt  ? 

We  stand  at  the  point  where  the  civilization  of  the  Hellen- 
istic world  began  to  decline,  after  the  destruction  of  Carthage 
and  Corinth  (146  b.c.).  We  are  now  to  watch  the  Roman 
people  in  the  deadly  internal  struggle  which  we  have  seen 
impending  between  rich  and  poor.  They  had  at  the  same  time 
to  continue  their  rule  of  the  Mediterranean  world  as  best  they 
could,  while  the  dangerous  internal  transformation  was  going 
on.  In  the  midst  of  these  grave  responsibilities  they  had  also 
to  face  the  barbarian  hordes  of  the  North.  In  spite  of  all  these 
threatening  dangers,  we  shall  see  them  gaining  the  needed 
imperial  organization  which  enabled  the  Roman  State  to  hurl 
back  the  Northern  barbarians,  to  hold  the  northern  frontiers  for  | 
five  hundred  years,  and  thus  to  preserve  the  civilization  which  | 

had  cost  mankind  so  many  centuries  of  slow  progress  — the  | 

civilization  which,  because  it  was  so  preserved,  has  become  our  [ 
own  inheritance  to-day.  This  achievement  of  Rome  we  are  now  ; 

to  follow  in  the  final  chapters  of  the  story  of  the  ancient  world.  j 


«,)UESTIONS 

Section  80.  As  mistress  of  the  western  Mediterranean  world, 
what  was  to  be  Rome’s  attitude  toward  the  other  nations  of  the  Med- 
iterranean? Why  was  Rome  bound  to  subdue  Philip  of  Macedon? 
Describe  the  struggle  between  Rome  and  Macedon.  By  extending 
her  power  over  Macedon,  with  what  other  eastern  empire  was  Rome 
in  contact?  Describe  the  struggle  between  Rome  and  the  Seleucid 
Empire.  What  then  happened  to  Macedon  ? to  the  Greeks  ? What 
two  splendid  cities  were  destroyed  in  the  same  year  by  the  Romans? 
What  can  you  say  of  the  rapidity  of  the  Roman  conquests  ? Describe 
the  task  of  government  now  confronting  Rome. 

Section  81.  Had  the  Romans  any  experience  in  governing  prov- 
inces ? Describe  the  rule  of  the  usual  Roman  governor.  What  can 
you  say  of  the  increase  of  Roman  wealth  ? What  was  the  effect  on 


World  Dominion  and  Degeneracy 


573 


business  at  Rome  ? What  kind  of  a house  had  the  Roman  formerly 
lived  in?  What  kind  did  he  now  build?  How  was  it  furnished,  and 
whence  did  its  luxuries  often  come  ? How  did  this  compare  with  the 
situation  before  the  Carthaginian  wars  ? What  can  you  say  of  the  serv- 
ants in  a wealthy  household  ? Describe  the  effect  of  Greek  works 
of  art  in  Rome.  Were  there  any  Roman  artists  equal  to  those  in 
Greece?  Tell  how  Greek  literature  became  known  in  Rome.  De- 
scribe the  old  Roman  schools.  How  did  educated  Greeks  affect 
teaching  in  Rome?  Tell  about  Polybius.  How  did  Latin  literature 
arise  ? What  can  you  say  of  libraries  and  the  educated  class  ? 

Sectiox  82.  How  was  the  new  luxury  affecting  Roman  life? 
What  were  the  tastes  of  the  ordinary  Roman  ? Describe  the  rise  of 
gladiatorial  combats.  What  can  you  say  about  the  expenses  of  a 
political  career  ? What  was  happening  to  the  small  farms  ? Describe 
slavery  on  the  large  estates  ; slave  revolts.  Describe  the  effect  of  the 
wars  on  the  small  farmers ; the  effect  of  the  large  estates  and  cheap 
grain.  Describe  the  situation  of  Italy  as  a whole ; of  Greece  and 
the  ^gean  world.  What  was  the  situation  of  Hellenistic  civilization 
as  a whole?  How  then  had  Roman  leadership  of  the  Mediterranean 
world  succeeded  thus  far?  Did  a city-state  possess  the  organization 
fitted  to  rule  a great  empire?  What  three  great  tasks  faced  the 
Roman  government : first  in  Italy,  second  in  the  whole  Mediterra- 
nean world,  and  third  on  the  northern  and  eastern  frontiers  ? 

Note.  The  sketch  below  shows  us  a comer  of  a Roman  library.  The  books 
are  all  in  the  form  of  rolls  (Fig.  191),  arranged  in  large  pigeonhole  sections  hke 
rolls  of  wall  paper,  with  the  ends  pointing  outward  and  bearing  tags  containing 
the  titles  of  the  books.  Thus  the  librarian  was  quickly  able  to  find  a given  book 
or  to  return  it  to  the  shelves  at  the  proper  place,  as  he  is  engaged  in  doing  in 
this  relief. 


CHAPTER  XXVI 


A CENTURY  OF  REVOLUTION  AND  THE  END  OF 
THE  REPUBLIC 

Section  83.  The  Land  Situation  and  the  Beginning 
OF  THE  Struggle  between  Senate  and  People 


927.  The 
dangerous 
situation  to 
be  met  by 
the  Senate 


We  must  now  recall  the  problems  noticed  at  the  close  of 
the  last  chapter,  demanding  settlement  by  the  Roman  Senate. 
In  Italy  there  was  in  the  first  place  the  perilous  condition  of 
the  surviving  farmers  and  the  need  of  increasing  in  some  way 
their  numbers  and  their  farms.  Equally  dangerous  was  the 
discontent  of  the  Italian  allies,  who  had  never  been  given  the 
vote  or  the  right  to  hold  office.  The  problems  outside  of 
Italy  were  not  less  pressing.  They  were,  likewise,  two  in 
number.'  There  were  first  the  thoroughgoing  reform  of  pro- 
vincial government  and  the  creation  of  a system  of  honest 
and  successful  administration  of  the  vast  Roman  conquests. 
And  second  there  were  the  settlement  of  the  frontier  bound- 
aries and  the  repulse  of  the  invading  barbarians  who  were 


Note.  The  above  headpiece  shows  us  the  two  sides  of  a coin  issued  by 
Brutus,  one  of  the  leading  assassins  of  Julius  Caesar  (§  969).  On  one  side  the 
coin  bears  the  head  of  Brutus,  accompanied  by  his  name  and  the  title  Imperator 
(abbreviated  to  IMP).  On  the  other  side  are  two  daggers,  intended  to  recall  the 
assassination  of  Caesar,  and  between  them  appears  the  cap  of  liberty,  to  suggest 
the  liberty  which  the  Romans  supposedly  gained  by  his  murder.  In  order  that 
the  meaning  of  all  this  might  be  perfectly  clear,  there  appears,  below,  the  inscrip- 
tion EID  MAR,  which  means  the  Ides  of  March  (the  Roman  term  for  the 
fifteenth  of  March),  the  date  of  Caesars  murder  (§  969;. 

574 


'a  CenUiry  of  Revolution 


575 


threatening  to  crush  the  Mediterranean  world  and  its  civilization, 
as  the  prehistoric  Greeks  had  crushed  ^gean  civilization  (§  380). 

The  Senate  which  was  to  meet  this  dangerous  situation  had 
been  in  practical  control  of  the  Roman  government  since  the 
days  of  the  Samnite  W'ar.  The  senators  now  formed  an  oligarchy 
of  selfish  aristocrats  as  in  the  Greek  cities  (§  618).  Yet  there 
were  no  laws  which  had  created  the  undisputed  power  of  the 
Senate.  It  was  merely  by  their  great  prestige  and  their  com- 
bined influence  as  leading  men  and  former  magistrates  (§  811) 
that  they  maintained  the  control  of  the  State.  The  legal  power 
of  the  Roman  State  really  rested  in  the  hands  of  the  Roman 
people,  as  they  gathered  in  their  assemblies  (§  806),  and  this 
power  had  never  been  surrendered  to  the  Senate  by  any  vote 
or  any  law. 

d'he  crying  needs  of  the  farming  class  in  Italy  failed  to  pro- 
duce any  effect  upon  the  blinded  and  selfish  aristocrats  of  the 
Senate  as  a whole.'  Even  before  the  Hannibalic  War  the  need 
of  newly  distributed  farm  lands  was  sorely  felt.  Led  by  the 
brave  Flaminius,  who  afterward  as  consul  fell  at  the  head  of 
his  army  in  Hannibal’s  ambush  at  Trasimene  (§  862),  the 
Assembly  had  passed  a law  in  defiance  of  the  Senate,  pro- 
viding-for  a distribution  of  public  lands  which  the  senators 
desired  for  themselves  and  their  friends  of  the  noble  class. 
As  a result  l^laminius  was  always  hated  by  the  senatorial  party, 
and  ever  after  was  regarded  as  the  popular  leader  who  opened 
the  struggle  between  people  and  Senate,  and  having  thus  shown 
the  people  their  power,  had  begun  the  dangerous  policy  of 
allowing  the  unstable  populace  to  control  the  government. 
The  conflict  between  Senate  and  people  had  subsided  during 
the  Hannibalic  War,  but  when  this  great  danger  had  passed, 
it  would  seem  that  a tribune  named  Licinius,  who  understood 
the  needs  of  the  people,  had  succeeded  in  having  a law  passed 
by  the  Assembly,  which  forbade  any  wealthy  citizen  from 
holding  over  five  hundred  acres  of  the  public  lands,  or  pas- 
turing more  than  a hundred  cattle  or  five  hundred  sheep  on 


928.  Short- 
comings of 
the  Senate 
and  lack  of  a 
legal  basis  for 
their  power 


929.  The 
assignment 
of  new  farms 
to  landless 
farmers  and 
the  opening 
of  the  strug- 
gle between 
Senate  and 
people 


576 


Ancient  Times 


930.  The 
absorption 
of  the  public 
lands  by  the 
nobles 


931.  Tiberius 
Gracchus, 
tribune 
(133  B.c.) 


these  lands.  Such  was  the  power  of  the  senatorial  party,  how- 
ever, that  these  Licinian  laws  had  become  a dead  letter.^ 

In  gaining  control  of  Italy,  Rome  had  finally  annexed  about 
half  of  the  peninsula,  and  no  more  land  could  now  be  taken 
without  seizing  that  of  the  Italian  allies.  About  a decade 
before  the  destruction  of  Carthage  and  Corinth  the  last 
Roman  colony  had  been  founded.  The  only  way  to  secure 
new  farms  for  assignment  to  landless  farmers  was  by  making 
the  Licinian  laws  effective,  that  is,  by  taking  and  assigning 
to  farmers  the  public  lands  already  belonging  to  the  State  — 
what  we  call  "government  lands”  in  the  United  States.  But  for 
generations  these  lands  had  been  largely  held  under  all  sorts 
of  arrangements  by  wealthy  men,  and  it  was  sometimes  diffi- 
cult to  decide  whether  a noble’s  estate  was  his  legal  property 
or  merely  public  land  which  he  was  using.  Under  these  cir- 
cumstances we  can  easily  imagine  with  what  stubbornness  and  ^ 
anger  great  landholders  of  the  senatorial  party  would  oppose  I 
any  effort  to  redistribute  the  public  lands  on  a basis  fair  to  all.  I 
Flaminius  had  taught  the  people  their  power  (§  929).  Since 
then  they  had  lacked  a skillful  leader.  The  unselfish  patriot  who  - 
undertook  to  become  the  leader  of  the  people  and  to  save  Italy 
from  destruction  by  restoring  the  farmer  class  was  a noble  named  | 
Tiberius  Gracchus.  He  was  a grandson  of  the  elder  Scipio,  1 
the  hero  of  Zama,  and  his  sister  had  married  the  younger 
Scipio.  Elected  tribune  (133  b.  c.),  he  used  to  address  the  1 
people  with  passionate  eloquence  and  tell  them  of  their  wrongs : i 
" The  beasts  that  prowl  about  Italy  have  holes  and  lurking  1 
places,  where  they  may  make  their  beds.  You  who  fight  and  die  | 
for  Italy  enjoy  only  the  blessings  of  air  and  light.  These  alone  I 
are  your  heritage.  Homeless,  unsettled,  you  wander  to  and  fro 
v/ith  your  wives  and  children.  . . . You  fight  and  die  to  give 
wealth  and  luxury  to  others.  You  are  called  the  masters  of  the 
world  ; yet  there  is  no  clod  of  earth  that  you  can  call  your  own.” 

1 The  usually  accepted  earlier  date  for  the  Licinian  laws  (376  B.c.)  is  quite 
impossible ; nor  is  the  date  above  suggested  at  all  certain. 


A Centicry  of  Revolution 


577 


As  tribune,  Tiberius  Gracchus  submitted  to  the  Assembly 
a law  for  the  reassignment  of  public  lands  and  the  protection 
and  support  of  the  farming  class.  It  was  a statesmanlike  and 
moderate  law.  It  called  for  little,  if  anything,  more  than  what 
was  already  demanded  by  the  Licinian  laws.  It  was  an 
endeavor  to  do  for  Italy  what  Solon  had  done  for  Attica 
(§  469),  and  was  decidedly  more  moderate  than  the  legis- 
lation of  Solon.  After  a tragic  struggle  in  which  the  new  tribune 
resorted  to  methods  not  strictly  legal,  he'  succeeded  in  passing 
his  law.  In  the  effort  to  secure  reelection,  that  he  might  insure 
the  enforcement  of  his  law,  Gracchus  was  slain  by  a mob  of 
senators,  who  rushed  out  of  the  Senate  house  and  attacked 
the  tribune  and  his  supporters.  This  was  the  first  murder- 
ous deed  introducing  a century  of  revolution  and  civil  war 
(133-31  B.C.),  which  terminated  in  the  destruction  of  the 
.Roman  Republic. 

Ten  years  after  the  tribunate  of  Tiberius  Gracchus,  his 
younger  brother  Gains  gained  the  same  office  (123  B.c.)  He 
not  only  took  up  the  struggle  on  behalf  of  the  landless  farmers, 
but  he  made  it  his  definite  object  to  attack  and  weaken  the 
Senate.  He  endeavored  to  enlist  on  the  side  of  the  people 
every  possible  enemy  of  the  Senate.  He  therefore  organized 
the  capitalists  and  men  of  large  business  affairs,  who,  of  course, 
were  not  senators.  Because  of  their  wealth  they  had  always 
furnished  their  own  horses  and  served  in  the  army  as  horse- 
men. They  were  therefore  called  knights ; or,  a.s  a group,  the 
equestrian  order.  Gains  Gracchus  secured  the  support  of  these 
men  by  obtaining  for  them  the  right  to  collect  the  taxes  in 
Asia,  and  he  gave  them  great  power  by  founding  a court  made 
up  of  knights  for  the  trial  of  dishonest  and  extortionate  Roman 
governors  appointed  by  the  Senate.  At  the  same  time  he  pro- 
posed to  give  to  the  Italian  allies  the  long-desired  full  citizen- 
ship — a proposal  which  angered  the  people  as  much  as  it  did 
the  Senate.  His  efforts  finally  resulted  in  a riot  in  which  Gains 
Gracchus  was  killed,  as  his  brother  had  been  (121  b.c.). 


932.  Land 
laws  of 
Tiberius 
Gracchus, 
and  his  death 
(132  B.c.) 


933.  Struggle 
of  Gaius 
Gracchus 
with  the 
Senate,  and 
his  death 

(123- 

I2I  B.c.) 


578 


Ancient  Times 


934-  Unre- 
liability of 
popular 
support 


935.  The  war 
with  Jugur- 
tha,  and  the 
appointment 
of  the  peo- 
ple’s com- 
mander 
against  the 
Senate 


Section  84,  The  Rise  of  One-Man  Power:  ; 

Marius  and  Sulla 

The  weakness  in  the  reforms  of  the  Gracchus  brothers  lay 
chiefly  in  their  unavoidable  reliance  upon  votes ; that  is,  upon 
the  unstable  support  of  the  people  at  the  elections  and  at  the 
meetings  of  the  popular  assembly.  It  was  difficult  to  hold  the  - 
interest  of  the  people  from  election  to  election.  In  the  Gracchan  ;( 
elections,  when  work'  on  the  farms  was  pressing,  the  country 
people  around  Rome  would  not  take  the  time  to  go  up  to  the  j 
city  and  vote,  although  they  were  the  very  ones  to  be  bene-  i 
fited  by  the  Gracchan  laws.  The  work  of  Flaminius,  and  1 
especially  of  the  Gracchi,  had  taught  the  people  to  look  i 
up  to  a leader.  This  tendency  was  the  beginning  of  one-  | 
man  power.  But  the  leader  to  whom  the  people  now  turned 
was  not  a magistrate,  as  the  Gracchi  had  been,  but  a military  | 
commander. 

Meantime  the  blindness  and  corruption  of  the  Senate  offered  ! 
the  people  more  than  one  opportunity  for  gaining  power.  The  : 
misrule  of  the  Senate  abroad  was  now  so  scandalous  that  the  ! 
people  seized  this  opportunity.  In  a war  between  Rome  and  i 
Jugurtha,  ruler  of  the  great  kingdom  of  Numidia  beside  Carthage  : 
in  North  Africa,  the  African  king,  knowing  the  weakness  of  the  ! 
Romans  of  this  age,  succeeded  in  bribing  the  consul,  and  thus 
inflicted  a crushing  defeat  on  the  Roman  army.  The  war  then  ; 
dragged  disgracefully  on.  These  events  so  incensed  the  people  ’ 
of  Rome,  that  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  the  Senate’s  commander.  I 
an  able  and  honest  consul  named  Metellus,  had  finally  met  and  I 
defeated  Jugurtha,  the  Assembly  passed  a law  appointing  their 
own  general  to  supersede  Metellus.  The  people  thus  assumed 
charge  of  a great  foreign  enterprise,  and,  what  was  more  im-  i 
portant,  the  people  by  this  action  seized  control  of  the  army.  The  i 
Senate  was  unable  to  prevent  the  Assembly’s  action  from  go-  ^ 
ing  into  effect.  The  interests  of  the  people  were  no  longer  ; 
dependent  wholly  upon  civil  magistrates,  changing  from  election  , 


A Cenhiry  of  Revolution 


579 


to  election,  but  upon  military  force  under  a leader  who  might 
be  given  a long  command. 

The  commander  on  whom  the  people  relied  was  himself  a 
man  of  the  people,  named  Marius,  who  had  once  been  a rough 
plowboy.  He  was  fortunately  an  able  soldier,  and  he  quickly 
brought  the  war  with  Jugurtha  to  an  end,  after  the  Senate’s 
leaders  had  allowed  the  war  to  drift  on  for  six  years.  When 
the  news  of  his  victory  reached  Rome  the  people  promptly 
elected  him  consul  for  the  second  time,  before  his  return.  In 
104  B.c.  he  returned  to  Rome,  and  the  people  beheld  the  cap- 
tive Numidian  king  led  through  the  streets  in  chains.  Meantime 
the  two  powerful  tribes  of  German  barbarians,  the  Cimbrians 
and  the  Teutons,  combined  with  Gauls,  had  been  shifting  south- 
ward and  crossing  the  northern  frontiers  of  Rome.  In  Gaul 
and  on  the  Gallic  frontiers  six  Roman  armies,  one  after  another, 
had  been  disastrously  defeated.  It  looked  as  if  the  Roman 
legions  had  at  last  met  their  match.  There  was  great  anxiety  in 
Rome,  and  the  people  determined  to  reelect  Marius  consul  and 
send  him  against  the  terrible  northern  barbarians.  Meeting  the 
Teutons  in  southern  Gaul,  the  people’s  hero  not  only  defeated  but 
practically  destroyed  the  first  German  host  (102  b.c.).  Shortly 
afterward,  w^hen  the  Cimbrians  had  finally  succeeded  in  cross- 
ing the  Alps  into  the  Po  valley,  Marius  met  and  crushed  them 
also.  A soldier  of  the  people  had  saved  Rome. 

Marius  was  not  only  an  able  soldier,  but  he  was  also  a great 
organizer,  and  he  introduced  changes  in  the  Rorrian  army  which 
were  epoch-making  both  in  the  history  of  warfare  and  in  the 
political  history  of  Rome.  In  order  to  secure  sufficient  men 
for  the  legions,  he  abolished  the  old  custom  of  allowing  only 
citizens  of  property  to  serve  in  the  army,  and  he  took  in  the 
poor  and  the  penniless.  Such  men  soon  became  professional 
soldiers.  As  once  in  Greece  (§  629),  so  now  in  Rome,  the  day 
of  the  citizen-soldier  had  passed.  The  long  wars  had  made  many 
a Roman  citizen  practically  a professional  soldier,  as  we  have 
noticed.  The  army  of  Marius  was  largely  a professional  army, 


936.  Marius, 
the  people's 
commander, 
defeats  Ju- 
gurtha and 
the  German 
barbarians 


937.  Marius 
abolishes 
property 
qualification 
for  military 
service ; the 
rise  of  a 
professional 
army 


Ancient  Times 


580 


938.  The 
cohort  as  the 
tactical  unit, 
devised  by 
Marius 


939.  Failure 
of  Marius  as 
a statesman ; 
the  Senate 
regains 
leadership 


and  although  the  obligation  to  serve  in  the  army  still  rested  on 
every  Roman  citizen,  it  was  less  and  less  rigidly  enforced. 

The  youths  who  permanently  took  up  the  life  of  the  soldier 
could  be  so  well  drilled  that  they  were  able  to  carry  out  maneu- 
vers impossible  for  an  army  made  up  of  citizens  serving  for 
a limited  time.  Marius  therefore  completely  reorganized  the 
legion.  He  raised  its  numbers  from  forty-five  hundred  to  six 
thousand.  He  divided  each  six  thousand  into  ten  groups  of 
six  hundred  each.  Such  a body  of  six  hundred  was  called  a 
cohort.  It  formed  the  unit  in  the  shifting  maneuvers,  which,  as 
we  have  seen,  meant  victory  or  defeat  in  battle  (§  874).  So 
perfectly  drilled  and  so  fearless  were  these  units,  that  the 
cohorts  would  move  about  the  field  with  the  precision  of  clock- 
work and  with  complete  confidence  in  the  plan  of  the  com- 
mander, just  as  the  individuals  in  a perfectly  trained  football 
squad  respond  almost  automatically  to  the  signal.  The  pro- 
duction of  the  cohort,  as  we  shall  see,  made  it  possible  to 
complete  the  final  chapter  in  the  development  of  the  art  of 
warfare  in  ancient  times. 

But  in  spite  of  his  ability  as  a soldier  and  as  an  army  organ- 
izer, Marius  was  not  a statesman.  Having  risen  from  the  ranks, 
he  was  at  heart  a rough  Roman  peasant.  He  hated  the  aristo- 
crats of  the  city ; he  did  not  know  how  to  deal  with  them,  nor 
did  he  understand  the  leadership  of  the  popular  party  which  had 
given  him  his  great  military  commands.  Elected  consul  for  the 
sixth  time  in  the  year  100  b.c.,  he  failed  utterly  to  control  the 
leaders  of  his  party  in  the  political  struggles  in  Rome.  They  went 
to  such  excesses  that  two  of  them  were  slain  in  a riot.  Moderate 
men  were  estranged  from  the  cause  of  the  people,  and  the  Sen- 
ate gained  the  upper  hand  again.  Marius  retired  in  disgrace,  but 
his  leadership  had  revealed  to  the  people  how  they  might  gain 
control  over  the  Senate  by  combining  on  a military  leader, 
whose  power,  therefore,  did  not  consist  in  the  peaceful  enforce- 
ment of  the  laws  and  usages  of  the  Roman  State,  but  in  the 
illegal  application  of  military  force. 


A Century  of  Revobition  581 

Meantime  the  struggle  between  Senate  and  people  was  com- 
plicated by  the  increasing  discontent  of  the  Italian  allies.  They 
had  contributed  as  many  troops  to  the  conquering  armies  as 
had  Rome  herself,  and  now  they  were  refused  any  voice  in  the 
control  of  the  conquered  territory  or  any  share  in  the  immense 
wealth  which  they  saw  the  Romans  drawing  from  it.  The 
wise  and  liberal  policy  of  the  ancient  Senate  in  freely  granting 
citizenship  to  communities  in  newly  acquired  Italian  territory 
(§  814)  had  been  long  abandoned,  reminding  us  of  the  Athe- 
nians in  the  later  years  of  Pericles  (§  588).  Before  the  dif- 
ferent communities  of  Italy  had  had  time  to  merge  into  a 
nation  (§  828),  they  had  been  forced  into  a long  series  of  for- 
eign wars  which  had  made  vast  conquests.  But  the  possession 
of  these  conquests  had  corrupted  and  blinded  the  Senate  and 
the  governing  community  at  Rome.  By  this  sudden  wealth  and 
power  Rome  had  been  raised  above  all  feeling  of  fellowship 
with  the  other  communities  of  Italy.  The  great  peninsula  was 
still  filled  with  disunited  communities  (§  829),  and  there  now 
rested  upon  Rome  the  obligation  to  make  Italy  a nation. 

There  were,  happily,  some  Roman  leaders  with  the  insight  of 
statesmen,  who  perceived  this  great  need  and  who  planned  that 
the  Italian  allies  should  receive  citizenship.  Among  them  wms 
a wealthy,  popular,  and  unselfish  noble  named  Drusus,  who 
gained  election  as  tribune  and  began  measures  leading  to  the 
enfranchisement  of  the  Italian  allies.  But  so  fierce  and  savage 
was  the  opposition  aroused,  that  this  great  Roman  statesman 
was  stabbed  in  the  street.  The  opposition  to  Drusus  and  his 
plans  was  by  no  means  confined  to  the  Senate.  The  common 
people  of  Rome  were  likewise  jealous  of  their  ancient  privileges, 
and  the  wealthy  men  of  the  new  equestrian  order  were  equally 
unwilling  to  share  their  opportunities  of  plundering  the  prov- 
inces. The  Italian  allies  therefore  soon  saw  the  hopelessness 
of  an  appeal  to  Rome  for  their  rights.  Immediately  after  the 
assassination  of  Drusus  the  leading  Italian  peoples  of  central 
and  southern  Italy  revolted  and  formed  a new  state  and 


940.  Dis- 
union in  Italy 
and  discon- 
tent of  the 
Italian  allies 


941.  Blind 
exclusive- 
ness of  the 
Romans  and 
assassination 
of  Drusus 
(91  B.c) 


582 


Ancient  Times 


942.  War 
with  allies 
(Social  War, 
90-88  B.c.) ; 
citizenship 
given  to 
all  Italy 


943.  Rise 
of  Sulla ; a 
consul  sus- 
tains the 
Senate  and 
defeats  the 
will  of  the 
people  with 
an  army 


government  of  their  own,  with  a capital  at  a central  town  \ 
which  they  impressively  renamed  Italica  (90  b.c.).  [ 

In  the  war  which  followed,  the  army  of  Rome  was  at  first  ii 
completely  defeated,  and  although  this  reverse  was  in  a measure 
retrieved,  the  strength  of  the  allies  could  not  be  broken.  Seeing  1 1 
the  seriousness  of  the  situation,  the  Roman  politicians  tardily  !l 
took  action  and  granted  the  desired  citizenship.  The  Italian  ji 
alliance  then  broke  up,  and  the  Italian  communities  reentered  j: 
the  Roman  State.  Yet  they  entered  it  as  distant  wards  of  the  n 
city  on  the  Tiber.  The  citizens  residing  in  these  distant  wards  j 
could  not  vote  or  take  any  part  in  the  government  unless  they  ! ' 
journeyed  to  Rome  to  do  so.  This  situation  was  of  course  an  1 
absurdity,  and  again  illustrated  the  inability  of  an  ancient 
city-state  to  furnish  the  machinery  of  government  for  a large 
nation,  not  to  mention  a world  empire.  Nevertheless,  Italy  was  i 
on  the  way  to  become  a nation  unified  in  government  and  |: 
in  speech.  j 

A very  threatening  war  was  now  breaking  out  in  Asia  Minor.  ■ 
Wealthy  senators  and  other  Romans  of,  the  moneyed  class  who  ' 
ruled  Rome  had  many  financial  interests  in  this  region,  and  j 
this  led  them  to  dread  a war  there,  and  to  stop  it  as  soon  as 
possible.  Among  the  officers  of  Marius  there  had  been  a very  1 
successful  soldier  named  Sulla,  who  was  chosen  consul  for  the  | 
year  after  the  war  with  the  allies.  The  Senate  now  selected  him  1 
to  command  in  Asia  Minor.  But  the  leaders  of  the  people  would  1 
not  accept  the  Senate’s  appointment,  and  just  as  in  the  war  j 
against  Jugurtha,  they  passed  a law  electing  Marius  to  command  ! 
in  the  coming  Asia  Minor  war.  Now  Marius  had  no  army  at  I 
the  moment,  but  Sulla  was  still  at  the  head  of  the  army  he  | 
had  been  leading  against  the  Italian  allies.  He  therefore  ignored  j 
the  law  passed  by  the  people,  and  marched  on  Rome  with  his  [ 
troops.  For  the  first  time  a Roman  consul  took  possession  of  ! 
the  city  by  force.  The  Senate  was  now  putting  through  its  will  j 
with  an  army,  as  the  Assembly  had  before  done.  Sulla  forced  j 


A Century  of  Revolution 


583 


obliged  to  secure  the  consent  of  the  Senate  before  it  could  vote 
on  any  measure.  Having  thus  destroyed  the  power  of  the 
people  legally  to  oppose  the  will  of  the  Senate,  Sulla  marched 
off  to  his  command  in  Asia  Minor. 

The  Senate  had  triumphed,  but  with  the  departure  of  Sulla 
and  his  legions  the  people  refused  to  submit.  There  was 
fighting  in  the  streets,  and  the  senatorial  troops  fell  upon  the 
new  Italian  citizens  as  they  voted  in  the  Forum  and  slew  them 
by  hundreds.  In  the  midst  of  these  deeds  of  violence  Marius, 
who  had  escaped  to  Africa,  returned  at  the  head  of  a body  of 
cavaliyc  He  joined  the  popular  leaders,  and,  entering  Rome,  he 
began  a frightful  massacre  of  the  leading  men  of  the  senatorial 
party.  The  Senate,  the  first  to  sow  seeds  of  violence  in  the 
murder  of  Tiberius  Gracchus  (§  932),  now  reaped  a fearful 
har\'est.  Marius  was  elected  consul  for  the  seventh  time,  but 
he  died  a few  days  after  his  election  (86  b.  c.).  Meantime  the 
people  ruled  in  Rome  until  the  day  of  reckoning  which  was 
sure  to  come  on  the  return  of  Sulla. 

The  war  which  had  called  Sulla  to  Asia  Minor  was  due  to 
the  genius  of  Mithradates,  the  gifted  young  king  of  Pontus 
(see  map  IV,  p.  552).  He  had  prospered  by  taking  advantage  of 
Roman  misrule  in  the  East.  He  had  rapidly  extended  his  king- 
dom to  include  a large  part  of  Asia  Minor,  and  such  was  the 
deep-seated  discontent  of  the  Greek  cities  under  Roman  rule 
that  he  was  able  to  induce  the  Greek  states  of  Asia  Minor  and 
some  in  Greece  to  join  him  in  a war  against  Rome.  Even 
Athens,  which  had  suffered  least,  supported  him.  The  Romans, 
busily  occupied  with  civil  war  at  home,  were  thus  suddenly 
confronted  by  a foe  in  the  East  who  seemed  as  dangerous  as 
Carthage  had  once  been.  Sulla  besieged  Athens  (see  descrip- 
tion of  cut,  p.  425),  recovered  European  Greece,  and  drove  the 
troops  of  Mithradates  back  into  Asia.  Thereupon  crossing  to 
Asia  Minor  he  finally  concluded  a peace  with  Mithradates.  He 
laid  an  enormous  indemnity  of  twenty  thousand  talents  on  the 
Greek  cities  of  Asia  Minor.  Then  leaving  them  to  the  tender 


944.  Resto- 
ration of 
people’s  con- 
trol in  Sulla i- 
absence;  wai 
and  murder 
in  the  streets 
of  Rome 


945.  Sulla’s 
campaign 
against 
Mithradates 


946.  Sulla 
defeats  the 
armies  of 
the  Roman 
people  and 
is  made  Dic- 
tator (82  B.C.) 


947.  Sulla 
deprives  the 
people  of  po- 
litical power 
and  gives 
the  Senate 
supreme 
leadership 
(82-79  B-c.) 


948.  The 
people  elect 
Pompey 
consul  and 
regain  po- 
litical power 
(70  B.C.) 


584  Ancient  Times 

mercies  of  the  Roman  money-lenders  and  to  the  barbarous 
raids  of  the  eastern  pirates,  Sulla  returned  to  Rome. 

On  the  way  thither  the  Roman  army  of  Sulla  defeated  the 
Roman  armies  of  the  people,  one  after  another.  Finally,  out- 
side the  gates  of  the  city,  Sulla  overthrew  the  last  army  of  the 
people  and  entered  Rome  as  master  of  the  State,  without  any 
legal  power  to  exercise  such  mastery.  By  means  of  his  army, 
however,  he  forced  his  own  appointment  as  Dictator,  with  far 
greater  powers  than  any  Dictator  had  ever  before  possessed 
(82  B.C.).  His  first  action  was  to  begin  the  systematic  slaughter 
of  the  leaders  of  the  people’s  party  and  the  confiscation  of  their 
property.  Rome  passed  through  another  reign  of  terror  like 
that  which  followed  Marius’s  return.  The  hatreds  and  the  many 
debts  of  revenge  which  Sulla’s  barbarities  left  behind  were 
later  a frequent  source  of  disturbance  and  danger  to  the 
State  (§951). 

Then  Sulla  forced  the  passage  of  a whole  series  of  new  laws 
which  deprived  the  Assembly  of  the  people  and  the  tribunes  of 
their  power,  and  gave  the  supreme  leadership  of  the  State  to 
the  Senate,  the  body  which  had  already  so  disastrously  failed 
to  guide  Rome  wisely  since  the  great  conquests.  Some  lesser  : 
reforms  of  value  Sulla  did  introduce,  but  a policy  based  on  the 
supremacy  of  the  Senate  was  doomed  to  failure.  To  Sulla’s  i 
great  credit  he  made  no  attempt  to  gain  permanent  control  of 
the  State,  but  on  the  completion  of  his  legislation  he  retired  to 
private  life  (79  b.c.). 

Section  85.  The  Overthrow  of  the  Republic: 

Pompey  and  C^sar 

Following  the  death  of  Sulla  a year  after  his  retirement,  ^ 
agitation  for  the  repeal  of  his  hateful  laws,  which  bound  the  I 
people  and  the  tribunes  hand  and  foot,  at  once  began.  To 
accomplish  this  the  people  had  now  learned  that  they  must 
make  use  of  a military  leader.  The  Senate  had  been  ruling  1 


A Century  of  Revolution 


585 


nine  years  in  accordance  with  Sulla’s  laws  when  the  popular 
leaders  found  the  military  commander  whom  they  needed.  He 
was  a fonner  officer  of  Sulla,  named  Pompey,  who  had  recently 
won  distinction  in  Spain,  where  he  had  been  sent  by  the  Senate 
to  overthrow  a still  unsubdued  supporter  of  Marius.  He  was 
elected  consul  (70  b.  c.)  chiefly  because  he  agreed  to  repeal  the 
obno.xious  laws  of  Sulla,  and  he  did  not  fail  to  carry  out  his 
promise.  This  service  to  the  people  now  secured  to  Pompey  a 
military  command  of  supreme  importance. 

Such  was  the  neglect  of  the  Senate  to  protect  shipping  that 
the  pirates  of  the  East,  chiefly  from  Cilicia,  had  overrun  the 
whole  Mediterranean  (§  915).  They  even  appeared  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Tiber,  robbing  and  burning.  They  kidnaped 
Roman  officials  on  the  Appian  Way,  but  a few  miles  from 
Rome,  and  they  finally  captured  the  grain  supplies  coming  in  to 
Rome  from  Egypt  and  Africa.  In  67  b.c.  the  Assembly  of 
the  people  passed  a law  giving  Pompey  supreme  command  in 
the  Mediterranean  and  for  fifty  miles  back  from  its  shores.  He 
was  assigned  two  hundred  ships  and  allowed  to  make  his  army 
as  large  as  he  thought  necessarjx  No  Roman  commander  had 
ever  before  held  such  far-reaching  and  unrepublican  power. 

In  forty  days  Pompey  cleared  the  western  Mediterranean  of 
pirates.  He  then  sailed  eastward,  and  in  seven  weeks  after  his 
arrival  in  the  JEgean  he  had  exterminated  the  Cilician  sea 
robbers  likevHse  and  burned  their  docks  and  strongholds. 
The  next  year  his  command  was  enlarged  to  include  also  the 
leadership  in  a new  war  against  Mithradates  which  had  been 
going  on  with  satisfactory  results  under  Lucullus,  a Roman 
commander  of  the  greatest  ability.  Lucullus  had  already  broken 
the  power  of  Mithradates  and  also  of  the  vast  kingdom  of 
Armenia,  under  its  king,  Tigranes.  Pompey  therefore  had  little 
difficulty  in  subduing  Mithradates,  and  had  only  to  accept  the 
voluntary  submission  of  Tigranes.  He  crushed  the  remnant  of 
the  kingdom  of  the  Seleucids  (§  718)  and  made  Syria  a Roman 
province.  He  entered  Jerusalem  and  brought  the  home  of  the 


949.  Pirates 
of  the  Medi- 
terranean 
and  Pompey’s 
appointment 
against  them 
(67  B.c.) 


950.  Exter- 
mination of 
the  pirates, 
subjection  of 
Mithradates, 
and  conquests 
in  the  Orient 
by  Pompey 
(67-62  B.c.) 


586 


Ancient  Times 


951.  Rise  of 
Caesar  and 
Iiis  support 
of  Catiline 
and  Antony 


Jews  under  Roman  control.  Before  he  turned  back,  the  legions 
under  his  leadership  had  marched  along  the  Euphrates  and  had 
looked  down  upon  the  Caspian.  There  had  been  no  such  con- 
quests in  the  Orient  since  the  Macedonian  campaigns,  and  to 
the  popular  imagination  Pompey  seemed  a new  Alexander 

marching  in  triumph  through 
the  East. 

Meantime  a new  popular 
hero  had  arisen  at  Rome.  He 
was  a nephew  of  Marius, 
named  Julius  Caesar  (Fig.  244), 
born  in  the  year  100  b.  c.,  and 
thirty  years  old  in  Pompey’s 
consulate.  He  had  supported 
all  the  legislation  against  the 
laws  of  Sulla  and  in  favor  of 
Pompey’s  appointment  to  his 
great  command.  He  took  up 
the  cause  of  Marius,  and  ex- 
alted his  memory  in  public 
speeches  so  that  he  quickly 
gained  a foremost  place  among 
the  leaders  of  the  people.  The 
hatreds  aroused  by  Sulla’s  ex- 
ecutions and  confiscations  had 
left  a great  number  of  revenge- 
ful and  dissatisfied  men,  who  to  no  small  extent  made  up  the  fol- 
lowing of  Caesar.  Among  Caesar’s  political  friends  was  a noble 
named  Catiline.  He  was  the  leader  of  a good  many  undesirable 
followers,  but  Caesar  was  supporting  him  and  another  friend 
for  election  to  the  consulship. 

Popular  distrust  of  Caesar’s  purposes,  and  Catiline’s  evil 
reputation,  led  to  the  defeat  of  Catiline  and  to  the  election 
of  Cicero,  a comparatively  new  man,  but  the  ablest  orator  and 
the  most  gifted  literary  man  of  the  age.  By  the  formation  of 


Fig.  244.  Bust  said  to  be  a 
Portrait  of  Julius  C.®;sar 

The  ancient  portraits  commonly 
accepted  as  those  of  Julius  Cassar 
are  really  of  uncertain  identity 


A Centtiry  of  Revolution 


587 


a new  middle-class  party  from  the  Italian  communities,  which 
should  stand  between  the  Senate  and  the  people,  Cicero  dreamed 
of  a restoration  of  the  old  republic  as  it  had  once  been.  Cati- 
line, meantime,  burdened  with  debts  and  rendered  desperate  by 
the  loss  of  the  election,  gathered  about  him  all  the  dissatisfied 
bankrupts,  landless  peasants,  Sullan  veterans,  outlaws,  and  slaves, 
the  debased  and  lawless  elements  of  Italy  seeking  an  opportunity 
to  rid  themselves  of  debt  or  to  better  their  situation.  Foiled  by 
Cicero  in  an  attempt  to  seize  violent  control  of  the  government, 
the  reckless  Catiline  died  fighting  at  the  head  of  his  motley 
following.  Cicero’s  overthrow  of  Catiline  brought  him  great 
power  and  influence  and  made  his  consulship  (63  b.c.)  one  of 
brilliant  success.  Caesar,  on  the  other  hand^  was  suspected 
of  connection  with  the  uprising  of  Catiline.  This  suspicion, 
whether  just  or  unjust,  proved  to  be  a serious  setback  in  his 
political  career. 

Just  at  this  juncture  Pompey  returned  to  Italy  clothed  in 
splendor  as  the  great  conqueror  of  the  Orient.  He  made  no 
attempt  to  influence  the  political  situation  by  means  of  his 
army,  the  command  of  which  he  relinquished ; but  he  needed 
political  influence  to  secure  the  Senate’s  formal  approval  of 
his  arrangements  in  Asia  Minor,  and  a grant  of  land  for 
his  troops.  For  two  years  the  Senate  refused  Pompey  these 
concessions.  Meantime  Caesar  stepped  forward  in  Pompey’s 
support,  and  the  two  secured  for  their  plans  the  support 
of  a very  wealthy  Roman  noble  named  Crassus.  The  plan 
was  that  Caesar  should  run  for  the  consulship  and,  if  suc- 
cessful, secure  the  two  things  which  we  have  seen  Pompey 
needed.  This  private  alliance  of  these  three  powerful  men 
(called  a " triumvirate  ”)  gave  them  the  control  of  the 
situation.  As  a result  Caesar  was  elected  consul  for  the  year 
59  B-C- 

The  consulship  was  but  a step  in  Cmsar’s  plans.  Having 
secured  for  Pompey  the  measures  which  he  desired,  Caesar 
fearlessly  put  through  new  land  laws  for  the  benefit  of  the 


952.  The 
overthrow  of 
Catiline  and 
the  success 
of  the  great 
orator  Cicero 
(63  B.c.) 


953.  Return 
of  Pompey ; 
the  triumvi- 
rate — Pom- 
pey, Caesar, 
and  Crassus ; 
Cssar 
elected 
consul 
(59  B.c.) 


588 


Ancient  Times 


954.  Caesar 
secures  the 
government 
of  Gaul  on 
both  sides 
of  the  Alps 


955.  Caesar’s 
military  skill 
and  general 
plan  of  oper- 
ations in  Gaul 


956.  Caesar’s 
conquest 
of  Gaul 
(58-50  B.c.) 


people,  and  then  provided  for  his  own  future  career.  It  was 
clear  to  him  that  he  must  have  an  important  military  command 
in  order  to  gain  an  army.  He  saw  a great  opportunity  in  the 
West,  like  that  which  had  been  given  Pompey  in  the  Orient. 
Rome  still  held  no  more  than  a comparatively  narrow  strip  of 
land  along  the  coast  of  what  is  now  southern  France.  On  its 
north  was  a vast  country  occupied  by  the  Gauls,  and  this  region 
of  Gaul  was  now  sought  by  Caesar.  He  had  no  difficulty  in 
securing  the  passage  of  a law  which  made  him  for  five  years 
governor  of  Illyria  and  of  Gaul  on  both  sides  of  the  Alps,  that 
is,  the  valley  of  the  Po  in  northern  Italy,  which  we  remember 
had  been  occupied  by  the  Gauls  (§  815),  and  also  of  further 
Gaul  beyond  the  Alps,  as  just  described. 

Caesar  took  charge  of  his  new  province  early  in  58  B.c.,  and 
at  once  showed  himself  a military  commander  of  surpassing 
skill.  Not  only  did  he  possess  the  keenest  insight  into  the 
tactical  maneuvers  which  win  victory  on  the  field  of  battle 
itself,  but  he  also  understood  at  a glance  the  resources  and 
abilities  of  a people  and  their  armies.  He  knew  that  the 
greatest  problem  facing  a commander  was  to  keep  his  army 
in  supplies  and  to  guard  against  moving  it  to  a point  where  it 
was  impossible  either  to  carry  with  it  the  supplies  for  feeding 
it  or  to  find  them  on  the  spot.  So  efficient  was  his  own  great 
organization  that  he  knew  he  could  cany  such  supplies  more 
successfully  than  could  the  barbarian  Gauls.  He  perceived  that 
no  great  barbarian  host  could  be  kept  long  together  in  one  place, 
because  they  did  not  possess  the  organization  for  carrying  with 
them,  or  securing  later,  enough  food  to  maintain  them  long. 
When  the  necessity  of  finding  provisions  had  forced  them  to 
separate  into  smaller  armies,  then  Caesar  swiftly  advanced  and 
defeated  these  smaller  divisions. 

By  this  general  plan  of  operations  in  eight  years  of  march 
and  battle  he  subdued  the  Gauls  and  conquered  their  territory 
from  the  ocean  and  the  English  Channel  eastward  to  the  Rhine. 
He  drove  out  a dangerous  invasion  of  Gaul  by  the  Germans, 


A Centtiry  of  Revolution  589 

and  astonishing  them  by  the  skill  and  speed  with  which  he  built 
a bridge  over  the  Rhine,  he  invaded  their  country  and  estab- 
lished the  frontier  of  the  new  Gallic  province  at  the  Rhine. 
He  even  crossed  the  Channel  and  carried  an  invasion  of  Britain 
as  far  as  the  Thames.  He  added  a vast  dominion  to  the 
Roman  Empire,  comprising  in  general  the  territory  of  modern 
France  and  Belgium.  \A'e  should  not  forget  that  his  conquest 
brought  Latin  into  France,  as  the  ancestor  from  which  French 
speech  has  descended  (see  map  IV,  p.  552). 

Csesar  had  shown  himself  at  Rome  a successful  politician. 
In  Gaul  he  proved  his  ability  as  a brilliant  soldier.  Was  he 
also  a great  statesman,  or  was  he,  like  Pompey,  merely  to  seek 
a succession  of  military  commands  and  to  accomplish  nothing 
to  deliver  Rome  from  being  a cat’s-paw  of  one  military  com- 
mander after  another  ? Caesar’s  understanding  of  the  situation 
at  Rome  was  perfectly  clear  and  had  been  so  from  the  begin- 
ning. He  was  convinced  that  the  foreign  wars  and  the  rule  of 
the  provinces  had  introduced  into  Roman  government  the  ever- 
returning  opportunity  for  a man  of  ability  to  gain  militaiy 
power  which  could  not  be  controlled  by  the  State.  It  was 
of  no  use  to  bring  in  a new  political  party,  as  Cicero  hoped 
to  do,  and  to  pit  mere  votes  against  the  flashing  swords  of  the 
legions.  For  the  old  machinery  of  government  furnished  by 
the  republic  possessed  no  means  of  preventing  the  rise  of  one 
ambitious  general  after  another  to  fight  for  control  of  the  State 
as  Marius  and  Sulla  had  done.  The  republic  could  therefore 
never  again  restore  order  and  stable  government  for  Italy 
and  the  empire.  Herein  Csesar  showed  his  superiority  as  a 
statesman  over  both  Sulla  and  Cicero. 

The  situation  therefore  demanded  an  able  and  patriotic  com- 
mander with  an  army  behind  him  who  should  make  himself 
the  undisputed  and  permanent  master  of  the  Roman  govern- 
ment and  subdue  all  other  competitors.  Consistently  and  stead- 
ily Cassar  pursued  this  aim,  and  it  is  no  reflection  upon  him  to 
say  that  it  satisfied  his  ambition  to  do  so.  One  of  his  cleverest 


957.  Caesar’s 
view  of  the 
situation  as 
a statesman 


958.  Cassar 
publishes  an 
account  of 
his  Gallic 
Wars 


590 


Ancient  Times 


959.  Pompey 
at  Rome 
takes  up  the 
cause  of  the 
Senate 


960.  Caesar 
and  his  army 
of  profes- 
sional soldiers 


moves  was  the  publication  of  the  story  of  his  Gallic  campaigns, 
which  he  found  time  to  write  even  in  the  midst  of  dangerous 
marches  and  critical  battles.  The  tale  is  narrated  with  the  most 
unpretentious  simplicity.  Although  it  is  one  of  the  greatest 
works  of  Latin  prose,  the  book  was  really  a political  pamphlet, 
intended  to  convey  to  the  Roman  people  an  indelible  impression 
of  the  vast  conquests  and  other  services  which  they  owed  to 
their  governor  in  Gaul.  It  did  not  fail  of  its  purpose.  At 
present  it  is  the  best-known  Latin  reading  book  for  beginners 
in  that  language  in  the  whole  civilized  world. 

When  Caesar’s  second  term  as  governor  of  Gaul  drew  near 
its  end,  his  supporters  in  Rome,  instructed  by  him,  were  arrang- 
ing for  his  second  election  to  the  consulship.  The  Senate  was 
dreading  his  return  to  Italy  and  was  putting  forth  every  effort 
to  prevent  his  reelection  as  consul.  The  experience  in  the  time 
of  Marius  had  taught  the  Senate  what  to  fear  when  a victorious 
commander  returned  to  Rome  to  avenge  their  opposition  to  the 
people.  They  must  have  a military  leader  like  Sulla  again. 
Meantime  Crassus,  the  wealthy  member  of  the  triumvirate 
(§  953),  had  been  slain  in  a disastrous  war  against  the  Par- 
thians,  beyond  the  Euphrates,  and  the  group  had  broken  up, 
thus  freeing  Pompey.  In  the  midst  of  great  confusion  and 
political  conflict  in  Rome,  the  leading  senators  now  made  offers 
to  Pompey,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  he  had  received  his  great 
command  from  the  Assembly  of  the  people  and  had  been  a 
leader  of  the  popular  party.  He  was  no  statesman  and  had  no 
plans  for  the  future  of  the  State.  He  was  simply  looking  for 
a command.  The  result  was  that  he  undertook  to  defend  the 
cause  of  the  Senate  and  support  the  enemies  of  the  people. 
What  should  have  been  a lawful  political  contest,  again  became 
a military  struggle  between  two  commanding  generals,  Caesar 
and  Pompey,  like  that  of  Marius  and  Sulla  a generation  earlier. 

Caesar  endeavored  to  compromise  with  the  Senate,  but  on 
receiving  as  their  reply  a summons  to  disband  his  army,  he  had 
no  hesitation  as  to  his  future  action.  The  professional  soldiers 


A Century  of  Revolution 


591 


who  now  made  up  a Roman  army  had  no  interest  in  political 
questions,  felt  no  responsibility  as  citizens,  and  were  conscious 
of  very  little  obligation  or  attachment  to  the  State.  On  the 
other  hand,  they  were  usually  greatly  attached  to  their  com- 
manding general.  The  veterans  of  Caesar’s  Gallic  campaigns 
were  unswervingly  devoted  to  him.  When  he  gave  the  word, 
therefore,  his  troops  followed  him  on  the  march  to  Rome  with- 
out a moment’s  hesitation,  to  draw  their  swords  against  their 
fellow  Romans  forming  the  army  of  the  Senate  under  Pompey. 
Caesar  and  his  troops  at  once  crossed  the  Rubicon,  the  little 
stream  which  formed  the  boundary  of  his  province  toward 
Rome.  Beyond  this  boundary  Caesar  had  no  legal  right  to  lead 
his  forces,  and  in  crossing  it  he  had  taken  a step  which  became 
so  memorable  that  we  still  proverbially  speak  of  any  great  deci- 
sion as  a " crossing  of  the  Rubicon.” 

The  swiftness  of  Caesar’s  lightning  blows  was  always  one 
of  the  greatest  reasons  for  his  success.  Before  the  Senate’s 
message  had  been  an  hour  in  his  hands,  Caesar’s  legions  had 
been  on  the  march  from  the  Po  valley  toward  Rome  (49  b.c.). 
Totally  unprepared  for  so  swift  a response  on  Caesar’s  part,  the 
Senate  turned  to  Pompey,  who  informed  them  that  the  forces 
at  his  command  could  not  hold  Rome  against  Caesar.  Indeed, 
there  w'^as  at  the  moment  no  army  in  the  Empire  capable  of 
meeting  Caesar’s  veteran  legions  with  any  hope  of  victory. 
Pompey  retreated,  and  as  Cmsar  approached  Rome,  the  majority 
of  the  senators  and  a large  number  of  nobles  fled  with  Pompey 
and  his  army.  By  skillful  maneuvers  Caesar  forced  Pompey  and 
his  followers  to  forsake  Italy  and  cross  over  to  Greece.  Caesar’s 
possession  of  Rome  made  it  possible  for  him  to  be  elected 
consul,  and  then  to  assume  the  role  of  lawful  defender  of 
Rome  against  the  Senate  and  the  army  of  Pompey. 

His  position,  however,  was  not  yet  secure.  Pompey,  in  the 
eyes  of  the  Orient,  was  the  greatest  man  in  Rome.  He  could 
muster  all  the  peoples  and  kingdoms  of  the  East  against  Caesar. 
Furthermore,  he  now  held  the  great  fleet  with  which  he  had 


961.  Caesar 
takes  Rome, 
maneuvers 
Pompey  out 
of  I ta!y,  and 
is  elected 
consul 
(49  B.c.) 


592 


Ancient  Times 


<)62.  Pom- 
pey’s  power. 
Caesar  cap- 
tures Pom- 
pey’s  army 
in  Spain 
(summer  of 

49  B.c.) 


963.  Caesar 
surprises  the 
senatorial 
party  by 
crossing 
to  Greece 
(winter  of 
49-48  B.c.) 


964.  Battle 
of  Pharsalus 
(48  B.c.) 


suppressed  the  pirates,  and  he  was  thus  master  of  the  sea. 
With  all  the  East  at  his  back,  he  was  improving  every  moment 
to  gather  and  discipline  an  army  with  which  to  crush  Caesar, 
Furthermore,  Pompey’s  officers  still  held  Spain  since  his  recov-  | 
ery  of  it  from  the  followers  of  Marius.  Caesar  was  therefore 
obliged  to  reckon  with  the  followers  of  Pompey  on  both  sides, 
East  and  West.  He  determined  to  deal  with  the  We^t  first.  I 
With  his  customary  swiftness  he  was  in  Spain  by  June  (49  b.c.).  | 

Here  he  met  the  army  of  Pompey’s  commanders  with  maneuvers 
of  such  surprising  cleverness  that  in  a few  weeks  he  cut  off  ‘ 
their  supplies,  surrounded  them  and  forced  them  to  surrender 
without  fighting  a battle. 

Having  heard  of  Caesar’s  departure  into  Spain,  Pompey  and 
his  great  group  of  senators  and  nobles  had  been  preparing  at 
their  leisure  to  cross  over  and  take  possession  of  Italy.  Before 
they  could  even  begin  the  crossing,  Caesar  had  returned  from 
Spain  victorious,  and  to  their  amazement,  in  spite  of  the  fact 
that  they  controlled  the  sea,  he  embarked  at  Brundisium,  j 
evaded  their  warships,  and  landed  his  army  on  the  coast  of 
Epirus.  Forced  by  lack  of  supplies  to  divide  his  army,  a part 
of  his  troops  suffered  a dangerous  reverse.  In  the  end,  how- 
ever, in  spite  of  his  inferior  numbers,  he  accepted  battle  with 
Pompey  at  Pharsalus,  in  Thessaly  (48  b.c.). 

Pompey’s  plan  for  the  battle  was  skillfully  made,  but  it  was 
not  clever  enough  to  outwit  the  greatest  commander  of  the  age. 

It  consisted  in  drawing  up  his  line  so  that  a small  stream  would 
protect  his  right  wing,  in  order  that  he  might  throw  all  his  cav- 
alry to  the  left  wing.  Probably  twice  as  strong  as  Caesar’s  right 
wing  which  it  faced,  it  was  expected  to  cut  its  way  victoriously 
through,  and  then,  passing  around  Caesar’s  right  end,  to  attack 
his  legions  in  the  rear.  As  the  two  armies  approached  each 
other,  Caesar  perceived  Pompey’s  plan  of  battle.  He  at  once 
shifted  six  of  his  best  cohorts,  over  three  thousand  men,  to  his 
right  end,  where  they  were  screened  by  his  cavalry  from  dis- 
covery by  the  enemy  (plan,  p.  593).  The  position  of  these  six 


A Century  of  Rev obct ion 


593 


cohorts  may  be  compared  to  that  of  an  unobserved  football 
player  crouching  on  the  right  side  lines  to  receive  the  ball. 
Caesar  then  ordered  his  cavalry,  mostly  Gauls  and  Germans, 
to  retreat  as  Pompey’s  horsemen  attacked  them.  As  they  re- 
treated, Pompey’s  unsuspecting  cavalry  followed  and  pushed 
forward  into  Caesar's  cleverly  devised  trap.  For  when  Caesar’s 
six  cohorts  swiftly  dropped  in  behind  them,  Pompey’s  horsemen 
were  caught  between  the  six  cohorts  behind  and  Caesar’s  cav- 
alry in  front,  and  they  were  quickly  cut  to  pieces.  Caesar’s 
cavalr)'  then  swept  swiftly  around  the  enemy’s  now  undefended 


left  end  and  attacked  Pompey’s  legions  in  the  rear.  As  Caesar 
threw  in  his  reserves  against  the  hostile  center  at  the  same 
moment,  the  whole  senatorial  army  was  driven  off  the  field  in 
flight.  Its  remnants  surrendered  the  next  morning. 

This  battle  represented  the  highest  development  of  military 
art,  and  it  never  passed  beyond  the  masterful  skill  of  the  victor 
of  Pharsalus.  Pompey,  crushed  by  the  first  defeat  of  his  life, 
escaped  into  Egypt,  where  he  was  basely  murdered.  Caesar, 
following  Pompey  to  Egypt,  found  ruling  there  the  beautiful 
Cleopatra,  the  seventh  of  the  name,  and  the  last  of  the  Ptole- 
mies. The  charms  of  this  remarkable  queen  and  the  political 


965,  Cffisar 
completes  the 
conquest  of 
the  Mediter- 
ranean world 
(48-45  B.c.) 


594 


Anciettt  Times 


966.  Caesars 
moderation 
and  his  own 
position 


967.  C®sars 
reorganization 
of  the  State 
and  Empire 


advantages  of  her  friendship  met  a ready  response  on  the  part 
of  the  great  Roman.  Here  Caesar  displayed  probably  the  most 
serious  weakness  in  his  career,  as  he  tarried  in  Alexandria,  dally- 
ing with  this  beautiful  and  gifted  woman  for  three-quarters  of 
a year  (from  October,  48,  to  June,  47  b.  c.).  In  a dangerous 
outbreak  which  found  Caesar  without  sufficient  troops,  he  was 
attacked  by  a mob  and  the  great  Alexandrian  library  (§  750) 
was  burned.  We  know  little  of  the  operations  and  battles  by 
which  Caesar  overthrew  his  opponents  in  Asia  Minor.  It  was 
from  there  that  he  sent  his  famous  report  to  the  Senate : " I 
came,  I saw,  I conquered  ” (veni,  vidi,  vici).  He  was  equally 
triumphant  in  the  African  province  behind  Carthage,  and  finally 
also  in  Spain.  These,  the  only  obstacles  to  Caesar’s  complete 
control  of  the  empire  of  the  world,  were  all  disposed  of  by 
March,  45  b.c.,  a little  over  four  years  after  he  had  first  taken 
possession  of  Italy  with  his  army  (map  IV,  p.  552). 

Caesar  used  his  power  with  great  moderation  and  humanity. 
From  the  first  he  had  taken  great  pains  to  show  that  his 
methods  were  not  those  of  the  bloody  Sulla.  He  gratified  no 
personal  revenge,  and  he  preserved  the  life  of  the  gifted  Cicero 
(§  952),  in  spite  of  his  hostility.  It  is  clear  that -he  intended 
his  own  position  to  be  that  of  a Hellenistic  sovereign  like  Alex- 
ander the  Great.  Nevertheless,  he  was  too  wise  a statesman  to 
abolish  at  once  the  outward  forms  of  the  Republic.  He  pos- 
sessed all  the  real  power,  and  the  Republic  was  doomed,  for 
there  was  no  one  in  Rome  to  gainsay  this  mightiest  of  the 
Romans.  He  had  himself  made  Dictator  for  life,  and  assumed 
also  the  powers  of  the  other  leading  offices  of  the  State. 

Cassar  lived  only  five  years  (49-44  b.c.)  after  his  first  con- 
quest of  Italy  (49  B.C.).  Of  this  period,  as  we  have  seen,  four 
years  were  almost  wholly  occupied  by  campaigns.  Fie  was 
therefore  left  but  little  time  for  the  colossal  task  of  reshaping 
the  Roman  State  and  organizing  the  vast  Roman  Empire,  the 
task  in  which  the  Roman  Senate  had  so  completely  failed.  Sulla 
had  raised  the  membership  of  the  Senate  from  three  to  six 


A Century  of  Revohition 


595 


hundred.  Caesar  did  not  abolish  the  ancient  body,  but  he  greatly 
increased  its  numbers,  filled  it  with  his  own  friends  and  adher- 
ents, and  even  installed  former  slaves  and  foreigners  among  its 
members.  He  thus  destroyed  the  public  respect  for  it,  and  it 
was  entirely  ready  to  do  his  bidding.  The  new  Senate  could 
not  obstruct  him  and  hence  the  whole  projected  administration 
of  the  provinces  centered  in  him  and  was  permanently  responsi- 
ble to  him.  The  election  of  the  officials  of  the  Republic  went 
on  as  before,  but  he  began  far-reaching  reforms  of  the  corrupt 
Roman  administration.  In  all  this  he  was  launching  the  Roman 
Empire.  He  was  in  fact  its  first  emperor,  and  only  his  untimely 
death  continued  the  death  struggles  of  the  Republic  for  fifteen 
years  more. 

He  sketched  vast  plans  for  the  rebuilding  of  Rome,  for 
magnificent  public  buildings,  and  for  the  alteration  of  the  plan 
of  the  city,  including  even  a change  in  the  course  of  the  Tiber. 
He  laid  out  great  roads  along  the  important  lines  of  com- 
munication, and  he  planned  to  cut  a sea  canal  through  the 
Isthmus  of  Corinth  (Fig.  163).  He  completely  reformed  the 
government  of  cities.  He  put  an  end  to  centuries  of  incon- 
venience with  the  Greco-Roman  moon-calendar  (§  564)  by  in- 
troducing into  Europe  the  practical  Egyptian  calendar  (§  61), 
which  we  are  still  using,  though  with  inconvenient  Roman 
alterations.  The  imperial  sweep  of  his  plans  included  far- 
reaching  conquests  into  new  lands,  like  the  subjugation  of 
the  Germans.  Had  he  carried  out  these  plans,  the  language  of 
the  Germans  to-day  would  be  a descendant  of  Latin,  like  the 
speech  of  the  French  and  the  Spanish. 

The  eighteenth  of  March,  44  b.  c.,  was  set  as  the  date  for 
Ceesar’s  departure  for  the  Orient  on  a great  campaign  against 
the  Parthians  east  of  the  Euphrates.  But  there  were  still  men 
in  Rome  who  were  not  ready  to  submit  to  the  rule  of  one  man. 
On  the  fifteenth  of  March,  three  days  before  the  date  arranged 
for  his  departure,  and  only  a year  after  he  had  quelled  the  last 
disturbance  in  Spain,  these  men  struck  down  the  greatest  of 


g68.  Caesar’s 
vast  plans 
and  improve- 
ments 


969.  The 
assassination 
of  Caesar 
(March  15, 
44  B.c.)  and 
its  results 


596 


Ancient  Times 


the  Romans.  If  some  of  the  murderers  of  this  just  and  kindly 
statesman,  who  was  for  the  first  time  giving  the  unhappy  peoples 
of  the  Mediterranean  world  a government  alike  just,  honest,  and 
efficient,  — if  some  of  his  murderers,  like  Brutus  and  Cassius 
(headpiece,  p.  574),  fancied  themselves  patriots  overthrowing  a 
tyrant,  they  little  understood  how  vain  w'ere  all  such  efforts 
to  restore  the  ancient  Republic.  World  dominion  and  its  mili- 
tary power  had  forever  demolished  the  Roman  Republic,  and 
the  murder  of  Caesar  again  plunged  Italy  and  the  Empire  into 
civil  war.  The  death  of  Alexander  the  Great  interrupted  in 
mid-career  the  conquest  of  a world  empire  stretching  from  the 
frontiers  of  India  to  the  Atlantic  Ocean.  The  bloody  deed 
of  the  Ides  of  March,  44  b.  c.,  stopped  a similar  conquest 
by  Julius  Caesar  — a conquest  which  w’ould  have  subjected 
Orient  and  Occident  to  the  rule  of  a single  sovereign.  A like 
opportunity  never  arose  again,  and  Caesar’s  successor  had 
no  such  aims. 


Section  86.  The  Triumph  of  Augustus  and  the 
End  of  the  Civil  War 


970.  Youth 
of  Caesar’s 
nephew, 
Octavian 
(Augustus) 


971.  Early 
career  of 
Octavian 


Over  in  Illyria  the  terrible  news  from  Rome  found  the  mur- 
dered statesman’s  grand-nephew  Octavian  (Fig.  245),  a youth 
of  eighteen,  quietly  pursuing  his  studies.  A letter  from  his 
mother,  brought  by  a secret  messenger,  bade  him  flee  far  away 
eastward  without  delay,  in  order  to  escape  all  danger  at  the 
hands  of  his  uncle’s  murderers.  The  youth’s  reply  was  to  pro- 
ceed without  a moment’s  hesitation  to  Rome.  This  statesman- 
like decision  of  character  reveals  the  quality  of  the  young  man 
both  as  he  then  showed  it  and  for  years  to  follow. 

On  his  arrival  in  Italy  Octavian  learned  that  he  had  been 
legally  adopted  by  Caesar  and  also  made  his  sole  heir.  His 
bold  claim  to  his  legal  rights  was  met  with  refusal  by  Mark 
Antony,  Caesar’s  fellow  consul  and  one  of  his  closest  friends 
and  supporters  (§  951),  who  had  taken  possession  of  Caesar’s 


A Century  of  Revolution 


597 


fortune  and  as  consul  could  not  be  easily  forced.  By  such 
men  Octavian  was  treated  with  patronizing  indulgence  at  first 
— a fact  to  which  he  owed  his  life.  He  was  too  young  to  be 
regarded  as  dangerous.  But  his  young  shoulders  carried  a 
very  old  head.  He  slowly  gathered  the  threads  of  the  tangled 
situation  in  his  clever  fingers,  not  forgetting  the  lessons  of  his 
adoptive  father’s  career.  The 
most  obvious  lesson  was  the 
necessity  of  military'  power. 

He  therefore  rallied  a force 
of  Cesar’s  veterans,  and  two 
legions  of  Antony’s  troops 
also  came  over  to  him.  Then 
playing  the  game  of  politics, 
with  military  power  at  his 
back  and  none  too  scrupulous 
a conscience,  he  showed  him- 
self a statesman  no  longer  to 
be  ignored. 

By  skillful  improvement  of 
the  situation  at  Rome,  Oc- 
tavian forced  his  own  election 
as  consul  when  only  twenty  Fig.  245.  Portrait  of  Augus- 
years  of  age  (43  b.c.).  He  now  in  the  Boston  Mu- 

. SEUM  OF  Fine  Arts 

was  then  able  to  form  an 

alliance  composed  of  himself  and  the  other  two  most  powerful 
leaders,  Antonyy  Caesar’s  old  follower,  and  Lepidus.  This 
second  triumvirate  (three-man-alliance), was  officially  recognized 
by  vote  of  the  people.  To  obtain  the  money  for  carrying  on 
their  wars  and  establishing  themselves,  the  three  began  at  once 
a Sullan  reign  of  terror,  with  confiscation  of  property  and  mur- 
der of  their  enemies.  Among  them  the  great  orator  Cicero, 
who  had  endeavored  to  preserve  the  old  Republic,  was  slain 
by  Antony’s  brutal  soldiers.  He  was  the  last  of  the  orator- 
statesmen  of  Rome,  as  had  been  Demosthenes  of  Athens 


972.  The 

second 

triumvirate 


598 


Ancient  Times 


973.  Octavian 
gains  Italy 
and  the  West 


(42-35  B.C.) 


974.  Octavian 
overthrows 
Antony  and 
gains  the 
East  (31  B.C.) 


(§  721).  But  the  Republic  was  still  supported  by  the  two  lead- 
ing murderers  of  Caesar,  Brutus,  and  Cassius.  They  were  at 
the  head  of  a powerful  eastern  army,  like  that  of  Pompey,  : 
and  were  encamped  at  Philippi  in  Macedonia.  As  soon  as 
they  could  leave  Rome,  Octavian  and  Antony  moved  against 
Brutus  and  Cassius,  and  in  a great  battle  at  Philippi  the 
last  defenders  of  the  Republic  were  completely  defeated 
(42  B.C.). 

The  two  victors  then  divided  their  domains : Octavian  was  ; 
to  return  to  Italy  and  endeavor  to  crush  the  enemies  of  the 
triumvirate  in  the  West.  Antony  was  to  remain  in  the  East 
and  bring  it  again  under  full  subjection  to  Rome.  In  the  West 
a rebellious  son  of  Pompey,  who  seized  Sicily  and  held  control  1 
of  the  sea  with  his  fleet,  was  finally  crushed  by  Octavian;  and  ;l 
soon  after  Lepidus,  who  had  been  given  the  province  of  Africa  < 
behind  Carthage,  was  also  overthrown.  Within  ten  years  after  i) 
Caesar’s  assassination,  and  though  only  twenty-eight,  Octavian  I 
had  gained  complete  control  of  Italy  and  the  West. 

Antony  had  meantime  showed  that  he  had  no  ability  as  a 1 
serious  statesman.  His  prestige  was  also  greatly  dimmed  by 
a disastrous  campaign  against  the  Parthians.  Dazzled  by  the 
attractions  of  Cleopatra,  he  was  now  living  in  Alexandria  and 
Antioch,  where  he  ruled  the  East  as  far  as  the  Euphrates  like  :: 
an  oriental  sovereign.  With  Cleopatra  as  his  queen,  he  main-  i 

tained  a court  of  sumptuous  splendor  like  that  of  the  Persian  ■ 

kings  in  the  days  of  their  empire.  Cleopatra,  who  had  once  1 

hoped  to  rule  Rome  as  Caesar’s  queen,  was  now  cherishing  ] 

similar  hopes  as  the  favorite  of  Antony.  The  tales  of  all  this 
made  their  way  to  Rome  and  did  not  help  Antony’s  cause  in  ii 
the  eyes  of  the  Roman  Senate.  Octavian  easily  induced  the  i , 
Senate  for  this  and  other  reasons  to  declare  war  on  Cleopatra, 
and  thus  he  was  able  to  advance  against  Antony.  As  the  1 1 
legions  of  Caesar  and  Pompey,  representing  the  East  and  the 
West,  had  once  before  faced  each  other  on  a battlefield  in  ; 

Greece  (§  964),  so  now  Octavian  and  Antony,  the  leaders  of  i; 


A Century  of  Revolution 


599 


the  East  and  the  West,  met  at  Actium  on  the  west  coast  of 
Greece.  A naval  battle  was  fought,  with  the  land  forces  as 
spectators.  Before  the  end  of  the  battle  the  soldiers  of  Antony 
saw  their  leader  and  his  oriental  queen  forsaking  them  in  flight, 
as  Cleopatra’s  gorgeous  galley,  followed  by  her  splendid  royal 
flotilla,  swept  out  to  sea  carrying  the  cowardly  Antony  to  Egypt. 
The  outcome  was  a sweeping  victory  for  the  heir  of  Caesar. 

The  next  year  Octavian  landed  in  Egypt  without  resistance 
worth  mentioning  and  took  possession  of  the  ancient  land. 
Antony,  probably  forsaken  by  Cleopatra,  took  his  own  life. 
The  proud  queen  was  unwilling  to  undergo  the  crushing  humil- 
iation of  gracing  Octavian’s  triumph  at  Rome,  two  of  whose 
rulers  had  yielded  to  the  power  of  her  beauty  and  her  person- 
ality, and  she  too  died  by  her  own  hand.  She  was  the  last  of 
the  Ptolemies  (§  716),  the  rulers  of  Egypt  for  nearly  three 
hundred  years,  since  Alexander  the  Great  Octavian  there- 
fore made  Eg}’pt  Roman  territory  (30  B.c.).  To  the  West, 
which  he  already  controlled,  Octavian  had  now  added  also  the 
East  The  lands  under  his  control  girdled  the  Mediterranean, 
and  the  entire  Mediterranean  world  was  under  the  power  of  a 
single  ruler.  Thus  at  last  the  unity  of  the  Roman  dominions 
was  restored  and  an  entire  century  of  revolution  and  civil  war, 
which  had  begun  in  the  days  of  the  Gracchi  (133  B.c.),  was 
ended  (30  b.c.). 

Octavian’s  succaes  marked  the  final  triumph  of  one-man 
power  in  the  entire  ancient  world,  as  it  had  long 'ago  triumphed 
in  the  Orient.  The  century  of  strife  which  Octavian’s  victory 
ended,  was  now  followed  by  two  centuries  of  profound  peace, 
broken  by  only  one  serious  interruption.  These  were  the  first 
two  centuries  of  the  Roman  Empire,  beginning  in  30  B.c.^  We 
shall  now  take  up  the  two  centuries  of  peace  in  the  two  following 
chapters. 

r It  should  be  noticed  that  these  two  centuries  of  peace  did  not  begin  with 
the  Christian  Era.  They  began  thirty  years  before  the  first  year  of  the  Christiaa 
Era,  and  hence  the  two  centuries  of  peace  do  not  correspond  exactly  with  the 
first  two  centuries  of  our  Christian  Era. 


973.  Octavian 
makes  Egypt 
a Roman 
province 
(30  B.C.), 
and  ends  a 
century  of 
revolution 
and  civil 
war  (133- 
30  B.C.) 


976.  The 
beginning  of 
two  centuries 
of  peace 


6oo 


Ancient  Times 


QUESTIONS 

Section  83.  What  problems  beset  the  Roman  State  in  Italy?  i 
outside  of  Italy?  What  can  you  say  of  the  ability  and  the  legal  right  {| 
of  the  Senate  to  meet  these  problems  ? Who  began  the  struggle  for  1 
farm  lands  on  behalf  of  the  people?  How  did  the  Licinian  laws  'i 
attempt  to  aid  the  people?  What  was  the  condition  of  the  govern-  [. 
ment  lands  ? What  did  Tiberius  Gracchus  tell  the  people  ? Describe  1 
his  efforts  to  aid  the  people,  and  the  result.  Recount  the  work  of  il 
Gains  Gracchus,  and  the  result.  ' 

Section  84.  What  was  the  chief  reason  for  the  failure  of  the  j; 
Gracchus  brothers?  Toward  what  kind  of  power  did  their  leader-  !• 
ship  tend?  How  did  the  people  gain  control  of  the  army  in  the  war  i' 
with  Jugurtha?  Recount  the  victories  of  Marius  against  Jugurtha  1 
and  the  Northern  barbarians.  Give  an  account  of  his  new  military  ' 
measures.  How  did  Marius  succeed  as  a statesman?  What  was  now  h 
the  feeling  of  the  Italian  allies  toward  Rome?  What  can  you  say  of  '1 
Drusus?  What  happened  on  the  death  of  Drusus?  What  was  the 
result  of  the  war  with  the  allies?  Describe  the  rise  of  Sulla.  How  j' 
did  he  defeat  the  will  of  the  people?  Was  his  action  legal?  What  | 
happened  in  Rome  after  Sulla  went  to  Asia  Minor  ? Recount  Sulla’s  ; : 
campaign  against  Mithradates.  What  happened  on  Sulla’s  return  to 
Italy?  What  was  the  policy  of  Sulla,  and  how  did  he  put  it  through?  ' 

Section  85.  How  did  the  people  succeed  in  throwing  off  the  : 
rule  of  the  Senate  ? What  great  command  did  they  give  to  Pompey  ? ! 

Recount  his  operations  against  the  pirates  and  in  the  Orient.  Tell  l! 
about  the  rise  of  Julius  Caesar.  Recount  the  rise  of  Cicero  and  his  j 
defeat  of  Catiline.  How  did  this  prove  a setback  to  Caesar?  How  j 
did  Caesar  secure  election  as  consul?  Recount  his  campaigns  in  i: 
Gaul.  What  was  his  view  of  the  political  situation  of  Rome?  What  ji 
did  the  Senate  do  to  thwart  Caesar  ? What  was  the  result  of  Caesar’s  i ' 
advance  on  Rome?  Recount  his  operations  in  Spain,  and  his  in-  I 
vasion  of  Epirus.  Describe  the  battle  of  Pharsalus.  Recount  briefly  j 
the  achievements  of  Caesar  after  his  triumph.  Tell  the  story  of  his  | 
death  and  its  results. 

Section  86.  Tell  the  story  of  Octavian  until  the  battle  of  Philippi.  | 
How  did  Octavian  gain  the  West?  Who  was  ruler  of  the  East.?  1 
How  did  Octavian  gain  the  East?  What  great  world  did  he  then  ; 
control  ? What  kind  of  power  had  triumphed  at  the  end  of  a century  | j 
of  revolution  ? What  was  to  follow  ? I 


PART  V.  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE 

CHAPTER  XXVII 

THE  FIRST  OF  TWO  CENTURIES  OF  PEACE:  THE  AGE  OP 
AUGUSTUS  AND  THE  SUCCESSORS  OF  HIS  LINE 

Section  87.  The  Rule  of  Augustus  and  the  Begin- 
ning OF  Two  Centuries  of  Peace  (30  B.C.-14  a.d.) 

When  Octavian  returned  to  Italy  he  was  received  with  the 
greatest  enthusiasm.  A veritable  hymn  of  thanksgiving  arose 
among  all  classes  at  the  termination  of  a century  of  revolution, 
civil  war,  and  devastation.  The  great  majority  of  Romans  now 
felt  that  an  individual  ruler  was  necessary  for  the  control  of 
the  vast  Roman  dominions.  Octavian  therefore  entered  upon 
forty-four  years  of  peaceful  and  devoted  effort  to  give  to  the 

Note.  The  above  headpiece  shows  a restoration  of  a magnificent  marble  in- 
closure containing  the  " Altar  of  Augustan  Peace,”  erected  by  order  of  the  Sen- 
ate in  honor  of  Augustus.  The  inclosure  was  open  to  the  sky,  and  its  surrounding 
walls,  of  which  portions  still  exist,  are  covered  below  by  a broad  band  of  orna- 
mental plant  spirals,  very  sumptuous  in  effect.  Above  it  is  a series  of  reliefs,  of 
'which  the  one  on  the  right  of  the  door  pictures  the  legendary  hero  Aineas  bring- 
ing an  offering  to  the  temple  of  the  Roman  household  gods  (Penates)  whom 
he  carried  from  Troy  to  Latium  (footnote,  p.  484). 

; 601 

i 


9^.  Octa- 
vian’s  moder- 
ate policy 


6o2 


Ancient  Times 


978.  Organi- 
zation of  the 
Roman  State 
by  Octavian 


979.  Titles  of 
the  new  ruler 


980.  Dual 
character  of 
the  new  State ; 
waning  power 
of  the  Senate 


Romai?  Empire  the  organization  and  government  which  it  had  J 
so  long  lacked.  His  most  difficult  task  was  to  alter  the  old  form  ! 
of  government  so  as  to  make  a legal  place  for  the  power  he  ■ 
had  taken  by  military  force.  Unlike  Cmsar,  Octavian  felt  a sin- 
cere respect  for  the  institutions  of  the  Roman  Republic  and 
did  not  wish  to  destroy  them  nor  to  gain  for  himself  the  throne  ;; 
of  an  oriental  sovereign.  During  his  struggle  for  the  mastery  i 
heretofore,  he  had  preserved  the  forms  of  the  Republic  and  had  i| 
been  duly  elected  to  his  great  position. 

Accordingly,  on  returning  to  Rome,  Octavian  did  not  disturb  Ij 
the  Senate,  but  did  much  to  strengthen  it  and  improve  its  !| 
membership.  Indeed,  he  voluntarily  handed  over  his  powers  ij 
to  the  Senate  and  the  Roman  people  in  January,  27  b.c.  The  || 
Senate  thereupon,  realizing  by  past  experience  its  own  helpless-  j] 
ness,  and  knowing  that  it  did  not  possess  the  organization  for  ,j 
ruling  the  great  Roman  world  successfully,  gave  him  officially  | 
the  command  of  the  army  and  the  control  of  the  most  important  ' 
frontier  provinces.  Besides  these  vast  powers,  he  held  also  the  . 
important  rights  of  a tribune  (§§  797,  810),  and  on  this  last  1 
office  he  chiefly  based  his  legal  claim  to  his  power  in  the  State. 

At  the  same  time  the  Senate  conferred  upon  him  the  title  of 
" Augustus,”  that  is,  ” the  august.”  The  chief  name  of  his 
office  was  ” Princeps,”  that  is,  " the  flrst,”  meaning  the  first  of  |j 
the  citizens.  Another  title  given  the  head  of  the  Roman  Empire 
was  an  old  word  for  director  or  commander ; namely,  " Impera- 
tor,”  from  which  our  word  " emperor  ” is  derived.  Augustus,  ;j 
as  we  may  now  call  him,  regarded  his  position  as  that  of  an  ’ 
official  of  the  Roman  Republic,  appointed  by  the  Senate.  . 
Indeed,  his  appointment  was  not  permanent,  but  for  a term  of  |( 
years,  after  which  he  was  reappointed.  i 

The  Roman  Empire,  which  here  emerges,  was  thus  under  a i' 
dual  government  of  the  Senate  and  of  the  Princeps,  whom  we  1 1 
commonly  call  the  emperor.  The  clever  Augustus  had  done 
what  his  great  foster  father,  Julius  Caesar,  had  thought  unneces-  ij 
sary : he  had  conciliated  those  Romans  who  still  cherished  the  |l 


The  First  of  Two  Centuries  of  Peace 


603 


old  Republic.  The  new  arrangement  was  officially  a restoration 
of  the  Republic.  But  this  dual  state  in  which  Augustus  endeav- 
ored to  preserve  the  old  Republic  was  not  well  balanced.  The 
Princeps  held  too  much  power  to  remain  a mere  appointive 
official.  His  powers  were  more  than  once  increased  by  the 
Senate  during  the  life  of  Augustus ; not  on  his  demand,  for  he 
always  showed  the  Senate  the  most  ceremonious  respect,  but 
because  the  Senate  could  not  dispense  with  his  assistance.  At 
the  same  time  the  old  powers  of  the  Senate  could  not  be  main- 
tained reign  after  reign,  when  the  Senate  controlled  no  army. 

The  Princeps  was  the  real  ruler,  because  the  legions  were 
behind  him,  and  the  so-called  republican  State  created  by 
Augustus  tended  to  become  a military  monarchy,  as  we  shall 
see.  All  the  influences  from  the  Orient  were  in  the  same  direc- 
tion. Egypt  was  in  no  way  controlled  by  the  Senate,  but  re- 
mained a private  domain  of  the  emperor.  In  this  the  oldest 
State  on  the  Mediterranean  the  emperor  was  king,  in  the  ori- 
ental sense.  He  collected  its  huge  revenues  and  ruled  there  as 
the  Pharaohs  and  Ptolemies  had  done  (§  717).  His  position 
as  absolute  monarch  in  Egypt  influenced  his  position  as  emperor 
and  his  methods  of  government  everywhere.  Indeed,  the  East 
as  a whole  could  only  understand  the  position  of  Augustus  as 
that  of  a king,  and  this  title  they  at  once  applied  to  him.  This 
also  had  its  influence  in  Rome. 

The  Empire  which  Rome  now  ruled  consisted  of  the  entire 
Mediterranean  world,  or  a fringe  of  states  extending  entirely 
around  the  Mediterranean  and  including  all  its  shores  (map  I, 
p.  636).  But  the  frontier  boundaries,  left  almost  entirely  unsettled 
by  the  Republic,  were  a pressing  question.  There  was  a natural 
boundary  in  the  south,  the  Sahara,  and  also  in  the  west,  the 
Atlantic ; but  on  the  north  and  east  further  conquests  might  be 
made.  In  the  main  Augustus  adopted  the  policy  of  organ- 
izing and  consolidating  the  Empire  as  he  found  it,  without 
making  further  conquests.  In  the  east  his  boundary  thus  be- 
came the  Euphrates,  and  in  the  north  the  Danube  and  the 


981.  Tend- 
ency toward 
military 
monarchy ; 
oriental  in- 
fluences in 
this  direction 


982.  Peace 
policy  of 
Augustus, 
and  the 
frontiers 


6o4 


Ancient  Times 


Rhine.  The  angle  made  by  the  Rhine  and  the  Danube  was 
not  favorable  for  defense  of  the  border,  and  late  in  his  reign 
Augustus  seems  to  have  made  an  effort  to  push  forward  to  the 
Elbe  (see  map  I,  p.  636).  This  would  have  given  the  Empire 
a more  nearly  straight  boundary.,  extending  from  the  Black  Sea 
to  Denmark  in  a line  from  the  southeast  to  the  northwest. 
But  whatever  the  intentions  of  Augustus  may  have  been,  the 
Roman  army  was  terribly  defeated  by  the  barbarous  German 
tribes,  and  the  effort  was  abandoned.  The  northern  boundary 
of  the  Empire  was  then  made  a line  of  provinces  west  of  the 
Rhine  and  south  of  the  Danube,  extending  from  the  North 
Sea  to  the  Black  Sea.^ 

983.  The  For  the  defense  of  these  vast  frontiers  it  was  necessary  to 

maintain  a large  standing  army.  Nevertheless  the  army,  now 
carefully  reorganized  by  Augustus,  was  not  as  large  as  the 
armies  which  had  grown  up  in  the  civil  wars.  Augustus  first 
reduced  it  to  eighteen  legions,  but  later  raised  it  to  twenty-five. 
It  probably  contained,  on  the  average,  about  two  hundred  and 
twenty-five  thousand  men.  The  army  was  now  recruited  chiefly 
from  the  provinces,  and  the  foreign  soldier  who  entered  the 
ranks  received  citizenship  in  return  for  his  service.  Thus  the 
fiction  that  the  army  was  made  up  of  citizens  was  maintained. 
But  the  tramp  of  the  legions  was  heard  no  more  in  Italy.  Hence- 
forth they  were  posted  far  out  on  the  frontiers,  and  the  citizens 
at  home  saw  nothing  of  the  troops  who  defended  them. 

984.  The  suf-  At  the  accession  of  Augustus  the  Roman  Empire  from  Rome 

the  pro^nces  outward  to  the  very  frontiers  of  the  provinces  was  sadly  in 

need  of  restoration  and  opportunity  to  recuperate.  The  cost  of 
the  civil  wars  had  been  borne  by  the  provinces.  The  eastern 
dominions,  especially  Greece,  where  the  most  important  fighting 
of  the  long  civil  war  had  occurred,  had  suffered  severely.  For 
a century  and  a half  before  the  great  battles  of  the  civil  war, 
the  provinces  had  been  oppressed,  excessively  overtaxed  or 

1 Recent  study  of  this  question  is  leading  some  historians  also  to  the  view 
that  Augustus  never  really  intended  or  attempted  to  conquer  to  the  Elbe. 


The  First  of  Two  Centuries  of  Peace  605 

tacitly  plundered  (§  888).  Barbarian  invaders  had  seized  the 
undefended  cities  of  Greece  and  even  established  robber  states 
for  plundering  purposes.  Greece  herself  never  recovered  from 
the  wounds  then  suffered,  and,  in  general,  the  eastern  Mediter- 
ranean had  been  greatly  demoralized.  The  civilized  world  was 
longing  for  peace. 

Augustus  therefore  now  undertook  to  do  for  the  Mediter- 
ranean world  what  five  hundred  years  earlier  Darius  had  done 
for  the  Persian  Empire  (§  267),  when  it  was  even  larger  than 
the  Roman  Empire.  But  the  task  of  Augustus  demanded  the 
organization  of  a much  more  highly  civilized  world  than  that  of 
the  Persian  Empire,  including  a vast  network  of  commerce  in 
the  Mediterranean  such  as  no  earlier  age  had  ever  seen.  Great 
peoples  and  nations  had  to  be  officially  taken  into  the  Empire 
and  given  honest  and  efficient  government.  Some  of  them  had 
old  and  successful  systems  of  government ; others  had  no  gov- 
ernment at  all.  Egypt,  for  example,  had  long  before  possessed 
the  most  highly  organized  administration  in  the  ancient  world, 
but  regions  of  the  West,  like  Gaul,  had  not  yet  been  given  a 
system  of  government.  All  this  Augustus  endeavored  to  do. 

Under  the  Republic  the  governor  of  a province  not  only 
served  for  a short  term  but  was  also  without  experience.  His 
unlimited  power,  like  that  of  an  absolute  monarch,  made  it  im- 
possible for  the  consuls  changing  every  year  at  home  to  control 
him.  The  governor  of  a province  was  now  appointed  by  the 
permanent  ruler  at  Rome,  and  such  a governor  knew  that  he 
was  responsible  to  that  ruler  for  wise  and  honest  government 
of  his  province.  He  also  knew  that  if  he  proved  successful  he 
could  hold  his  post  for  years,  or  be  promoted  to  a better  one. 
There  thus  grew  up  under  the  permanent  control  of  Augustus 
and  his  successors  a body  of  provincial  governors  of  experience 
and  efficiency.  The  small  group  of  less  important  provinces 
still  under  the  control  of  the  Senate,  although  they  continued  to 
suffer  to  some  extent  under  the  old  system,  also  felt  the  influ- 
ence of  the  improved  methods. 


985.  The 
great  task  of 
Augustus : 
the  organi- 
2ation  of  the 
provinces 


986.  The 
improved 
system  of 
governors  of 
the  provinces 


6o6 


Ancient  Times 


987.  Augus- 
tus for  the 
first  time 
regulates  the 
finances  of 
the  Empire 


985.  Bene- 
ficial effect 
of  the  new 
efficient 
government 


989.  The 
Mediterra- 
nean world 
on  the  way 
to  become  a 
Mediterra- 
nean nation 


In  the  days  of  the  Republic  no  one  had  ever  tried  to  settle  j 
how  much  money  was  needed  to  carry  on  the  government,  and 
how  much  of  this  sum  each  province  ought  justly  to  pay  in  the  i 
form  of  taxes.  Augustus  proceeded  to  put  together  huge  census  ' 
lists  and  property  assessments,  by  which  to  determine  the  popu-  j 
lation  and  the  total  value  of  the  property  in  each  province.  ' 
When  this  great  piece  of  work  was  done  he  could  determine  |, 
just  how  much  taxes  each  province  should  justly  pay.  He  de- 
creed that  the  inhabitants  of  the  provinces  were  to  pay  two  1 
kinds  of  direct  taxes,  one  on  land  and  one  on  personal  prop- 
erty, besides  customs  duties  and  various  internal  revenue  taxes. 
Augustus  had  complete  control  of  the  vast  sums  which  he  thus  ■ 
received  in  taxes,  and  his  use  of  them  was  wise  and  just.  Much  1 
of  this  money  went  back  to  the  provinces  to  pay  for  necessary 
public  works,  like  roads,  bridges,  aqueducts,  and  public  build- 
ings. In  making  all  these  financial  arrangements  Augustus  > 
learned  much  from  Egypt. 

Thus  at  last  two  centuries  of  Roman  mismanagement  of  the  :■ 
provinces  ended,  and  the  obligation  of  Rome  to  give  good  j’ 
government  to  her  dependencies  was  finally  fulfilled.  The 
establishment  of  just,  stable,  and  efficient  control  by  the  gov-  | 
ernment  at  once  produced  a profound  change,  visible  in  many  n 
ways  as  we  shall  see  (§§  991-1004),  but  especially  in  business.  |i 
Men  of  capital  no  longer  kept  their  money  timidly  out  of  sight,  11 
but  put  it  at  once  into  business  ventures.  The  rate  of  interest  !| 
under  the  last  years  of  the  Republic  had  been  twelve  per  cent.  |l 
But  as  money  now  became  more  plentiful,  the  interest  rate  t 
quickly  sank  to  four  per  cent. 

The  great  Mediterranean  world  under  the  control  of  Rome  ^ 
now  entered  upon  a new  age  of  prosperity  and  development,  1 
unknown  before,  when  the  nations  along  its  shores  were  still 
fighting  each  other  in  war  after  war.  A process  of  unification 
began  which  was  to  make  the  Mediterranean  world  a Mediter- 
ranean nation.  The  national  threads  of  our  historical  narrative  1 1 
have  heretofore  been  numerous,  as  we  have  followed  the  stories  ; 


The  First  of  Two  Centuries  of  Peace  607 

of  the  oriental  nations,  of  Athens,  Sparta,  Macedonia,  Rome, 
Carthage,  and  others.  For  a long  time  we  have  followed  these 
narratives  separately  like  individual  strands ; bu.S'  now  they  are 
to  be  twisted  together  into  a single  thread  of  national  history, 
that  of  the  Roman  Empire.  The  great  exceptions  are  the  Ger- 
man barbarians  in  the  north,  and  the  unconquered  Orient  east 
of  the  Euphrates. 

Section  88.  The  Civilization  of  the  Augustan  Age 

In  the  new  Mediterranean  nation  thus  growing  up,  it  was 
the  purpose  of  Augustus  that  Italy  should  occupy  a superior 
position,  as  the  imperial  leader  of  all  the  peoples  around  the 
Mediterranean.  Italy  was  not  to  sink  to  the  level  of  these 
peoples  nor  to  be  merely  one  of  them.  We  have  seen  the 
sturdy  virtues  of  earlier  Roman  character  undermined  and 
corrupted  by  sudden  wealth  and  power  (§§  906-922),  before 
Italy  had  had  a chance  to  become  a nation.  Augustus  made  a 
remarkable  effort  to  undo  all  this  damage  and  restore  the  fine 
old  days  of  rustic  Roman  virtue,  the  good  old  Roman  customs, 
the  beliefs  of  the  fathers.  To  meet  increasing  divorce,  laws  to 
protect  the  sanctity  of  marriage  were  passed.  The  oriental  gods, 
so  common  for  centuries  in  Greece  (§  657),  and  long  wide- 
spread in  Italy,  were  to  be  banished.  The  people  were  urged 
to  awaken  their  declining  interest  in  the  religion  of  their  fathers, 
and  the  old  religious  feasts  were  celebrated  with  increased  splen- 
dor and  impressiveness.  At  the  same  time  the  State  temples, 
which  had  frequently  fallen  into  decay,  were  repaired ; new 
ones  w'ere  built,  especially  in  Rome,  and  the  services  and  usages 
of  Roman  State  religion  were  everywhere  revived. 

Tendencies  like  those  which  had  changed  the  Roman  people 
lie  too  deep  in  the  life  and  the  nature  of  men  to  be  much 
altered  by  the  power  of  a government  or  the  pressure  of  new 
laws.  It  was  a new  world  in  which  the  Romans  of  the  Augustan 
Age  were  living.  The  more  Augustus  applied  his  own  power 


990.  Augus- 
tus attempts 
a restoration 
of  old  Roman 
life,  and  plans 
preeminence 
of  Italy 


991.  The 
new  Rome 


6o8 


Ancient  Times 


992.  Rome 
the  greatest 
center  of  art ; 
the  Palatine 
buildings  of 
Augustus 


to  modify  the  situation,  the  more  noticeable  became  the  con- 
trast between  the  Augustan  Age  and  the  old  days  before 
one-man  power  arose.  Under  Augustus,  Rome  for  the  first  ' 
time  received  organized  police,  a fire  department,  a water 
department,  and  a fully  organized  oihee  for  the  government  j 

sale  of  grain.  Augustus  himself  boasted  that  he  found  Rome  ; 

a city  of  brick  and  left  it  a city  of  marble.  To  the  visitor  at  ! 

Rome,  therefore,  the  new  age  proclaimed  itself  in  imposing  new  j 

buildings.  For  republican  Rome  had  lacked  the  magnificent  j 
monumental  theaters  and  gymnasia,  libraries  and  music  halls,  I 
which  had  long  adorned  the  greater  Hellenistic  cities.  It  had 
also,  of  course,  possessed  no  royal  palace,  like  that  at  Alexandria. 
Architecturally,  Alexandria  was  still  the  most  splendid  city  of 
the  ancient  world. 

The  great  architectural  works  which  Augustus  now  began, 
made  Rome  the  leading  art  center  of  the  ancient  world.  His 
building  plans  were  in  the  main  those  which  his  adoptive 
father,  the  Great  Dictator,  had  himself  either  laid  out  or  al-  | 
ready  begun.  On  the  Palatine  Hill,  Augustus  united  several  ■ 
dwelling  houses,  already  there,  into  a palace  for  his  residence. 

It  was  very  simple,  and  the  quiet  taste  of  his  sleeping  room, 
which  long  survived  the  rest  of  the  building  (§  1014),  was  the  | 

1 

* The  Sacred  Way  {plan,  p.  622)  passed  the  little  circular  temple  of 
Vesta  {A),  and  reached  the  Forum  at  the  Arch  of  Augustus  {B),  and 
the  Temple  of  the  Deified  Julius  Caesar  (C).  On  the  right  was  the  old 
Basilica  of  /Emilius  (D)  (§  890),  and  on  the  left  the  magnificent  new 
Basilica  of  Julius  Caesar  (E)  (§  993).  Opposite  this,  across  the  old 
Forum  market  place  (F),  was  the  new  Senate  House  {G)  planned  by  i 
Julius  Caesar  (§  993).  At  the  upper  end  of  the  Forum  was  the  new  j 
speaker’s  platform  (H) ; near  it  Septimius  Severus  later  erected  his  j 
crude  arch  (/).  Beyond  rises  the  Capitol,  with  the  Temple  of  Saturn  ! 
(J)  and  the  Temple  of  Concord  (W)  at  its  base ; above  on  its  slope  is  1 
the  Tabularium  (Z),  a place  of  public  records;  and  on  the  summit  of  , 
the  Capitol  the  Temple  of  Jove  (M).  Julius  Caesar  extended  the  Forum 
northward  by  laying  out  his  new  Forum  (W)  behind  his  Senate  House 

(Z).  The  subsequent  growth  of  the  emperors’ Forums  on  this  side  may  i 

be  seen  in  the  next  figure  (Fig.  247),  where  the  same  lettering  is  repeated 
and  continued  i 


Fig.  246.  The  Roman  Forum  and  its  Public  Buildings  in  the 
Early  Empire.  (After  Luckenbach)* 


We  look  across  the  ancient  market  place  {F,  § 784)  to  the  Tiber  with  its 
ships  at  the  head  of  navigation.  On  each  side  of  the  market  place,  where 
we  see  the  buildings  {£,/,  and  Z>,  G,  /),  were  once  rows  of  little  wooden 
booths  for  selling  meat,  fish,  and  other  merchandise.  Especially  after  the 
beginning  of  the  Carthaginian  wars,  these  were  displaced  by  fine  buildings, 
like  the  basilica  hall  D,  built  not  long  after  200  b.c.  Note  the  square 
ground  plans  (y,  M)  and  the  arches  showing  Etruscan  influence,  the  Attic 
roofs  and  colonnades  and  the  clerestory  windows  {D,  E)  copied  from  the 
Hellenistic  cities.  See  complete  key  on  opposite  page,  footnote 


FORUMS 
of  the 

EMPERORS 


Fig.  247.  The  Forums  of  the  Emperors  continuing  the  View 
OF  THE  Old  Forum  in  Fig.  246.  After  L.  Levy  (Luckenbach)* 

The  plan  (p.  622)  shows  how  the  Forums  of  the  emperors  formed  a 
connecting  link  uniting  the  old  Roman  Forum  (A)  with  the  magnificent 
new  buildings  of  the  Campus  Martius,  like  the  Theater  of  Pompey, 
Baths  of  Agrippa,  Pantheon,  etc.  In  order  to  make  this  connection, 
Trajan  cut  away  the  ridge  joining  the  Capitol  Hill  and  the  Quirinal  Hill 
to  a depth  of  100  feet.  The  summit  of  his  column  ( T above  and  Fig.  263) 
still  marks  the  former  height  of  the  ridge.  Little  now  remains  of  all 
this  magnificence ; see  the  ruined  colonnades  around  the  column  of 
Trajan  (Fig.  263).  See  discussion  of  buildings  on  opposite  page,  footnote 


The  First  of  Two  Cenhiries  of  Peace 


609 


admiration  of  later  Romans.  From  this  royal  dwelling  on  the 
Palatine  arose  our  English  word  " palace.”  A new  and  sumptu- 
ous temple  of  Apollo  surrounded  by  colonnades,  in  which  the 
emperor  installed  a large  library  (§  1001),  was  erected  within 
easy  reach  of  his  palace  doors. 

The  palace  looked  down  upon  an  imposing  array  of  new 
marble  buildings  surrounding  the  ancient  Forum.  Nearest  the 
palace  the  magnificent  basilica  business  hall  erected  by  Crnsar, 
left  unfinished  and  then  damaged  by  fire,  was  now  restored  and 
completed  by  Augustus  (Fig.  246,  PI).  Ffe  also  erected  a new 
Senate  building,  planned  but  never  built  by  Caesar,  opposite  the 
new  basilica  (Fig.  246,  G).  Facing  the  end  of  the  Forum  the  em- 
peror now  built  a temple  for  the  worship  of  his  deified  foster 
father,  known  as  the  temple  of  the  Divine  Julius  (Fig.  246,  C), 
and  facing  it,  at  the  opposite  end  of  the  Forum,  Augustus 
placed  a magnificent  speaker’s  platform  of  marble  (Fig.  246,  IT). 
Behind  the  ground  intended  by  him  for  the  new  Senate 
building,  Caesar  had  built  a new  forum,  called  the  Forum 
of  Caesar  (Figs.  246  and  247,  A^;  but  the  growing  business  of 
the  city  led  Augustus  to  build  a third  forum,  known  as 
the  Forum  of  Augustus  (Fig.  247,  O),  which  he  placed  next 
to  that  of  Caesar. 

* The  Senate  House  of  Julius  Cassar  (G)  and  his  new  Forum  (A) 
extended  from  the  old  Forum  northward,  occupying  the  ground  where 
once  the  Assembly  of  the  Roman  People  had  been  accustomed  to  meet 
{Comitium).  This  northern  addition  to  the  old  Forum  was  still  further 
extended  in  the  same  direction  by  the  Forum  of  Augustus  (O)  (§  993). 
The  great  emperors  of  the  first  and  second  centuries  then  extended 
this  northern  addition  in  two  directions,  first  on  the  southeast  {P,  Q), 
and  then  on  the  northwest  {P,  S,  T,  U,  V,  TV,  and  plan,  p.  622).  In  the 
first  century  Vespasian  built  the  beautiful  Forum  of  Peace  (A),  and  the 
aged  Nerva  inserted  his  long,  narrow  Forum  (Q)-,  v/hile  in  the  second 
century  a.  d.  Trajan,  going  to  the  other  side  of  the  Forum  of  Augustus 
{O),  built  the  most  magnificent  of  all  the  forums  (A),  with  a vast  basil- 
ica {S,  called  Basilica  Ulpia)  beside  it,  and  beyond  it  his  two  libraries 
V)  (§  1051),  with  his  wonderful  column  (T,  and  Fig.  263)  between 
them.  In  Trajan’s  honor  Hadrian  then  built  a temple  (IF),  completing 
this  line  of  the  most  magnificent  buildings  the  ancient  world  ever  saw. 


993.  The 
new  buildings 
in  the  Forum 
and  vicinity 


6io 


Ancient  Times 


994.  First 
theaters  and 
baths;  Altar 
of  Peace 


995.  Influ- 
ence of 
Greece  and 
the  Orient 
on  Roman 
architecture 


996.  Com- 
plete lack 
of  initiative 
in  sculpture 
and  painting 
at  Rome 


The  first  stone  theater  in  Rome  had  been  built  by  Pompey  ! 
about  twenty-five  years  before  the  accession  of  Augustus  (plan, 
p.  622).  The  emperor,  therefore,  erected  a large  and  magnifi-  , 
cent  theater,  which  he  named  the  Theater  of  Marcellus  (§  1007),  ' 

after  his  deceased  son-in-law  Marcellus.  At  the  same  time 
Agrippa,  the  ablest  of  the  generals  and  ministers  of  Augustus,  | 
erected  the  first  fine  public  baths  in  Rome,  for  which  he  was 
given  space  in  the  Field  of  Mars,  an  old  drill  ground  (plan,  j 
p.  622).  In  connection  with  it  were  other  splendid  public  build-  j 
ings  added  by  Agrippa,  and  a spacious  open  square  for  the  I 
Assembly  of  the  People.  At  the  same  time  the  Senate  showed  i 
its  appreciation  of  the  new  era  of  peace  by  erecting  a large  I 
and  beautiful  marble  Altar  of  Peace  (headpiece,  p.  60  r).  I 

In  this  new  architecture  of  Rome,  Greek  models  were 
the  controlling  influence.  Nevertheless,  oriental  influences  also 
were  very  prominent.  Greek  architecture  did  not  employ  the 
arch  so  long  used  in  the  Orient,  but  the  architects  of  Rome 
now  gave  it  a place  of  prominence  along  with  the  colonnade,  - 
as  the  two  leading  features  of  their  buildings.  It  was  through  ' 
these  Roman  buildings  that  the  arch  gained  its  important  place  ' 
in  our  own  modern  architecture.  Augustus  seems  to  have  been 
much  interested  in  the  monuments  of  the  ancient  oriental  world,  | 
which  he  more  than  once  visited.  His  triumphal  arch  was  ar-  j 
ranged  with  three  gates  like  the  Assyrian  palace  front  (Fig.  248). 

He  carried  away  from  the  Nile  a number  of  Egyptian  obelisks 
and  set  them  up  in  Rome,  and  in  building  his  own  family  tomb  i 
he  selected  a design  from  the  Orient.  One  of  the  noble  families  1 
of  Rome  even  built  a pyramid  as  a tomb,  and  it  still  stands  on  ! 
the  outskirts  of  the  city  (Fig.  249). 

While  architecture ' flourished  in  Rome,  sculpture  was  less 
cultivated.  Beautiful  sculpture,  following  old  models,  might  still 
be  produced  ; but  there  were  no  creative  sculptors  in  Rome  like 
those  whom  we  have  met  in  Athens.  Painting  as  an  independ- 
ent art  had  ceased  to  be  practiced.  There  was  not  a single 
great  painter  in  Rome,  and  the  painting  which  was  practiced 


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6I2 


Ancient  Times 


997.  Lack 
of  science 
at  Rome; 
Agrippa’s 
map 


was  merely  that  of  wall  decoration,  as  we  see  it  in  the  houses 
of  Pompeii  (Fig.  197),  which  we  are  yet  to  visit. 

If  Rome  was  a borrower  in  art,  she  was  even  more  so  in 
science.  Rome  had  no  such  men  as  Archimedes  (§  742)  and 
Eratosthenes  (§  745).  When  Agrippa,  Augustus’s  powerful 


Fig.  249.  Pyramid-Tomb  of  a Roman  Noble  named  Cestius 

Wealthy  Romans  familiar  with  the  East  (§  1046)  might  erect  a tomb  of 
oriental  form,  as  the  family  of  this  noble  Cestius  did.  His  pyramid- 
tomb  when  built  (in  the  reign  of  Augustus)  stood  outside  of  the  city; 
but  nearly  three  hundred  years  later  it  was  included  in  the  wall  erected 
around  the  city  by  Aurelian  (270-275  A.  D.)  for  the  protection  of 
Rome  against  the  barbarian  invasions  (§  1096).  Here  we  see  a portion 
of  the  wall  of  Aurelian  on  each  side  of  the  pyramid 


minister,  drew  up  a great  map  of  the  world,  all  he  had  in  view 
was  the  practical  use  of  the  map  by  Roman  governors  going 
out  to  their  provinces  or  by  merchants  traveling  with  goods. 
Hence  the  roads  were  elaborately  laid  out,  not  on  a fixed  scale 
but  so  that  there  would  be  space  enough  along  each  road  for 
the  names  of  all  the  towns  situated  along  it,  and  for  all  the 


The  First  of  Two  Centuries  of  Peace 


613 


distances  in  miles  between  towns,  which  were  inserted  in  figures 
on  the  map.  Such  a map  was  without  doubt  convenient,  but 
it  entirely  lacked  the  network  of  latitude  and  longitude  so 
carefully  worked  out  by  Eratosthenes  (§  748),  and  for  this 
reason  the  shapes  of  the  countries  and  seas  were  so  distorted 
that  none  of  the  readers  of  this  book  would  be  able  to  find 
anything  or  recognize  familiar  countries. 

The  leading  geography  of  the  time  was  written  by  a Greek 
living  in  Rome,  named  Strabo.  It  was  a delightful  narrative 
of  wide  travels  mingled  with  history,  and  although  it  sadly 
lacked  in  scientific  method,  it  was  for  many  centuries  the 
world’s  standard  geography  and  miay  still  be  read  with  great 
pleasure  and  profit  as  an  ancient  book  of  travel.  The  work 
of  Strabo,  however,  is  a landmark  disclosing  the  decline  of 
ancient  science  and  the  end  of  that  great  line  of  scientists 
whose  achievements  made  the  Hellenistic  Age  the  greatest 
age  of  science  in  the  early  world. 

Indifference  to  science  at  Rome  was  in  marked  contrast 
with  Roman  interest  in  literature.  The  greatest  of  the  leading 
Romans  displayed  in  some  cases  an  almost  pathetic  devotion 
to  literary  studies,  even  while  weighed  down  with  the  heaviest 
responsibilities.  Caesar  put  together  a treatise  on  Latin  speech 
while  crossing  the  Alps  in  a palanquin,  when  his  mind  must 
have  been  filled  with  the  problems  of  his  great  wars  in  Gaul. 
He  dedicated  the  essay  to  Cicero,  the  greatest  master  of  Latin 
prose.  Such  men  as  these  had  studied  in  Athens  or  Rhodes, 
and  were  deeply  versed  in  the  finest  works  of  Greek  learning 
and  literature.  Caesar  and  Cicero  and  the  men  of  their  class 
spoke  Greek  every  day  among  themselves,  perhaps  more  than 
they  did  Latin.  In  these  men  Hellenistic  civilization  and  Roman 
character  had  mingled  to  produce  the  most  cultivated  minds 
of  the  ancient  world.  Among  the  educated  men  in  the  declining 
Greek  communities  of  the  East,  none  could  rival  these  finest 
of  the  Romans  in  cultivation  or  in  power  of  mind.  Indeed, 
Greece  never  produced  men  of  just  this  type,  who  exhibited 


9q8.  Strabo 
and  geogra- 
phy ; decline 
of  science 


999.  Enthusi- 
astic interest 
in  literature ; 
Romans  of 
Greco  Roman 
culture  the 
leading  culti- 
vated men  of 
the  ancient 
world 


6i4 


Ancient  Times 


1000.  Cicero 
the  type  of 
the  highly 
educated  man 
of  the  late 
Republic ; 
his  writings 
and  their 
enduring 
influence 


lOOi.  Augus- 
tan Age  and 
literature : 
Livy 


such  a combination  of  gifts  — the  highest  ability  both  in  public 
leadership  and  in  literary  achievement. 

Of  literary  studies  Cicero  said : " Such  studies  profit  youth 
and  rejoice  old  age ; while  they  increase  happiness  in  good 
fortune,  they  are  in  affliction  a consolation  and  a refuge ; they 
give  us  joy  at  home  and  they  do  not  hamper  us  abroad ; they 
tarry  with  us  at  night  time  and  they  go  forth  with  us  to 
the  countryside.”  Thus  spoke  the  most  cultivated  man  Rome 
ever  produced,  and  the  ideals  of  the  educated  man  which  he 
himself  personified  have  never  ceased  to  exert  a powerful  in- 
fluence upon  educated  men  in  all  lands.  When  he  failed  as  a 
statesman,  a career  for  which  he  did  not  possess  the  necessary 
firmness  and  practical  insight  (§  957),  he  devoted  himself  to 
his  literary  pursuits.  As  the  greatest  orator  in  Roman  history, 
he  had  already  done  much  to  perfect  and  beautify  Latin  prose 
in  the  orations  which  he  delivered  in  the  course  of  his  career 
as  a lawyer  and  a statesman.  But  after  his  retirement  he  pro- 
duced a group  of  remarkable  essays  on  oratory,  a series  of 
treatises  on  conduct  — such  matters  as  friendship,  old  age,  and 
the  like ; and  he  left  behind  also  several  hundred  letters  which 
were  preserved  by  his  friends.  As  one  of  the  last  sacrifices  of 
the  civil  wars,  Cicero  had  fallen  by  the  hands  of  Antony’s  brutal 
soldiery  (§  972)  ; but  his  writings  were  to  exert  an  undying  influ- 
ence. They  made  Latin  speech  one  of  the  most  beautiful  instru- 
ments of  human  expression,  and  as  an  example  of  the  finest 
literary  style  they  have  influenced  the  best  writing  in  all  the 
languages  of  civilization  ever  since. 

Augustus  and  a number  of  the  leading  men  about  him  had 
known  Cicero.  For  them  that  commingling  of  Greek  and 
Roman  civilization,  which  might  well  be  called  Ciceronian, 
became  the  leading  cultivated  influence  in  their  lives.  The 
Ciceronian  culture  of  the  last  days  of  the  dying  Republic  thus 
became  the  ideal  of  the  early  Empire  and  the  Augustan  Age. 
Augustus  had  early  established  two  libraries  in  Rome,  and  one 
of  them  contained  the  greatest  collection  of  both  Greek  and 


The  First  of  Two  Centuries  of  Peace  615 

Latin  books  in  the  ancient  world.  Men  steeped  in  vhis  Greco- 
Roman  culture  now  began  to  feel  the  influence  of  the  great 
events  which  had  built  up  the  vast  Roman  Empire.  As  at 
Athens  in  the  days  of  the  greatest  Athenian  power,  so  the 
vision  of  the  greatness  of  the  State  stirred  the  imagination  of 
thinking  men.  Livy  wrote  an  enormous  history  of  Rome  from 
the  earliest  times,  that  is  to  say,  from  the  Trojan  War  to  the 
reign  of  Augustus,  in  one  hundred  and  forty-two  rolls  (§  751) 
— a work  which  cost  him  forty  years  of  labor.  While  it  was 
beautiful  literature,  and  the  fragments  which  survive  still  form 
fascinating  reading,  it  was  very  inaccurate  history.  The  careful 
historical  method  that  had  made  Thucydides  (§667)  the  greatest 
of  ancient  historians  had  disappeared. 

In  the  last  days  of  the  Republic,  in  spite  of  turbulence  and 
civil  war,  Cicero  and  the  men  of  his  time  had  perfected  Latin 
prose.  On  the  other  hand,  the  greatest  of  Latin  poetry  arose 
under  the  inspiration  of  the  early  Empire  and  the  universal 
peace  established  by  Augustus.  Horace,  the  leading  poet  of 
the  time,  had  been  a friend  of  the  assassins  of  Caesar,  and 
he  had  faced  the  future  Augustus  on  the  battlefield  of  Philippi. 
After  a dangerous  struggle  he  had  saved  himself  and  at  last 
found  security  in  the  era  of  peace.  Having  lived  through  many 
dangers,  to  rejoice  in  the  general  peace,  he  gained  the  forgive- 
ness and  friendship  of  Augustus.  In  his  youth,  although  only 
the  son  of  a freedman  of  unknown  race,  he  had  studied  in 
Greece,  and  he  knew  the  old  Greek  lyric  poets  (§  482)  who 
had  suffered  danger  and  disaster  as  he  himself  had  done.  With 
the  haunting  echoes  of  old  Greek  poetry  in  his  soul,  he  now 
found  his  own  voice.  Then  he  began  to  write  of  the  men  and 
the  life  of  his  own  time  in  a body  of  verse  which  forms  for 
us  an  undying  picture  of  the  Romans  in  the  days  of  Augustus. 
The  poems  of  Horace  will  always  remain  one  of  the  greatest 
legacies  from  the  ancient  world  — a treasury  of  Roman  life  as 
pictured  by  a ripe  and  cultivated  mind,  unsurpassed  even  in 
the  highly  developed  literature  of  the  Greeks. 


1002.  Rise 
of  poetry  in 
the  Augustan 
Age;  Horace 


6i6 


Ancient  Times 


1003.  Virgil 
and  the 
^neid 


1004.  Char- 
acter of  the 
iEneid 


Virgil,  the  other  great  poet  of  the  Augustan  Age,  had  from 
the  beginning  been  a warm  admirer  of  the  great  Caesar  and 
the  young  Octavian.  When  the  civil  war  had  deprived  Virgil 
of  his  ancestral  farm  under  the  shadow  of  the  Alps  in  the 
North,  it  was  restored  to  him  by  Augustus.  Here,  as  he  looked 
out  upon  his  own  fields,  the  poet  began  to  write  verses  like 
those  of  Theocritus  (§  754),  reflecting  to  us  in  all  its  poetic 
beauty  the  rustic  life  of  his  time  on  the  green  hillsides  of  Italy. 
But  these  imitations  of  Greek  models  would  never  have  given 
Virgil  his  place  as  one  of  the  greatest  poets  of  the  world.  As 
time  passed  he  gained  an  exalted  vision  of  the  mission  of  Rome, 
and  especially  of  Augustus,  as  the  restorer  of  world  peace. 
More  than  one  Latin  epic  was  already  in  circulation  (§  904), 
but  in  order  to  give  voice  to  his  vision,  Virgil  now  undertook 
the  creation  of  another  epic,  in  which  he  pictured  the  wander- 
ings of  the  Trojan  hero  yEneas  from  Asia  Minor  to  Italy,  where 
in  the  course  of  many  heroic  adventures  he  founded  the  royal 
line  of  Latium  (headpiece,  p.  484).  From  him,  according  to 
the  stoiy,  were  descended  the  Julian  family,  the  Caesars,  whose 
latest  leader  Augustus  had  saved  Rome  and  established  a 
world  peace. 

Unlike  the  Homeric  epics,  Virgil’s  yEneid,  as  it  is  called, 
was  not  the  outgrowth  of  an  heroic  age.  It  was  a tribute  to 
Augustus,  whom  the  poem  artistically  placed  against  a glorious 
background  of  heroic  achievement  in  the  Trojan  Age,  just  as 
Alexander  the  Great  contrived  to  do  the  same  for  himself 
(§  689).  The  yEneid  was  therefore  the  product  of  a self- 
conscious,  literary  age  — the  highly  finished  work  of  a literary 
artist  who  now  took  his  place  with  Horace  as  one  of  the  great 
interpreters  of  his  age.  Hardly  so  penetrating  a mind  as  his 
friend  Horace,  Virgil  was  perhaps  an  even  greater  master  of 
Latin  verse.  Deeply  admired  by  the  age  that  produced  it,  the 
yEneid  has  ever  since  been  one  of  the  leading  schoolbooks  of 
the  civilized  world,  and  has  had  an  abiding  influence  on  the  best 
literature  of  later  times. 


The  First  of  Two  Centuries  of  Peace  617 

Augustus  himself  also  left  an  account  of  his  deeds.  When 
he  was  over  seventy-five  years  old,  as  he  felt  his  end  approach- 
ing, he  put  together  a narrative  of  his  career,  which  was  en- 
graved on  bronze  tablets  and  set  up  before  his  tomb.  In  the 
simple  dignity  of  this  impressive  story  we  see  the  career  of 
Augustus  unfolding  before  us  in  one  grand  achievement  after 
another,  rising  like  a panorama  of  successive  mountain  peaks, 
in  a vision  of  such  grandeur  as  to  make  the  document  prob- 
ably the  most  impressive  brief  record  of  a great  man’s  life  which 
has  survived  to  us  from  the  ancient  world.  Almost  with  his 
last  breath  Augustus  penned  the  closing  lines  of  this  remark- 
able document,  and  on  the  nineteenth  of  August,  the  month 
which  bears  his  name,  in  the  year  14  a.  d.,  the  first  of  the 
Roman  emperors  died. 

Section  89.  The  Line  of  Augustus  and  the  End  of 

THE  First  Century  of  Peace  (14  A.D.-68  A.D.) 

Augustus  had  been  in  supreme  control  of  the  great  Roman 
world  for  forty-four  years ; that  is,  nearly  half  a century.  Four 
descendants  of  his  family,  either  by  blood  or  adoption,  were  to 
rule  for  more  than  another  half  century,  and  thus  to  fill  out  the 
first  century  of  peace.  The  prejudice  against  one-man  power 
was  still  so  strong  that  the  writers  of  this  age  and  their  suc- 
cessors have  transmitted  to  us  very  unfair  accounts  of  these 
four  rulers.  Two  of  them  were  indeed  deserving  of  the  con- 
tempt in  which  they  are  still  held ; but  the  other  two  were 
in  many  respects  able  rulers,  who  did  much  to  improve  the 
developing  government  of  the  Empire. 

Augustus  had  never  put  forward  a law  providing  for  the 
appointment  of  his  successor  or  for  later  successors  to  his 
position.  Any  prominent  Roman  citizen  might  have  aspired 
to  the  office.  Augustus  left  no  son,  and  one  after  another  his 
male  heirs  had  died,  among  them  his  grandsons,  the  sons  of 
his  daughter  Julia.  He  had  finally  been  obliged  to  ask  the 


1005.  Ac- 
count of  his 
deeds  left  bj 
Augustus  in 
the  Ancyra 
monument 


1006.  The 
four  succes- 
sors of  the 
line  of 
Augustus 
(14-68  A.D.) 


1007.  Ques- 
tion of  the 
succession ; 
Tiberius 


6i8 


Ancient  Times 


1008.  The 
efficient  reign 
of  Tiberius 
(14-37  a.d.) 


1009.  Calig- 
ula (37-41 

A.D.) 


Senate  to  associate  with  him  his  stepson  Tiberius,  his  wife’s 
son  by  an  earlier  marriage.  Before  the  death  of  Augustus, 
Tiberius  had  therefore  been  given  joint  command  of  the  army 
and  also  the  tribune’s  power.  The  Senate,  therefore,  at  once 
appointed  him  to  all  his  stepfather’s  powers,  and  without  any 
limit  as  to  time. 

Tiberius  was  an  able  soldier  and  an  experienced  man  of 
affairs.  He  gave  the  provinces  wise  and  efficient  governors, 
and  showed  himself  a skilled  and  successful  ruler.  He  did  not, 
however,  possess  his  stepfather’s  tact  and  respect  for  the  old 
institutions.  He  found  it  veiy  vexatious  to  carry  on  joint  rule 
with  a Senate  whose  power  was  in  reality  little  more  than  a 
fiction.  He  felt  only  contempt  for  the  Roman  nobles  who 
publicly  did  him  homage  and  secretly  slandered  him  or  plotted 
his  downfall.  He  likewise  despised  the  Roman  populace.  Under 
Augustus  they  had  continued  to  go  through  the  form  of  electing 
magistrates  and  passing  laws  as  in  the  days  of  the  Republic,  but 
of  course  both  the  magistrates  they  elected  and  the  laws  they 
passed  had  been  those  proposed  to  the  assemblies  by  Augustus. 
Tiberius,  however,  no  longer  allowed  the  Roman  rabble  to  go 
through  the  farce  of  voting  on  what  the  emperor  had  already 
decided,  and  even  the  appearance  of  a government  by  the 
Roman  people  thus  finally  disappeared  forever.  To  complete 
his  unpopularity  in  Rome,  Tiberius  also  practiced  strict  economy 
in  government  and  much  reduced  the  funds  devoted  to  public 
shows  for  the  amusement  of  the  people.  Universally  hated  in 
Rome,  greatly  afflicted  also  by  bereavements  and  disappoint- 
ments in  his  private  life,  Tiberius  left  the  city  and  spent  his  last 
years  in  a group  of  magnificent  villas  on  the  lofty  island  of 
Capri,  overlooking  the  Bay  of  Naples,  where  he  died  a disap- 
pointed man  (37  a.d.). 

As  Tiberius  had  lost  his  son,  the  choice  for  his  successor  fell 
upon  Gains  Csesar,  a great-grandson  of  Augustus,  nicknamed 
Caligula  ("  little  boot  ”)  by  the  soldiers  among  whom  he  was 
brought  up.  A young  man  of  only  twenty-five  years,  and  at 


The  First  of  Two  Centuries  of  Peace  619 

first  very  popular  in  Rome,  Caligula  was  so  transformed  by  his 
sense  of  vast  power  and  by  long-continued  dissipation  that  his 
mind  was  crazed.  He  made  his  horse  a consul,  and  the  enor- 
mous wealth  saved  for  the  State  by  Tiberius  he  squandered  in 
reckless  debauchery  and  absurd  building  enterprises.  In  the 
midst  of  confiscation  and  murder,  this  mockery  of  a reign  was 
brought  to  a sudden  close  by  Caligula’s  own  officers,  who  put 
an  end  to  his  life  in  his  palace  on  the  Palatine  after  he  had 
reigned  only  four  years. 

The  imperial  guards,  ransacking  the  palace  after  the  death 
of  Caligula,  found  in  hiding  the  trembling  figure  of  a nephew 
of  Tiberius  and  uncle  of  the  dead  Caligula,  named  Claudius. 
He  had  always  been  merely  tolerated  by  his  family  as  a man 
both  physically  and  mentally  inferior.  He  was  now  fifty  years 
old,  and  there  is  no  doubt  that  he  was  weak-kneed  both  in 
body  and  in  character.  But  the  guards  hailed  him  as  emperor, 
and  the  Senate  was  obliged  to  consent.  Claudius  was  a great 
improvement  upon  Caligula,  although  he  was  easily  influenced 
by  the  women  of  his  family  and  the  freedmen  officials  whom 
he  had  around  him.  The  palace  therefore  soon  became  a nest 
of  plots  and  intrigues,  in  which  slander,  banishment,  and  poison 
played  their  evil  parts. 

Nevertheless  Claudius  accomplished  much  for  the  Empire 
and  devoted  himself  to  its  affairs.  He  conducted  in  person  a 
successful  campaign  in  Britain,  and  for  the  first  time  made  its 
southern  portion  a province  of  the  Empire.  It  was  this  con- 
quest which  helped  to  bring  so  much  of  Latin  speech  into  the 
English  language,  for  Britain  remained  a Roman  province  for 
three  and  a half  centuries.  At  Rome  Claudius  was  greatly  in- 
terested in  buildings  and  practical  improvements.  He  built  two 
vast  new  aqueducts,  together  nearly  a hundred  miles  in  length, 
furnishing  Rome  with  a plentiful  supply  of  fresh  water  from 
the  mountains  (Fig.  250).  At  the  same  time  his  own  officials, 
chiefly  able  Greek  freedmen  who  were  aiding  him  in  his  duties, 
were  begiiming  to  form  a kind  of  cabinet  destined  finally  to 


1010.  The 
accession  of 
Claudius 
(41  A.D.) 


loil.  Achieve- 
ments of 
Claudius : 
conquest  of 
Britain ; pub- 
lic works ; 
creation  of 
ministers  of 
state  (41-54 

A.D.) 


620 


Ancient  Times 


1012.  Prob- 
able assas- 
sination of 
Claudius  and 


give  the  Empire  for  the  first  time  a group  of  efficient  ministers, 
whom  we  would  call  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  the  Secre- 
taiy"  of  State,  and  others  like  them. 

The  inability  of  Claudius  to  select  wisely  and  to  control  those 
who  formed  his  circle  was  the  probable  cause  of  his  death.  It 


Fig.  250.  The  Aqueduct  of  the  Emperor  Claudius 

This  wonderful  aqueduct,  built  by  the  Emperor  Claudius  about  the 
middle  of  the  first  century  a.  d.,  is  over  40  miles  long.  About  three 
fourths  of  it  is  subterranean,  but  the  last  10  miles  consists  of  tall  arches 
of  massive  masonry,  as  seen  here,  supporting  the  channel  in  which  the 
water  flowed,  till  it  reached  the  palace  of  the  emperor  on  the  Palatine 
(plan,  p.  622).  Such  ancient  Roman  aqueducts  were  so  well  built  that 
four  of  them  are  still  in  use  at  Rome,  and  they  convey  to  the  city  a more 
plentiful  supply  of  water  than  any  great  modern  city  elsewhere  receives 


was  also  the  reason  why  Agrippina,  the  last  of  his  wives,  was 
able  to  push  aside  the  son  of  Claudius  and  gain  the  throne  for 
her  own  son  Nero,  as  the  successor  of  Claudius.  Not  only  on 
his  mother’s  side,  but  also  on  his  father’s,  Nero  was  descended 
from  the  family  of  Augustus.  His  mother  had  intrusted  his 
education  to  the  philosopher  Seneca,  and  for  the  first  five  years 
of  his  reign,  while  Seneca  was  his  chief  minister,  the  rule  of 


The  First  of  Two  Centuries  of  Peace 


621 


Nero  was  wise  and  successful.  When  palace  plots  and  intrigues, 
in  which  Seneca  was  not  without  blame,  had  removed  this  able 
minister  from  the  court  and  had  also  banished  Nero’s  strong- 
minded  mother,  Agrippina,  he  cast  aside  all  restraint  and  fol- 
lowed his  own  evil  nature  in  a career  of  such  vice  and  cruelty 
that  the  name  of  Nero  has  ever  since  been  regarded  as  one  of 
the  blackest  in  all  history. 

Nero  was  devoted  to  art  and  wished  personally  to  practice  it. 
\Miile  the  favorites  of  the  palace  carried  on  the  government,  he 
toured  the  principal  cities  of  Greece  as  a musical  composer, 
competing  for  prizes  in  dancing,  singing,  and  chariot  races.  As 
the  companion  of  actors,  sportsmen,  and  prize  fighters,  he  even 
took  part  in  gladiatorial  exhibitions.  Becoming  more  and  more 
entangled  in  the  meshes  of  court  plots,  his  cowardly  and  sus- 
picious nature  led  him  to  condemn  his  old  teacher,  Seneca,  to 
death,  to  cause  the  assassination  of  the  son  of  Claudius  and  of 
many  other  innocent  and  deserving  men.  In  the  same  way 
he  was  persuaded  to  take  the  life  of  his  wife,  and  to  crown  his 
infamy  even  had  his  own  mother  assassinated.  At  the  same 
time  his  wild  extravagance,  his  excessive  taxation  in  some  of 
the  provinces,  and  his  murders  among  the  rich  and  noble  were 
stirring  up  dangerous  dissatisfaction,  which  was  to  result  in 
his  fall. 

A great  disaster,  meantime,  took  place  in  Rome.  A fire  broke 
out  among  the  cheap  wooden  buildings  around  the  circus  (see 
plan,  p.  622).  It  swept  over  the  Palatine  Hill,'  destroying  the 
palace  of  Augustus,  leaving  only  his  sleeping  room  (§  992),  and 
then  passed  on  through  the  city.  It  burned  for  a week,  wiping 
out  a large  portion  of  the  city,  and  then  breaking  out  again, 
increased  the  damage.  Dark  rumors  ran  through  the  streets 
that  Nero  himself  had  set  fire  to  the  city  that  he  might  rebuild 
it  more  splendidly,  and  gossip  told  how  he  sat  watching  the 
conflagration  while  giving  a musical  performance  of  his  own  on 
the  destruction  of  Troy.  There  is  no  evidence  to  support  these 
rumors.  Under  the  circumstances,  Nero  himself  welcomed 


1013.  The 
infamy  of 
Nero’s  reign 


1014.  The 
great  fire  at 
Rome  (64 
A.D.),  and 
Nero’s  palace 


622 


Ancient  Times 


another  version,  which  accused  the  Christians  of  having  started 
the  fire,  and  he  executed  a large  number  of  them  with  horrible 
tortures.  At  vast  expense,  to  which  much  of  his  excessive  taxa- 
tion was  due,  he  undertook  the  rebuilding  of  the  city,  and  he 
erected  an  enormous  palace  for  himself  called  the  " Golden 


Map  of  Rome  under  the  Emperors 


House,”  extending  across  the  ground  where  the  Colosseum 
now  stands,  from  the  east  end  of  the  Forum  eastward  and 
northeastward  across  the  Esquiline  Hill  and  over  a large  section 
of  the  city.  At  the  entrance  was  a colossal  bronze  statue  of 
himself  over  a hundred  feet  high  (Fig.  262).  There  can  be  no 
doubt  that  Nero’s  interest  in  art  was  sincere  and  that  he  really 
desired  to  make  Rome  a beautiful  city. 


The  First  of  Two  Centuries  of  Peace 


623 


The  dissatisfaction  at  Rome  and  Nero’s  treatment  of  the 
only  able  men  around  him  deprived  him  of  support  there.  Then 
the  provinces  began  to  chafe  under  heavy  taxation.  When 
the  discontent  in  the  provinces  finally  broke  out  in  open 
revolt,  led  especially  by  Galba,  a Roman  governor  in  Spain, 
Nero  showed  no  ability  to  meet  the  revolt.  The  rebellious 
troops  marched  on  Rome.  Nero  went  into  hiding,  and  on  hear- 
ing that  the  Senate  had  voted  his  death,  he  theatrically  stabbed 
himself,  and,  attitudinizing  to  the  last,  he  passed  away  uttering 
the  words,  "Wfiiat  an  artist  dies  in  me ! ” Thus  died  in  68  a.d. 
the  last  ruler  of  the  line  of  Augustus,  and  with  him  ended  the 
first  century  of  peace  (31  B.C.-68  a.d.);  for  several  Roman 
commanders  now'  struggled  for  the  throne  and  threatened  to 
involve  the  Empire  in  another  long  civil  war. 

In  spite  of  the  misrule  which  had  attended  the  reigns  of  two 
of  the  line  of  yiugustus,  the  good  accomplished  in  the  reigns 
of  Tiberius  and  Claudius  could  not  be  wholly  undone.  Both  at 
Rome  and  in  the  provinces,  the  government  had  been  much 
improved.  But,  as  we  have  seen,  the  Roman  State  was  fast 
becoming  a monarchy  in  which  the  crown  was  bequeathed 
from  father  to  son.  This  process  had  been  hastened  by  the 
fact  that  the  Caesars,  as  the  emperors  were  now  called,  had 
gained  a position  of  unique  reverence.  Beginning  with  Julius 
Caesar,  the  emperors,^  like  Alexander  the  Great,  were  deified, 
and  their  w'orship  was  widely  practiced  throughout  the  Empire. 
It  was  indeed  an  obligation  of  citizenship  to  pay  divine  homage 
to  the  emperor.  The  supreme  place  which  he  now  occupied  was 
not  to  be  endangered  by  the  brief  struggles  which  followed  the 
death  of  Nero,  and  the  wide  rule  of  the  Roman  emperor,  even 
after  the  fail  of  Julius  Caesar’s  line,  was  to  maintain  another  cen- 
tuty  of  prosperity  and  peace.  To  this  second  century  of  peace 
in  the  Roman  Empire  we  must  devote  another  chapter. 


1015.  The 
death  of 
Nero,  the 
last  of  the 
Julian  line  ; 
the  end  of 
the  first  cen- 
tury of  peace 
(68  A.D.) 


1016.  Last- 
ing progress 
during  the 
rule  of  the 
Julian  line ; 
deification  of 
the  emperors 


1 Besides  Julius  Caesar  and  Augustus,  Claudius  was  the  only  emperor  of  the 
Julian  line  who  w’as  deified.  Tiberius  failed  of  it  because  of  his  unpopularity,  and 
Caligula  and  Nero,  of  course,  because  of  their  infamous  characters. 


624 


Ancient  Times 


QUESTIONS 

Section  87.  What  kind  of  a period  did  the  rule  of  Augustus 
begin?  What  was  his  attitude  toward  the  Republic?  What  chief 
offices  and  powers  did  he  receive?  From  what  body?  What  were 
his  titles?  Had  the  Republic  survived?  What  body  was  continuing 
the  power  of  the  Republic?  Was  this  power  likely  to  survive?  Who 
was  the  real  ruler  ? What  influences  tended  to  make  him  a sovereign  ? 
What  was  the  policy  of  Augustus  on  the  frontiers  ? What  did  he  do 
with  the  army?  How  had  the  provinces,  especially  Greece,  suffered? 
What  did  Augustus  attempt  to  do  about  it?  How  did  Augustus  im- 
prove the  rule  of  the  provinces  ? Describe  his  financial  improvements. 
What  beneficial  effects  in  business  were  observable?  Was  the  Medi- 
terranean world  about  to  become  a nation  ? 

Section  88.  What  kind  of  life  did  Augustus  desire  for  Italy? 
What  did  he  want  the  position  of  Italy  to  be?  How  had  Rome  be- 
come a new  world  ? What  improvements  did  Augustus  introduce  in 
the  city?  on  the  Palatine?  in  the  Forum?  What  other  buildings 
were  erected?  What  architectural  influences  prevailed ? Were  there 
any  creative  artists  in  sculpture  and  painting?  What  can  you  say  of 
science  in  Rome?  What  work  did  Strabo  produce?  Tell  about  the 
attitude  of  educated  Romans  toward  literature.  What  was  Cicero’s 
feeling  about  literature,  and  what  did  he  write  ? What  has  been  the 
influence  of  his  writing?  What  was  his  influence  in  the  Augustan 
Age?  What  was  Rome’s  position  in  literature?  What  can  you  say 
of  Livy?  of  Horace?  of  Virgil?  Discuss  the  leading  work  of  Virgil. 
What  remarkable  narrative  did  Augustus  himself  write  ? 

Section  89.  How  long  were  Augustus  and  the  four  following 
rulers  of  his  line  in  power  ? Who  succeeded  Augustus  ? Describe  his 
rule.  What  became  of  the  old  power  of  the  people  under  Tiberius  ? 
Who  succeeded  Tiberius,  and  what  can  you  say  of  his  reign?  De- 
scribe the  accession  of  Claudius.  What  did  he  accomplish?  Who 
succeeded  Claudius?  How  had  Nero  been  educated?  Describe  his 
reign  and  character.  What  catastrophe  overtook  Rome?  Describe 
his  end  and  its  causes.  What  period  closed  with  his  death  ? Give  its 
date.  What  can  you  say  of  the  results  of  the  rule  of  the  Julian  line? 
What  exalted  station  was  given  to  the  Roman  emperors?  What 
period  followed  the  disappearance  of  the  Julian  line? 


CHAPTER  XXVIII 


THE  SECOND  CENTURY  OF  PEACE  AND  THE  CIVILIZATION 
OF  THE  EARLY  ROMAN  EMPIRE 


Section  90.  The  Emperors  of  the  Second  Century 
OF  Peace  (beginning  69  a.d.) 


For  about  a year  after  the  death  of  Nero  the  struggle  among 
the  leading  military  commanders  for  the  throne  of  the  Caesars 
threatened  to  involve  the  Empire  in  another ' long  civil  war. 
Fortunately  the  troops  of  Vespasian,  a very  able  commander 
in  the  East,  were  so  strong  that  he  was  easily  victorious,  and 
in  69  A.D.  he  was  declared  emperor  by  the  Senate.  With  him, 


1017.  Advent 
of  the  second 
century  of 
peace  with 
the  triumph 
of  Vespasian 
(69  A.D.) 


Note.  The  above  headpiece  shows  us  the  body  of  a citizen  of  Pompeii  who 
perished  when  the  city  was  destroyed  by  an  eruption  of  Vesuvius  in  79  A.D. 
(§  1034).  The  fine  volcanic  ashes  settled  around  the  man’s  body,  and  these  rain- 
soaked  ashes  made  a cast  of  his  figure  before  it  had  perished.  After  the  body 
had  perished  it  left  in  the  hardened  mass  of  ashes  a hollow  mold,  which  the 
modem  excavators  poured  full  of  plaister,  and  thus  secured  a cast  of  the  figure 
of  the  unfortunate  man  just  as  he  lay  smothered  by  the  deadly  ashes  which 
overwhelmed  him  over  eighteen  hundred  years  ago. 


626 


Ancient  Times 


ioi8.  Rebel- 
lion of  the 
Jews  and  de- 
struction of 
Jerusalem 
(70  A.D.) 


1019.  Two 
great  tasks 
of  the  em- 
perors : fron- 
tier defenses 
and  efficient 
government 
organization 


1020.  The 
Roman  Em- 
pire, the 
bulwark  of 
Mediterra- 
nean civiliza- 
tion against 
northern 
barbarism 


theFe£Qrgi__began  a second  century  of  peace  under  a line  of 
able  emperors~wlTD  brought  the  Empire  to  the  highest  level  of 
prosperity  and  happiness.  We  shall  first  sketch  the  political 
and  military  activities  of  these  emperors  and  then  turn  to  the 
life  and  civilization  of  the  Empire  as  a whole  during  the  second 
century  of  peace. 

Even  though  remote  wars  broke  out  on  the  frontiers  or  in 
distant  provinces,  they  did  not  disturb  the  peace  of  the  Empire 
as  a whole.  Before  his  election  as  emperor,  Vespasian  had  been 
engaged  in  crushing  a revolt  of  the  fanatical  Jews  in  Palestine, 
and  the  next  year  his  able  son  Titus  captured  and  destroyed 
Jerusalem  amid  frightful  massacres  which  exterminated  large 
numbers  of  the  rebellious  Jews  (70  a. d.).  It  was  later  found 
necessary  to  forbid  all  Jews  from  entering  their  beloved  city, 
consecrated  by  so  many  sacred  memories ; and  it  was  made  a 
Roman  colony  under  a different  name.  Judea  at  the  same  time 
became  a Roman  province. 

Two  great  tasks  were  accomplished  by  the  emperors  of  the 
age  we  are  discussing : first,,  that  of  perfecting  the  system  of 
defenses  on  the  frontiers,  and  second,  that  of  more  fully  devel- 
oping the  government  and  administration  of  the  Empire.  Let 
us  look  first  at  the  frontiers.  On  the  south  the  Empire  was 
protected  by  the  Sahara  and  on  the  west  by  the  Atlantic ; but 
on  the  north  and  east  it  was  open  to  attack.  The  shifting  Ger- 
man tribes  constantly  threatened  the  northern  frontie.rs ; while 
in  the  east  the  frontier  on  the  Euphrates  was  made  chronically 
unsafe  by  the  Parthians,  the  only  civilized  power  still  uncon- 
quered by  Rome  (see  map  I,  p.  636). 

The  pressure  of  the  barbarians  on  the  northern  frontiers, 
which  we  recall  in  the  time  of  Marius  (§  936),  was  the  continu- 
ance of  the  vast  movement  with  which  we  are  already  ac- 
quainted — the  tide  of  migration  which  long  before  had  swept 
the  Indo-European  peoples  to  the  Mediterranean  (see  diagram, 
Eig.  1 1 2)  and  had  carried  the  Greeks  and  the  Romans  into 
their  two  Mediterranean  peninsulas.  Mediterranean  civilization 


The  Second  Cenhiry  of  Peace  627 

was  thus  in  constant  danger  of  being  overwhelmed  from  the 
North,  just  as  the  splendid  ^gean  civilization  was  once  sub- 
merged by  the  incoming  of  the  Greeks  (Chap.  IX).  The 
great  problem  for  future  humanity  was  whether  the  Roman 
emperors  would  be  able  to  hold  off  the  barbarians  long  enough 
so  that  in  course  of  time  these  rude  Northerners  might  gain 
enough  of  Mediterranean  civilization  to  respect  it,  and  to  pre- 
serve at  least  some  of  it  for  mankind  in  the  future. 

The  Flavian  family,  as  we  call  Vespasian  and  his  two  sons, 
did  much  to  make  the  northern  frontiers  safe.  After  the  mild 
and  kindly  rule  of  Vespasian’s  son,  Titus  (§  1018),  the  latter’s 
brother,  Vespasian’s  second  son  Domitian,  adopted  the  frontier 
lines  laid  down  by  Augustus  and  planned  their  fortification 
with  walls  wherever  necessary.  He  began  the  protection  of  the 
exposed  border  between  the  upper  Rhine  and  the  upper 
Danube.  In  Britain,  Domitian  even  pushed  the  frontier  further 
northward  and  then  erected  a line  of  defenses.  But  on  the 
lower  Danube  he  failed  to  meet  the  dangerous  power  of  the 
growing  kingdom  of  Dacia.  He  even  sent  gifts  to  the  Dacian 
king,  intended  to  keep  him  quiet  and  satisfied.  By  this  unwise 
policy  Domitian  created  a difficult  problem  in  this  region,  to  be 
solved  by  his  successors  (see  map  I,  p.  636). 

The  brief  and  quiet  reign  of  the  senator  Nerva,  who  was 
selected  by  the  Senate  to  succeed  Domitian  (96  a.d.),  left  the 
whole  dangerous  situation  on  the  lower  Danube  to  be  met  by 
the  brilliant  soldier  Trajan,  who  followed  Nerva  in  98  a.d. 
He  quickly  discerned  that  there  would  be  no  safety  for  the 
Empire  along  the  Danube  frontier,  except  by  crossing  the  river 
and  crushing  the  Dacian  kingdom.  Bridging  the  Danube  with 
boats  and  hewing  his  way  through  wild  forests,  Trajan  led  his 
army  through  obstacles  never  before  overcome  by  Roman 
troops.  He  captured  one  stronghold  of  the  Dacians  after  an- 
other, and  in  two  wars  finally  destroyed  their  capital.  There- 
upon the  Dacian  king  and  his  leading  men  took  their  own  lives. 
Trajan  built  a massive  stone  bridge  (Fig.  251),  across  the 


1021.  The 
strengthen- 
ing of  the 
northern 
frontiers  by 
the  Flavian 
emperors 
(69-96  A.D.) 


1022.  Trajan 
crushes  the 
barbarians 
on  the  lower 
Danube  and 
conquers 
Dacia  (loi- 
106  A.D.) 


628 


Ancient  Times 


Danube,  made  Dacia  a Roman  province,  and  sprinkled  plenti- 
ful Roman  colonies  on  the  north  side  of  the  great  river.  The 
descendants  of  these  colonists  in  the  same  region  still  call  them- 
selves Roumanians  and  their  land  Roumania,  a form  of  the 


Fig.  251.  The  Emperor  Trajan  sacrificing  at  his  New 
Bridge  across  the  Danube 


In  the  background  we  see  the  heavy  stone  piers  of  the  bridge,  support- 
ing the  wooden  upper  structure,  built  with  strong  railings.  In  the  fore- 
ground is  the  altar,  toward  which  the  emperor  advances  from  the 
right,  with  a flat  dish  in  his  right  hand,  from  which  he  is  pouring  a 
libation  upon  the  altar.  At  the  left  of  the  altar  stands  a priest,  naked  to 
the  waist  and  leading  an  ox  to  be  slain  for  the  sacriflce.  A group  of  the 
emperor’s  officers  approach  from  the  left,  bearing  army  standards. 
The  scene  is  sculptured  with  many  others  on  the  column  of  Trajan  at 
Rome  (Fig.  263),  and  is  one  of  the  best  examples  of  Roman  relief 
sculpture  of  the  second  century  (§  1053) 

word  " Roman.’’  Trajan’s  vigorous  policy  quieted  all  trouble 
along  the  lower  Danube  for  a long  time. 

1033.  Tra-  The  military  glory  of  Rome,  which  had  declined  since  the 
theParthia*  days  of  Csesar,  revived  in  splendor  under  this  great  soldier 
ii7^AD)  emperor,  Trajan  then  turned  his  attention  to  the  eastern 
frontier,  extending  from  the  east  end  of  the  Black  Sea  south- 
ward to  the  Peninsula  of  Sinai.  In  the  northern  section  of  this 


The  Second  Century  of  Peace 


629 


frontier  a large  portion  of  the  boundary  was  formed  by  the 
upper  Euphrates  River.  Rome  thus  held  the  western  half  of 
the  Fertile  Crescent,  but  it  had  never  conquered  the  eastern 
half,  with  Assyria  and  Babylonia  (see  map  I,  p.  636).  Here  the 
powerful  kingdom  of  the  Parthians,  kindred  of  the  Persians, 
had  maintained  itself  with  ups  and  downs  since  ’ the  days  of 
the  early  Seleucids,  for  three  hundred  and  fifty  years.  Twice 


Fig.  252.  Restoration  of  the  Roman  Fortified  Wall  on 
THE  German  Frontier 


This  masonry  wall,  some  three  hundred  miles  long,  protected  the  north- 
ern boundary  of  the  Roman  Empire  between  the  upper  Rhine  and  the 
upper  Danube,  where  it  was  most  exposed  to  German  attack.  At  short 
intervals  there  were  blockhouses  along  the  wall,  and  at  points  of  great 
danger  strongholds  and  barracks  (Fig.  254)  for  the  shelter  of  garrisons 

before  they  had  defeated  Roman  expeditions  against  them. 
Trajan,  however,  dreamed  of  a great  oriental  empire  like  that  of 
Alexander.  He  led  an  army  against  the  Parthians  and  defeated 
them.  He  added  Armenia,  Mesopotamia,  and  Assyria  to  the 
Empire  as  new  provinces.  He  visited  the  ruins  of  Babylon  to 
behold  the  spot  where,  four  hundred  and  forty  years  before, 
Alexander  had  died ; but  he  said  he  " saw  nothing  worthy  of 
such  fame,  but  only  heaps  of  rubbish,  stones,  and  ruins  ” 
(Fig.  III).  Then  a sudden  rebellion  in  his  rear  forced  him 


630 


Ancient  Times 


10^.  Ha- 
drian (117- 
138  A.D.) 
completes 
the  frontier 
defenses 


to  a dangerous  retreat  Weakened  by  sickness  and  bitterly 
realizing  that  his  great  expedition  was  a failure,  he  died 
in  Asia  Minor  while  returning  to  Rome  (117  A.D.). 

Trajan’s  succes- 


l 


p-'- TtXTPlL^ 

U f arl-'-vdjyu  -imH  r>Ki  <ac4  <vj 
g p ■ 

■ 

v-^'=  ! <^t\i  c-rc>>A.ocrt_ 

^ ^ _ f cC^p  rrKf  ^ f lA 


^ rHicyx-o  >v.>.fi>.£dX!ju^K 


sor,  Hadrian,  was 
another  able  sol- 
dier, but  he  had 
also  the  judgment 
of  a statesman. 
He  made  no  effort 
to  continue  Tra- 
jan’s conquests  in 
the  East.  On  the 
contrary,  he  wisely 
gave  them  all  up 
except  the  Penin- 
sula of  Sinai  (see 
map  I,  p.  636)  and 
brought  the  fron- 
tier back  to  the 
Euphrates.  But 
he  retained  Dacia 
and  strengthened 
the  whole  northern 
frontier,  especially 
the  long  barrier 
reaching  from  the 
Rhine  to  the  Dan- 
ube, where  the 
completion  of  the  continuous  wall  (Eig.  252)  was  largely  due 
to  him.  He  built  a similar  wall  along  the  northern  boundary 
across  Britain.  The  line  of  both  these  walls  is  still  visible. 
As  a result  of  these  wise  measures  and  the  impressive  victories 
of  Trajan,  the  frontiers  were  safe  and  quiet  for  a long  time. 
Nor  was  there  any  serious  disturbance  until  a great  overflow 


O'' J - x-a^-ivn-:>Y.  ] 

' V->n-'3'-V  ■; 


>— 'T  A«,.xoirV  ’’ 

O ^ i ".o-ix'tn  X -ao^  “ 


“Sa  ai?*  iii'w — 'vii.”. 


Fig.  253.  Letter  of  Apion,  a young  Sol- 
dier IN  THE  Roman  Army,  to  his  Father, 
Epimachos,  in  Egypt* 


The  Second  Century  of  Peace  63 1 

of  the  northern  barbarians  (167  a.d.)  in  the  reign  of  Marcus 
Aurelius  brought  to  an  end  the  second  century  of  peace. 
Under  Trajan  and  Hadrian  the  army  which  defended  these 
frontiers  was  the  greatest  and  most  skillfully  managed  organiza- 
tion of  the  kind  which  the  ancient  world  had  ever  seen.  Drawn 
from  all  parts  of  the  Empire,  the  army  now  consisted  of  all 

* This  Egyptian  youth,  Apion,  having  enlisted  in  the  Roman  army 
in  company  with  other  boys  from  his  little  village  in  Egypt,  bade  his 
family  good-by  and  embarked  on  a great  government  ship  from  Alex- 
andria for  Italy.  After  a dangerous  voyage  he  arrived  safely  at  Mise- 
num,  the  Roman  war  harbor  near  Naples,  and  hastened  ashore  in  his 
new  uniform  to  have  a small  portrait  of  himself  painted  (§  1054  and 
Plate  VIII,  p.  654)  and  to  send  his  father  the  letter  on  the  opposite  page. 
It  was  written  for  him  in  Greek,  on  papyrus,  in  a beautiful  hand  by  a 
hired  public  letter  writer,  and  reads  as  follows  (with  the  present  author’s 
explanations  in  brackets) : " Apion  to  Epimachos  his  father  and  lord, 
many  good  wishes ! Eirst  of  all  I hope  that  you  are  in  good  health, 
and  that  all  goes  well  with  you  and  with  my  sister  and  her  daughter 
and  my  brother  always.  I thank  the  lord  Serapis  [a  great  Egyptian 
god]  that  he  saved  me  at  once  when  I was  in  danger  in  the  sea.  When 
I arrived  at  Misenum,  I received  from  the  emperor  three  gold  pieces 
[about  fifteen  dollars]  as  road  money,  and  I am  getting  on  fine.  I beg 
of  you,  my  lord  father,  write  me  a line,  first  about  your  own  well-being, 
second  about  that  of  my  brother  and  sister,  and  third  in  order  that 
I may  devotedly  greet  your  hand,  because  you  brought  me  up  well 
and  I may  therefore  hope  for  rapid  promotion,  the  gods  willing.  Give 
my  regards  to  Capiton  [some  friend],  and  my  brother  and  sister,  and 
Serenilla  and  my  friends.  I send  you  by  Euktemon  my  little  portrait. 
My  [new  Roman]  name  is  Antonius  Maximus.  I hope  that  it  may  go 
well  with  you.”  On  the  left  margin,  where  we  see  two  vertical  lines 
inserted,  just  as  we  are  accustomed  to  insert  them,  Apion’s  chums  (the 
other  village  boys  who  enlisted  with  him)  sent  home  their  regards. 
Folded  and  sealed  as  in  Fig.  210,  the  letter  went  by  the  great  Roman 
military  post,  arrived  safely,  and  was  read  by  the  young  soldier’s  waiting 
father  and  family  in  the  little  village  on  the  Nile  over  seventeen  hun- 
dred years  ago  (§  1025).  Then  years  later,  after  the  old  father  had  died, 
it  was  lost  in  the  household  rubbish,  and  there  the  modern  excavators 
found  it  among  the  crumbling  walls  of  the  house  (cf.  Fig.  211).  The 
ancient  letter  had  some  holes  in  it,  but  with  it  was  another  letter  written 
by  our  soldier  to  his  sister  years  later,  after  he  had  long  been  stationed 
somewhere  on  the  Roman  frontier  (§  1025)  and  had  a wife  and  children 
of  his  own.  And  that  is  all  that  the  rubbish  heaps  of  the  village  on  the 
Nile  have  preserved  of  this  lad  who  entered  the  army  of  the  great 
Roman  Empire  in  the  second  century  a.d. 


1025.  The 
army  under 
Trajan  and 
Hadrian 


632 


Ancient  Times 


\ 


possible  nationalities,  like  the  British  army  in  the  Great  European 
War.  A legion  of  Spaniards  might  be  stationed  on  the  Euphrates, 
or  a group  of  youths  from  the  Nile  might  spend  many  years  in 
sentry  duty  on  the  wall  that  barred  out  the  Germans.  Although 
far  from  home,  such  young  men  were  enabled  to  communicate 
easily  with  their  friends  at  home  by  a very  efficient  military 


Fig.  254.  Glimpses  of  a Roman  Frontier  Stronghold 
(Restored  after  Waltze-Schulze) 

Above,  at  the  left,  the  main  gate  of  the  fort ; the  other  three  views  show 
the  barracks  (cf.  Fig.  251) 

postal  system  covering  the  whole  Empire  like  a vast  network. 
We  are  still  able  to  hold  in  our  hands  the  actual  letters  written 
from  a northern  post  by  a young  Egyptian  recruit  in  the  Roman 
army  to  his  father  and  sister  in  a distant  little  village  on  the 
Nile  (Fig.  253).  When  not  on  sentry  duty  somewhere  along 
the  frontier  line,  such  a young  soldier  lived  with  his  comrades 
in  one  of  the  large  garrisons  maintained  at  the  most  important 
frontier  points,  with  fine  barracks  and  living  quarters  for  officers 


The  Secand  Century  of  Peace  633 

and  men  (Fig.  254).  The  discipline  necessary  to  keep  the  troops 
always  ready  to  meet  the  barbarians  outside  the  walls  was  never 
relaxed.  Besides  regular  drill,  the  troops  were  also  employed  in 
making  roads,  building  bridges,  aqueducts,  and  public  buildings 
or  in  repairing  the  frontier  walls. 

Meantime  the  Empire  had  been  undergoing  important  changes 
within.  The  emperors  developed  a system  of  government  de- 
partments, already  foreshadowed  in  the  time  of  Claudius  (§  loi  i). 
To  manage  them,  they  appointed  Roman  knights.  There  thus 
grew  up  a body  of  experienced  administrators  as  heads  of  de- 
partments and  their  helpers,  who  carried  on  the  government  of 
the  Empire.  It  was  the  wise  and  efficient  Hadrian  who  accom- 
plished the  most  in  perfecting  this  organization  of  the  govern- 
ment business.  Thus  after  Rome  had  been  for  more  than  three 
centuries  in  control  of  the  Mediterranean  world,  it  finally  pos- 
sessed a well-developed  government  organization  such  as  had 
been  in  operation  in  the  Orient  since  the  days  of  the  pyramid 
builders  (§§  74-75). 

Among  many  changes,  one  of  the  most  important  was  the 
abolition  of  the  system  of  " farming  ” taxes,  to  be  collected  by 
private  individuals  — a system  which  had  caused  both  the 
Greeks  (§  623)  and  the  Romans  (§  889)  much  trouble.  Gov- 
ernment tax  collectors  now  gathered  in  the  taxes  of  the  great 
Mediterranean  world.  It  is  interesting  to  recall  that  such  a 
system  had  been  fully  organized  on  the  Nile  over  three  thou- 
sand years  before  the  Romans  possessed  it  (§  74  and  Fig.  40). 

With  the  complete  control  of  these  departments  entirely  in 
his  own  hands,  the  power  of  the  emperor  had  much  increased. 
From  being  the  first  citizen  of  the  State  like  Augustus,  ruling 
jointly  with  the  Senate,  the  emperor  had  thus  become  a sover- 
eign, whose  power  was  so  little  limited  by  the  Senate  that  he 
was  not  far  from  being  an  absolute  monarch.  Furthermore,  the 
emperors  of  the  second  century  of  peace  secured  laws  and 
regulations  which  made  the  rule  of  the  emperor  legal,  although 
they  unfortunately  passed  no  laws  providing  for  a successor 


1026.  Organi- 
zation of 
efficient 
government 
departments 


1027.  Change 
from  private 
tax-farmers  to 
government 
tax  collectors 


1028.  In- 
creased 
power  of  the 
emperor  and 
decline  of 
the  Senate 


Ancient  Times 


634 


1029.  Italy 
loses  its 
leadership 
and  drops  to 
the  level  of 
the  provinces 


1030.  Rise 
of  a system 
of  law  for  the 
whole  Empire 


on  the  death  of  an  emperor,  and  dangerous  conflict  might  ensue 
whenever  an  emperor  died. 

At  the  same  time  an  important  change  in  the  position  of 
Italy  was  taking  place.  The  condition  of  the  farmers  was  now 
so  bad  that  there  was  danger  of  the  complete  disappearance  of 
free  population  in  the  country  districts  of  Italy.  Two  of  the 
emperors,  Nerva  and  Trajan,  even  set  aside  large  sums  as  cagi- 
tal  to  be  loaned  at  a low  rate  of  interest  to  farmers  needing 
money.  This  interest  was  to  be  used  to  support  poor  free 
children  in  the  towns  of  Italy  in  the  hope  that  a new  body  i 
of  free  country  population  might  be  thus  built  up.  This  re- 
markable effort,  one  of  the  earliest  known  State  charities,  was, 
however,  not  successful.  As  Italy  was  furthermore  not  a manu-  ‘ 
factoring  country,  its  citizenship  declined.  Meantime  a larger 
idea  of  the  Empire  had  displaced  the  conception  of  Augustus, 
who  had  desired  to  see  the  Empire  a group  of  states  led  and  1 
dominated  by  Italy.  Whole  provinces,  especially  in  the  West, 
had  been  granted  citizenship,  or  a modified  form  of  it,  by  the 
emperors.  Influential  citizens  in  the  provinces  were  often  given 
high  rank  and  office  at  Rome.  As  a result  there  had  now 
grown  up  a Mediterranean  nation,  as  we  have  seen  it  fore- 
shadowed even  in  the  time  of  Augustus,  and  Italy  dropped  to  , 
a level  with  the  provinces.  ‘ 

Not  only  did  the  subjects  of  this  vast  State  pay  their  taxes 
into  the  same  treasury,  but  they  were  now  controlled  by  the  ! 
same  laws.  The  lawyers  of  Rome  under  the  emperors  we  are 
now  discussing  were  the  most  gifted  legal  minds  the  world  had 
ever  seen.  They  expanded  the  narrow  «'/y-law  of  Rome  that  it  | 
might  meet  the  needs  of  the  whole  Mediterranean  world.  They  i 
laid  the  foundations  for  a vast  imperial  code  of  laws,  the  great-  , 
est  work  of  Roman  genius.  In  spirit,  these  laws  of  the  Empire  j 
were  most  fair,  just,  and  humane.  Antoninus  Pius,  the  kindly  i 
emperor  who  followed  Hadrian,  maintained  that  an  accused  i 
person  must  be  held  innocent  until  proved  guilty  by  the  evi-  ! 
dence,  a principle  of  law  which  has  descended  to  us  and  is  ; 


The  Second  Century  of  Peace 


635 


still  part  of  our  own  law.  In  the  same  spirit  was  the  protection 
of  wives  and  children  from  the  arbitrary  cruelty  of  the  father 
of  the  house,  who  in  earlier  centuries  held  the  legal  right  to 
treat  the  members  of  his  family  like  slaves.  Even  slaves  now 
enjoyed  the  protection  of  the  law,  and  the  slave  could  not  be 
put  to  death  by  the  master  as  formerly,  although  we  should 
notice  that  in  some  important  matters  the  Roman  law  treated 
a citizen  according  to  his  social  rank,  showing  partiality  to  the 
noble  in  preference  to  the  common  citizen.  These  laws  did 
much  to  unify  the  peoples  of  the  Mediterranean  world  into  a 
single  nation ; for  they  were  now  regarded  by  the  law  not  as 
different  nations  but  as  subjects  of  the  same  great  State,  which 
extended  to  them  all,  the  same  protection  of  justice,  law,  and 
order.  At  the  same  time  the  earlier  laws  long  developed  by  the 
older  city-states  were  not  interfered  with  by  Rome,  where  they 
did  not  conflict  with  the  interests  of  the  Empire. 

The  Empire  as  a whole  was  still  organized  in  provinces, 
which  steadily  increased  in  number.  Within  each  province  by 
far  the  large  majority  of  the  people  lived  in  towns  and  cities. 
Such  a city  and  its  outlying  communities  formed  a city-state 
like  that  which  we  found  in  early  Greece.  Each  city  had  the 
right  to  elect  its  own  governing  officials  and  to  carry  on  its  own 
local  affairs.  The  people  still  took  an  interest  in  local  affairs, 
and  there  was  a good  deal  of  rivalry  for  election  to  the  public 
offices.  On  the  walls  at  Pompeii  (Fig.  255)  we  still  find  the 
appeals  of  rival  candidates  for  votes.  At  the  same  time  each 
city  was  under  the  sovereignty  of  the  Roman  Empire  and  the 
control  of  the  Roman  governor  of  the  province. 

Able  and  conscientious  governors  were  now  controlling  affairs 
all  over  the  Empire.  The  letters  written  to  Trajan  by  the 
younger  Pliny,  governor  of  Bithynia  in  Asia  Minor,  regarding 
the  interests  of  his  province  reveal  to  us  both  his  own  faithful- 
ness and  the  enormous  amount  of  provincial  business  which 
received  the  emperor’s  personal  attention.  Fig.  253  shows  us 
how  such  a letter  looked.  Such  attention  by  emperors  like 


1031.  Gov- 
ernment of 
the  prov- 
inces ; sur- 
vival of  the 
people’s 
interest  in 
public  affairs 


1032.  Close 
attention  to 
the  provinces 
by  the  em- 
perors, and 
decline  of  the 
people’s 
interest 


636 


Ancient  Times 


Trajan  and  Hadrian  relieved  the  communities  of  much  responsi- 
bility for  their  own  affairs.  Hadrian  traveled  for  years  among 
the  provinces  and  became  veiy  familiar  with  their  needs. 
Hence  the  local  communities  inclined  more  and  more  to  depend 
upon  the  emperor,  and  interest  in  public  affairs  declined.  Along 
with  growing  imperial  control  of  the  provinces,  there  thus  began 
a decline  in  the  sense  of  responsibility  for  public  welfare.  This 
was  eventually  a serious  cause  of  general  decay,  as  we  shall  see. 


Section  91.  The  Civilization  of  the  Early  Roman 
Empire  : the  Provinces 


1033.  The 
peoples  of 
the  Roman 
Empire 


1034.  Pom- 
peii, a pro- 
vincial city 
of  the  early 
Roman 
Empire 


Here  was  a world  of  sixty-five  to  a hundred  million  souls 
girdling  the  entire  Mediterranean.  Had  human  vision  been  able 
to  penetrate  so  far,  we  might  have  stood  at  the  Strait  of  Gibral- 
tar and  followed  these  peoples  as  our  eyes  swept  along  the 
Mediterranean  coasts  through  Africa,  Asia,  and  Europe,  and 
thus  back  to  the  Strait  again.  On  our  right  in  Africa  would 
have  been  Moors,  North  Africans,  and  Egyptians ; in  the  east- 
ern background,  Arabs,  Jews,  Phoenicians,  Syrians,  Armenians, 
and  Hittites ; and  as  our  eyes  returned  through  Europe, 
Greeks,  Italians,  Gauls,  and  Iberians  (Spaniards) ; while  north 
of  these  were  the  Britons  and  some  Germans  within  the 
frontier  lines.  All  these  people  were  of  course  very  different 
from  one  another  in  native  manners,  clothing,  and  customs, 
but  they  all  enjoyed  Roman  protection  and  rejoiced  in  the  far- 
reaching  Roman  peace.  For  the  most  part,  as  we  have  seen, 
they  lived  in  cities,  and  the  life  of  the  age  was  prevailingly  a 
city  life,  even  though  many  of  the  cities  were  small. 

Fortunately  one  of  the  provincial  cities  has  been  preserved 
to  us  with  much  that  we  might  have  seen  there  if  we  could 
have  visited  it  nearly  two  thousand  years  ago.  The  little  city 
of  Pompeii,  covered  with  volcanic  ashes  in  the  brief  reign  of 
Titus  (79  A.D.),  still  shows  us  the  very  streets  and  houses,  the 
forum  and  the  public  buildings,  the  shops  and  the  markets, 


Sequence  Map  showing  Territorial  Gains  and  Losses  of  the  Roman  Empire  from  the  Death  of 
Ca;sar  (44  b.c.)  to  the  Death  of  Diocletian  (305  a.d.) 


The  Second  Centtiry  of  Peace 


637 


and  a host  of  other  things  very  much  as  we  might  have  found 
them  if  we  had  been  able  to  visit  the  place  before  the  disaster 
(Fig.  255).  We  can  look  down  long  streets,  where  the  chariot 
wheels  have  worn  deep  ruts  in  the  pavement ; we  can  enter 
dining  rooms  with  charming  paintings  still  on  the  walls 


Fig.  255.  A Street  in  Ancient  Pompeii  as  it  appears  To-day 

The  pavement  and  sidewalk  are  in  perfect  condition,  as  when  they 
were  first  covered  by  the  falling  ashes  (§  1034).  At  the  left  is  a public 
fountain,  and  in  the  foreground  is  a street  crossing.  Of  the  buildings 
on  this  street  only  half  a story  still  stands,  except  at  the  left,  where  we 
see  the  entrances  of  two  shops,  with  the  tops  of  the  doors  in  position 
and  the  walls  preserved  to  the  level  of  the  second  floor  above 

(Fig.  197)  ; we  can  look  into  the  bakers’  shops  with  the  charred 
bread  still  in  the  ovens  and  the  flour  mills  standing  silent 
and  deserted  (Fig.  256);  or  we  can  peep  into  kitchens  with 
the  cooking  utensils  still  scattered  about  (Fig.  243)  and  the 
cooking  hearth  in  perfect  order  for  building  another  fire.  The 
very  life  of  the  people  in  the  early  Roman  Empire  seems  to 


638 


Ancient  Times 


1035.  Im- 
proved 
means  of 
intercourse : 
Roman  roads 
and  bridges 


1036.  Traffic 
on  a Roman 
highway 


rise  before  us  as  we  tread  the  now  silent  streets  (Fig.  255)  of 
this  wonderfully  preserved  place. 

Pompeii  was  close  beside  the  Greek  cities  of  southern  Italy, 
and  we  at  once  discover  that  the  place  was  essentially  Hellen- 
istic in  its  life  and  art.  Indeed,  from  southern  Italy  eastward 
we  should  have  found  the  life  of  the  world  controlled  by  Rome 
to  be  simply  the  natural  outgrowth  of  Hellenistic  life  and  civili- 
zation. In  some  matters  there  had  been  great  progress.  This 
was  especially  true  of  intercourse  and  rapid  communication^ 
Everywhere  the  magnificent  Roman  roads,  massively  paved 
with  smooth  stone,  like  a town  street  (Fig.  255),  led  straight 
over  the  hills  and  across  the  rivers  by  imposing  bridges.  Some 
of  these  bridges  still  stand  and  are  in  use  to-day  (Fig.  260). 
Near  the  cities  there  was  much  traffic  on  such  a highway. 

One  met  the  ponderous  coach  of  the  Roman  governor,  per- 
haps returning  from  his  province  to  Rome.  The  curtains  are 
drawn  and  the  great  man  is  comfortably  reading  or  dictating 
to  his  stenographer.  Behind  him  trots  a peddler  on  a donkey, 
which  he  quickly  draws  to  one  side  to  make  room  for  a cohort 
of  Roman  legionaries  marching  with  swinging  stride,  their 
weapons  gleaming  through  a cloud  of  dust.  Following  them 
rides  an  officer  accompanied  by  a shackled  prisoner  going  up 
to  Rome  for  trial.  He  is  a Christian  teacher  named  Paul 
(§  1068).  A young  dandy  exhibiting  the  paces  of  his  fine  horse 
to  two  ladies  riding  in  a palanquin,  grudgingly  vacates  the  road 
before  a rider  of  the  imperial  post  who  comes  clattering  down 
the  next  hill  at  high  speed.  Often  the  road  is  cumbered  with 
long  lines  of  donkeys  laden  with  bales  of  goods  or  caravans  of 
heavy  wagons  creaking  and  groaning  under  their  heavy  loads 
of  merchandise  — the  freight  trains  of  the  Roman  Empire. 
As  for  passenger  trains,  the  traveler  must  resort  to  the  horse 
coach  or  small  special  carriage  or  ride  his  own  horse.  The 
speed  of  travel  and  communication  was  fully  as  high  as  that 
maintained  in  Europe  and  America  a century  ago,  before  the 
introduction  of  the  steam  railway,  and  the  roads  were  better. 


The  Second  Century  of  Peace 


639 


Indeed,  the  good  Roman  roads  were  a great  advance  over 
the  Hellenistic  Age.  By  sea,  however,  the  chief  difference 
was  the  freedom  from  the  old-time  pirates  (§  949).  From  the 
splendid  harbor  laid  out  at  the  mouth  of  the  Tiber  by  Claudius, 


Fig.  256.  Bakery  with  Millstones  still  in  Position  at 
Pompeii 


In  a court  beside  the  bakery  we  see  the  mills  for  grinding  the  baker’s 
flour.  Each  mill  is  an  hourglass-shaped  stone,  which  is  hollow,  the 
upper  part  forming  a funnel-shaped  hopper  into  which  the  grain  is 
poured.  The  lower  part  of  the  stone  is  an  inverted  funnel  placed  over 
a cone-shaped  stone  inside  it.  The  grain  drops  between  the  inner  stone 
and  the  outer,  and  when  the  outer  stone  is  turned  by  a long  timber 
inserted  in  its  side,  the  grain  is  ground  between  the  two 


the  traveler  could  take  a large  and  comfortable  ship  for  Spain 
and  land  there  in  a week.  The  Roman  whose  son  was  studying 
in  Athens  dispatched  a bank  draft  for  the  youth’s  university 
expenses,  and  a week  later  the  boy  could  be  spending  the 
money.  A Roman  merchant  could  send  a letter  to  his  agent 


1037.  Navi- 
gation and 
shipping 


640 


Ancient  Times 


1038.  Com- 
merce from 
the  Atlantic 
to  1 ndia  and 
from  the 
Baltic  to  the 
Mediter- 
ranean 


in  Alexandria  in  ten  days.  The  huge  government  corn  ships 
that  plied  regularly  between  the  Roman  harbors  and  Alexandria 
were  stately  vessels  carrying  several  thousand  tons.  They  could 
accommodate  an  Egyptian  obelisk  weighing  from  three  to  four 
hundred  tons  which  the  emperor  desired  to  erect  in  Rome 
(§  995),  besides  a large  cargo  of  grain  and  several  hundred 
passengers.  Good  harbors  had  everywhere  been  equipped  with 
docks,  and  lighthouses  modeled  on  that  at  Alexandria  guided 
the  mariners  into  every  harbor.  In  winter,  however,  sea 
traffic  stopped. 

Under  these  circumstances  business  flourished  as  never  be- 
fore. The  good  roads  led  merchants  to  trade  beyond  the 
frontiers  and  to  find  new  markets.  Goods  found  their  way 
from  Italy  even  to  the  northern  shores  of  Europe  and  Britain, 
whence  great  quantities  of  tin  passed  up  the  Seine  and  down 
the  Rhone  to  Marseilles.  At  the  other  end  of  the  Empire  the 
discovery  of  the  seasonal  winds  in  the  Indian  Ocean  led  to  a 
great  increase  of  trade  with  India,  and  there  was  a fleet  of  a 
hundred  and  twenty  ships  plying  regularly  across  the  Indian 
Ocean  between  the  Red  Sea  and  the  harbors  of  India.  The 
wares  which  they  brought  crossed  the  desert  by  caravan  from 
the  Red  Sea  to  the  Nile  and  were  then  shipped  west  from  the 
docks  of  Alexandria,  which  still  remained  the  greatest  commer- 
cial city  on  the  Mediterranean,  the  Liverpool  of  the  Roman 
Empire.  It  shipped  besides  East  Indian  luxuries  (§  733) 
Egyptian  paper  (papyrus),  linen,  rich  embroideries,  the  finest 
of  glassware  (§  83),  great  quantities  of  grain  for  Rome,  and 
a host  of  other  things.  There  was  a proverb  that  you  could 
get  everything  at  Alexandria  except  snow.  Along  the  northern 
roads  of  the  Eastern  world  was  the  caravan  connection  with 
China  which  continued  to  bring  silk  goods  to  the  Mediter- 
ranean. It  will  be  seen  then  that  a vast  network  of  commerce 
covered  the  ancient  world  from  the  frontiers  of  China  and  the 
coast  of  India  on  the  east  to  Britain  and  the  harbors  of  the 
Atlantic  on  the  west 


The  Second  Century  of  Peace 


641 


Both  business  and  pleasure  now  made  travel  very  common, 
and  a wide  acquaintance  with  the  world  was  not  unusual.  The 
Roman  citizen  of  means  and  education  made  his  tour  of 
the  Mediterranean  much  as  the  modern  sight-seer  does.  Having 
arrived  in  the  provincial  town,  however,  he  found  no  good 
hotels,  and  if  he  did  not  sleep  in  his  own  roomy  coach  or  a 
tent  carried  by  his  servants,  he  was  obliged  to  pass  the  night 
in  untidy  rooms  over  some  shop,  the  keeper  of  which  enter- 
tained travelers.  More  often,  however,  the  traveler  of  birth 
and  means  brought  with  him  letters  of  introduction,  which 
procured  him  entertainment  at  some  wealthy  private  house. 

For  even  in  the  provincial  town  the  traveler  found  a group 
of  successful  men  of  business  and  public  affairs  who  had  gained 
wealth  and  had  been  given  the  rank  of  Roman  knights. 
Among  them  now  and  again  was  one  of  especial  prominence 
who  had  been  given  senatorial  rank  by  the  emperor.  Below 
the  Senators  and  knights  there  was  a free  population  of 
merchants,  shopkeepers,  artisans,  and  craftsmen.  Following 
a custom  as  old  as  the  end  of  the  Athenian  Empire,  these  men 
were  organized  into  numerous  guilds,  societies,  and  clubs,  each 
trade  or  calling  by  itself.  These  societies  were  in  some  ways 
much  like  our  labor  unions.  They  were  chiefly  intended  for 
mutual  benefit  of  the  members  in  their  occupations ; some  of 
them  also  aided  in  social  life,  in  the  celebration  of  popular 
holidays,  and  the  society  treasury  paid  the  funeral  expenses 
when  a member  died,  just  as  some  societies  among  us  do.  As 
likely  as  not  the  richest  and  most  influential  man  of  the  place 
was  a freedman.  There  was  in  every  large  town  a great 
number  of  freedmen,  and  they  carried  on  an  important  share 
of  the  business  of  the  Empire. 

As  the  traveler  walked  about  such  a town  he  found  every- 
where impressive  evidences  of  the  generous  interest  of  the 
citizens.  There  were  fountains,  theaters,  music  halls,  baths, 
gymnasiums,  and  schools,  erected  by  wealthy  men  and  given 
to  the  community.  The  most  famous  among  such  men  was 


1039.  Fre- 
quency of 
travel  but 
lack  of  hotels 


1040.  Society 
in  the  prov-  ■ 
inces 


1041.  Public 
benefactions 
and  schools 
in  the  prov- 
inces 


642 


Ancient  Times 


Fig.  257.  ScRiBBLiNGS  OF  Sicilian 
Schoolboys  on  a Brick  in  the 
Days  of  the  Roman  Empire 


In  passing  a brickyard,  these  schoolboys 
of  seventeen  hundred  years  ago  amused 
themselves  in  scribbling  school  exercises 
in  C7-eek  on  the  soft  clay  bricks  before 
they  were  baked.  At  the  top  a little  boy 
who  was  still  making  capitals  carefully 
wrote  the  capital  letter  S (Greek  S)  ten 
times,  and  under  it  the  similar  letter  K,  also 
ten  times.  These  he  followed  by  the  words 
"turtle”  (XEAfiNA),  "mill”  (MTAA),  and 
"pail”  (KAAOS),  all  in  capitals.  Then  an 
older  boy,  who  could  do  more  than  write 
capitals,  has  pushed  the  little  chap  aside 
and  proudly  demonstrated  his  superiority 
by  writing  in  two  lines  an  exercise  in  tongue 
gymnastics  (like  " Peter  Piper  picked  a peck 
of  pickled  peppers,”  etc.)  which  in  our  let- 
ters is  as  follows : 

Nai  neai  nea  naia  neoi  temon,  hos  neoi  ha  naus 
This  means : " Boys  cut  new  planks  for  a 
new  ship,  that  the  ship  might  float.”  A 
third  boy  then  added  two  lines  at  the  bot- 
tom. The  brick  illustrates  the  spread  of 
Greek  (§  727)  as  well  as  provincial  educa- 
tion under  the  Roman  Empire  (§  1041) 


Herodes  Atticus,  who  | 
built  a magnificent  con- 
cert hall  (Fig.  1 8 3 , /)  for  I 

Athens.  He  has  been 
called  the  " Andrew 
Carnegie  ” of  his  time. 

In  the  market  place 
were  statues  of  such 
donors,  with  inscrip- 
tions expressing  the 
gratitude  of  the  people. 

The  boys  and  girls  of 
these  towns  found  open 
to  them  schools  with 
teachers  paid  by  the 
government,  where  all 
those  ordinary  branches 
of  study  which  we  have 
found  in  the  Hellen- 
istic Age  were  taught 
(Fig.  257).  The  boy 
who  turned  to  business 
could  engage  a stenog- 
rapher to  teach  him 
shorthand,  and  the 
young  man  who  wished 
higher  instruction  could 
still  find  university 
teachers  at  Alexandria 
and  Athens,  and  also 
at  a number  of  younger 
universities  in  both 
East  and  West,  espe- 
cially the  new  university 
established  by  Hadrian 


The  Second  Century  of  Peace 


643 


at  Rome  and  called  the  Athenaeum.  Thus  the  cultivated 
traveler  found  men  of  education  and  literary  culture  wher- 
ever he  went. 

To  such  a traveler  wandering  in  Greece  and  looking  back 
some  six  hundred  years  to  the  Age  of  Pericles  or  the  Persian 
Wars  of  Athens,  Greece  seemed  to  belong  to  a distant  and 
ancient  world,  of  which  he  had  read  in  the  histories  of  Thu- 
cydides and  Herodotus  (§§  567,  667).  Dreaming  of  those 
ancient  days  when  Rome  was  a little  market  town  on  the  Tiber, 
he  might  wander  along  the  foot  of  the  Acropolis  and  catch  a 
vision  of  vanished  greatness  as  it  was  in  the  days  of  Themis- 
tocles  and  Pericles.  He  could  stroll  through  the  porch  of  the 
Stoics  (§  761)  and  renew  pleasant  memories  of  his  own  student 
days  when  as  a youth  his  father  had  permitted  him  to  study 
there ; or  he  might  take  a walk  out  to  the  Academy,  where 
he  had  once  listened  to  the  teachings  of  Plato’s  successors. 

At  Delphi  too  he  found  a vivid  story  of  the  victories  of 
Hellas  in  the  days  of  her  greatness  — a story  told  in  marble 
treasuries  and  votive  monuments,  the  thanksgiving  gifts  of  the 
Greeks  to  Apollo  (§  490  and  Fig.  172).  As  the  Roman  visitor 
stood  there  among  the  thickly  clustered  monuments,  he  noticed 
many  an  empty  pedestal,  and  he  recalled  how  the  villas  of  his 
friends  at  home  were  now  adorned  with  the  statues  which  had 
once  occupied  those  empty  pedestals.  The  Greek  cities  which 
had  brought  forth  such  things  were  now  poor  and  helpless, 
commercially  and  politically,  in  spite  of  the  rich  heritage  of 
civilization  which  they  had  bequeathed  to  the  Romans. 

As  the  traveler  passed  eastward  through  the  flourishing 
cities  of  Asia  Minor  and  Syria,  he  might  feel  justifiable  pride  in 
what  Roman  rule  was  accomplishing.  In  the  western  half  of 
the  Fertile  Crescent,  especially  on  the  east  of  the  Jordan,  where 
there  had  formerly  been  only  a nomad  wilderness  (§  135),  there 
were  now  prosperous  towns,  with  long  aqueducts,  with  baths, 
theaters,  basilicas,  and  imposing  public  buildings,  of  which 
the  ruins  even  at  the  present  day  are  astonishing.  All 


1042.  The 
Roman  trav- 
eler in  the 
East : Greece 
and  Athens 


1043.  The 
Roman  trav- 
eler in  the 
East:  Delphi 


1044.  The 
Roman  trav- 
eler in  the 
East : Asia 
Minor  and 
Syria 


644 


Ancient  Times 


these  towns  were  not  only  linked  together  by  the  fine  roads  we 
have  mentioned,  but  they  were  likewise  connected  with  Rome 
by  other  fine  roads  leading  entirely  across  Asia  Minor  and  the 
Balkan  Peninsula. 


1045. 

Roman  trav- 
eler in  the 
East:  Par- 
thia,  Assyria, 
and  Baby- 
lonia 


Beyond  the  desert  behind  these  towns  lay  the  troublesome 
Parthian  Empire.  The  educated  Roman  had  read  how  over  five 
hundred  years  earlier  Xenophon,  and  later  Alexander  the  Great, 


Fig.  258.  Ro.man  Amphitheater  seen  across  the  Huts  of  a 
Modern  North  African  Village 

The  town  which  once  supported  a public  place  of  amusement  like  this 
has  given  way  to  a squalid  village,  and  the  whole  region  west  of  Carthage 
has  to  a large  extent  relapsed  into  barbarism 


had  passed  by  the  heaps  of  ruins  which  were  once  Nineveh 
out  yonder  on  the  Tigris  (Fig.  203),  and  he  knew  from  several 
Greek  histories  and  the  report  of  Trajan  (§  1023)  that  the  ruin- 
ous buildings  of  Babylon  lay  still  farther  down  toward  the  sea 
on  the  Euphrates.  Trajan’s  effort  to  conquer  all  that  country 
having  failed  (§  1023),  the  Roman  traveler  made  no  effort  to 
extend  his  tour  beyond  the  frontier  out  into.these  foreign  lands. 

But  he  could  take  a great  Roman  galley  at  Antioch  and 
cross  over  to  Alexandria,  where  a still  more  ancient  world 


The  Second  Century  of  Peace 


645 


1046.  The 
Roman 
traveler  in 
the  East : 
Egypt 


Fig.  259.  Ruixs  of  Roman  Baths  at  Bath,  England 

There  are  hot  springs  at  Bath,  England,  and  here  the  Roman  colonists 
in  Britain  developed  a fashionable  watering  place.  In  recent  years 
the  soil  and  rubbish  which,  through  the  centuries,  had  collected  over 
the  old  Roman  buildings  have  been  removed,  and  we  can  get  some 
idea  of  how  they  were  arranged.  The  picture  represents  a model  of 
a part  of  the  ruins.  To  the  right  is  a large  quadrangular  pool,  83  by 
40  feet  in  size,  and  to  the  left  a circular  bath.  Over  the  whole  a fine 
hall  was  built,  with  recesses  on  either  side  of  the  big  pool  where  one 
might  sit  and  talk  with  his  friends 

the  midst  of  an  earlier  world  — the  earliest  world  of  which 
they  knew.  All  about  them  were  buildings  which  were  thou- 
sands of  years  old  before  Rome  was  founded.  Like  our 
modem  fellow  citizens  touring  the  same  land,  many  of  them 
w'ere  merely  curious  idlers  of  the  fashionable  world.  They 
berated  the  slow  mails,  languidly  discussed  the  latest  news 
from  Rome,  while  with  indolent  curiosity  they  visited  the 
Pyramids  of  Gizeh,  lounged  along  the  temple  lakes  and 
fed  the  sacred  crocodiles,  or  spent  a lazy  afternoon  carving 


awaited  him.  In  the  vast  lighthouse  (§  733),  over  four  hun- 
dred years  old  and  visible  for  hours  before  he  reached  the 
harbor,  he  recognized  the  model  of  the  Roman  lighthouses 
he  had  seen.  Here  our  traveler  found  himself  among  a 
group  of  wealthy  Greek  and  Roman  tourists  on  the  Nile. 
As  they  left  the  magnificent  buildings  of  Hellenistic  Alex- 
andria, their  voyage  up  the  river  carried  them  at  once  into 


646 


Ancient  Times 


1047.  An- 
cient civiliza 
tion  in  the 
East;  later 
Roman  in 
the  West 


their  names  on  the  colossal  statues  which  overshadowed  the 
plain  of  Egyptian  Thebes  (Fig.  69),  where  Hadrian  himself 
listened  to  the  divine  voice  which  issued  from  one  of  the  statues 
every  morning  when  the  sun  smote  upon  it.  And  here  we  still 
find  their  scribblings  at  the  present  day.  But  the  thoughtful 
Roman,  while  he  found  not  a little  pleasure  in  the  sights,  took 


Fig.  260.  Roman  Bridge  and  Aqueduct  at  Nimes,  France 


This  structure  was  built  by  the  Romans  about  the  year  20  A.  D.  to 
supply  the  Roman  colony  of  Nemausus  (now  called  Nimes)  in  south- 
ern France  with  water  from  two  excellent  springs  25  miles  distant. 
It  is  nearly  goo  feet  long  and  160  feet  high,  and  carried  the  water  over 
the  valley  of  the  river  Card.  The  channel  for  the  water  is  at  the  very 
top,  and  one  can  still  walk  through  it.  The  miles  of  aqueduct  on  either 
side  of  this  bridge  and  leading  to  it  have  almost  disappeared 

note  also  that  this  land  of  ancient  wonders  was  filled  as  of  old 
with  flocks  and  herds  and  vast  stretches  of  luxuriant  grainfields, 
which  made  it  the  granary  of  Rome  and  an  inexhaustible 
source  of  wealth  for  the  emperor’s  private  purse. 

The  eastern  Mediterranean  then  was  regarded  by  the  Romans 
as  their  ancient  world,  long  possessed  of  its  own  ancient  civili- 
zation, Greek  and  oriental.  There  the  Roman  traveler  found 
Greek  eveiywhere,  and  spoke  it  as  he  traveled.  But  when  he 


The  Second  Century  of  Peace 


647 


turned  away  from  the  East  and  entered  the  western  Mediter- 
ranean, he  found  a much  more  modem  world,  with  vast  regions 
w'here  civilization  was  a recent  matter,  just  as  it  is  in  America. 
Thus  throughout  North  Africa,  west  of  Carthage,  throughout 
Spain,  Gaul,  and  Britain,  the  Romans  had  at  first  found  only 
rough  settlements,  but  no  cities  and  no  real  architecture.  Indeed, 
these  Western  lands,  the  America  of  the  ancients,  when  first 
conquered  by  Rome  had  not  much  advanced  beyond  the  stage 
of  the  Late  Stone  Age  settlements  of  several  thousand  years 
earlier  (§  325),  except  here  and  there,  where  they  had  come 
into  contact  with  the  Greeks  or  Carthaginians. 

Seneca,  one  of  the  wisest  of  the  Romans,  said,  " Wherever 
a Roman  has  conquered,  there  he  also  lives.”  This  was  espe- 
cially tme  of  the  West  Roman  merchants  and  Roman  officials 
were  eveiywhere,  and  many  of  the  cities  were  Roman  colonies. 
The  language  of  civilized  intercourse  in  all  the  West  was  Latin, 
the  language  of  Rome,  whereas  east  of  Sicily  the  traveler  heard 
only  Greek.  In  this  age  western  Europe  had  for  the  first  time 
been  building  cities ; but  it  was  under  the  guidance  of  Roman 
architects,  and  their  buildings  looked  like  those  at  Rome.  In 
North  Africa  between  the  desert  and  the  sea,  west  of  Carthage, 
the  ruins  of  whole  cities  with  magnificent  public  buildings  still 
survive  (Fig.  258)  to  show  us  how  Roman  civilization  reclaimed 
regions  little  better  than  barbarous  before  the  Roman  conquest. 
Similar  imposing  remains  survive  in  western  Europe,  especially 
southern  France.  We  can  still  visit  and  study  massive  bridges, 
spacious  theaters,  imposing  public  monuments,  sumptuous  villas, 
and  luxurious  public  baths  — a line  of  ruins  stretching  from 
Britain  through  southern  France  and  Germany  to  the  northern 
Balkans  (Figs.  259-261). 

Just  as  the  communities  of  Roman  subjects  once  girdled  the 
Mediterranean,  so  the  surviving  monuments  and  buildings 
which  they  used,  still  envelop  the  great  sea  from  Britain  east- 
ward to  Jerusalem,  and  from  Jerusalem  westward  to  Morocco. 
They  reveal  to  us  the  fact  that  as  a result  of  all  the  ages  of 


1048.  The 
Roman  cities 
of  the  West 
and  their 
surviving 
buildings 


1049.  The 
whole  Medi- 
terranean 
world  at  last 
highly 
civilized 


648 


Ancient  Times 


Fig.  261.  Restoration  of  Roman  Triumphal  Arch  at 
Orange,  France 


Having  once  adopted  this  form  of  monument  (Fig.  248),  the  Romans 
built  many  such  handsome  arches  to  commemorate  important  victories. 
There  were  a number  at  Rome,  naturally  (see  Fig.  246,  B and  /);  of 
those  built  in  the  chief  cities  of  the  Empire,  several  still  remain.  The 
one  pictured  above  was  built  at  the  Roman  colony  of  Arausio  (now 
called  Orange),  on  the  river  Rhone,  to  celebrate  a victory  over  the 
Gauls  in  21  a.  d.  Modem  cities  have  erected  similar  arches;  for  ex- 
ample, Paris,  Berlin,  London,  and  New  York 

human  development  which  we  have  studied,  the  whole  Mediter- 
ranean world,  West  as  well  as  East,  had  now  gained  a high 
civilization.  Such  was  the  picture  which  the  Roman  traveler 
gained  of  that  great  world  which  his  countrymen  ruled  : in  the 
center  the  vast  midland  sea,  and  around  it  a fringe  of  civilized 


The  Second  Century  of  Peace 


649 


countries  surrounded  and  protected  by  the  encircling  line  of 
legions.  They  too  stretched  from  Britain  to  Jerusalem,  and 
from  Jerusalem  to  Morocco,  like  a dike  restraining  the  stormy 
sea  of  barbarians  outside,  which  would  otherwise  have  poured 
in  and  overwhelmed  the  results  of  centuries  of  civilized  devel- 
opment. Meantime  we  must  return  from  the  provinces  to  the 
great  controlling  center  of  this  Mediterranean  world,  to  Rome 
itself,  and  endeavor  to  learn  what  had  been  the  course  of  civili- 
zation there  since  the  Augustan  Age  — that  is,  for  the  last  three 
quarters  of  the  two  centuries  of  peace. 

Section  92.  The  Civilization  of  the  Early 
Roman  Empire  : Rome 

The  visitor  in  Rome  at  the  close  of  the  reign  of  Hadrian 
found  it  the  most  magnificent  monumental  city  in  the  world  of 
that  day.  It  had  by  that  time  quite  surpassed  Alexandria  in 
size  and  in  the  number  and  splendor  of  its  public  buildings. 
At  the  eastern  end  of  the  Forum,  on  ground  once  occupied  by 
Nero’s  Golden  House  (§  1014),  Vespasian  erected  a vast  amphi 
theater  for  gladiatorial  combats,  now  known  as  the  Colosseum 
(Fig.  262).  It  was  completed  and  dedicated  by  his  son  Titus, 
who  arranged  for  the  forty-five  thousand  spectators  which  it 
held,  a series  of  bloody  spectacles  lasting  a hundred  days. 
Although  now  much  damaged,  it  still  stands  as  one  of  the 
greatest  buildings  in  the  world.  At  the  same  time  Vespasian 
completed  the  rebuilding  of  the  city,  after  the  great  fire  of 
Nero’s  reign  (§  1014). 

It  was  especially  in  and  alongside  the  old  Forum  that  the 
grandest  buildings  of  the  Empire  thus  far  had  grown  up.  The 
business  of  the  great  world  capital  led  Vespasian  and  Nerva  to 
erect  two  more  magnificent  forums  (Fig.  247,  A*,  Q).  These  two, 
with  the  two  of  Csesar  and  Augustus  (Fig.  247,  A^  O'),  formed  a 
group  of  four  new  forums  along  the  north  side  of  the  old  Forum. 
At  the  northwest  end  of  this  group  of  four  Trajan  built  another, 


1050.  Public 
buildings  of 
Rome : the 
Colosseum 


1051.  The 
new  forums 
of  the  em- 
perors 


650 


Ancient  Times 


that  is,  a fifth  new  forum  (Fig.  247,  K),  which  surpassed  in 
magnificence  anything  which  the  Mediterranean  world  had  ever 
seen  before.  On  one  side  was  a vast  new  business  basilica, 
and  beyond  this  rose  a mighty  column  (Fig.  263)  richly  carved 
with  scenes  picturing  Trajan’s  brilliant  campaigns  (Fig.  251). 
On  each  side  of  the  column  was  a library  building,  one  for 


Fig.  262.  The  Vast  Flavian  Amphitheater  at  Rome  now 
CALLED  THE  COLOSSEUM.  (RESTORED  AFTER  LuCKENBACh) 


This  enormous  building,  one  of  the  greatest  in  the  world,  was  an  oval 
arena  surrounded  by  the  rising  tiers  of  seats,  accommodating  nearly 
fifty  thousand  people.  We  see  here  only  the  outside  wall,  as  restored. 
It  was  built  by  the  emperors  Vespasian  and  Titus,  and  was  completed 
in  80  a.d.  (§  1050).  At  the  left  is  the  colossal  bronze  statue  of  Nero, 
about  100  feet  high,  which  originally  stood  in  this  vicinity,  near  the  en- 
trance of  his  famous  " Golden  House,”  just  east  of  the  Forum  (§  1014) 


1052.  Roman 
concrete : 
Pantheon 
and  Hadri- 
an’s tomb 


Greek  and  one  for  Latin  literature.  The  column  still  stands 
beside  one  of  the  busy  streets  of  modem  Rome,  but  little  of 
the  other  magnificent  buildings  has  survived. 

In  the  buildings  of  Trajan  and  Hadrian  the  architecture  of 
Rome  reached  its  highest  level  both  of  splendor  and  beauty,  and 
also  of  workmanship.  Sometime  in  the  Hellenistic  Age  archi- 
tects had  begun  to  employ  increasing  quantities  of  cement 


The  Second  Century  of  Peace 


651 


concrete,  though  it  is  still  uncertain  where  or  by  whom  the  harden- 
ing properties  of  cement  were  discovered.  Under  Hadrian  and 
his  successors  the 
Roman  builders  com- 
pletely mastered  the 
art  of  making  colos- 
sal casts  of  concrete. 

The  domed  roof  of 
Hadrian’s  Pantheon 
(Fig.  264)  is  a single 
enormous  concrete 
cast,  over  a hundred 
and  forty  feet  across. 

The  Romans,  there- 
fore, eighteen  hun- 
dred years  ago  were 
employing  concrete 
on  a scale  which  we 
have  only  recently 
learned  to  imitate, 
and  after  all  this 
lapse  of  time  the 
roof  of  the  Pantheon 


Fig.  263.  The  Column  of  Trajan 


seems  to  be  as  safe 
and  stanch  as  it 
was  when  Hadri- 
an’s architects  first 
knocked  away  the 
posts  which  sup- 
ported the  wooden 
form  for  the  great 
cast.  The  mauso- 
leum erected  by  Ha- 
drian is  the  greatest 
of  all  Roman  tombs 


This  remarkable  monument  was  erected  be- 
yond Trajan’s  Forum  in  the  court  between  his 
two  libraries  (Fig.  247,  T-).  It  is  of  Parian 
marble  and  stands  100  feet  high.  Around  it 
winds  a spiral  band  of  one  hundred  and  fifty- 
four  relief  scenes,  passing  twenty-two  times 
around  the  shaft.  This  band  contains  twenty- 
five  hundred  human  figures,  and  if  it  could  be 
unrolled  it  would  be  over  650  feet  long.  An 
examination  of  one  of  these  reliefs  (Fig.  251) 
shows  us  that  they  are  very  interesting  works 
of  art,  wrought  with  much  skill.  They  record 
Trajan’s  great  campaigns  (§  1022).  The  broken 
columns  belonged  to  the  magnificent  Basilica 
Ulpia  (Fig.  247,  S),  next  to  Trajan’s  Forum 
(Fig.  247,  R) 


652 


Ancient  Times 


1053.  Roman 
sculpture 


and  for  several  generations  was  the  burial  place  of  the  em- 
perors. It  survives  as  one  of  the  great  buildings  of  Rome. 

The  relief  sculpture  adorning  all  these  monuments  (Fig.  251) 
is  the  greatest  of  Roman  art.  The  reliefs  covering  Trajan’s 


Fig.  264.  Interior  View  of  the  Dome  of  the  Pantheon 
BUILT  AT  Rome  by  Agrippa  and  Hadrian 

The  first  building  on  this  spot  was  erected  by  Agrippa,  Augustus’s  great 
minister.  But  it  was  completely  rebuilt,  as  we  see  it  here,  by  Hadrian. 
The  circular  hole  in  the  ceiling  is  30  feet  across;  it  is  142  feet  above 
the  pavement,  and  the  diameter  of  the  huge  dome  is  also  142  feet. 
This  is  the  only  ancient  building  in  Rome  which  is  still  standing  with 
walls  and  roof  in  a perfectly  preserved  state.  It  is  thus  a remarkable 
example  of  Roman  skill  in  the  use  of  concrete  (§  1052).  At  the  same 
time  it  is  one  of  the  most  beautiful  and  impressive  domed  interiors 
ever  designed.  Compare  the  church  of  St.  Sophia,  p.  688 

column  are  a wonderful  picture  book  of  his  campaigns,  display- 
ing greater  power  of  invention  than  Roman  art  ever  showed 
elsewhere.  Of  statue  sculpture,  however,  the  vast  majority  of 
the  works  now  produced  were  copies  of  the  masterpieces  of  the 
great  Greek  sculptors.  Many  such  famous  Greek  works,  which 


The  Second  CenUiry  of  Peace 


653 


perished  long  ago,  are  now  known  to  us  only  in  the  form  of 
sur\*iving  copies  made  by  the  Roman  sculptors  of  this  age 
and  discovered  in  modem  excavations  in  Italy  (Fig.  218). 
The  portrait  sculptors  followed  the  tendencies  which  they  had 
inherited  from  the  Hellenistic  Age.  Their  portraits  of  the 
leading  Romans  are  among 
the  finest  works  of  the  kind 
ever  wrought  (Fig.  265). 

In  painting,  the  wall  deco- 
rators were  almost  the  only 
sur\-iving  practicers  of  the 
art.  They  merely  copied  the 
works  of  the  great  Greek 
masters  of  the  Hellenistic 
Age  over  and  over  again  on 
the  walls  of  Roman  houses 
(Fig.  197).  Portrait  painting, 
however,  flourished,  and  the 
hack  portrait  painter  at  the 
street  comer,  who  did  your 
portrait  quickly  for  you  on  a 
tablet  of  wood,  was  almost 


Fig.  265.  Portrait  of  an 
Unknown  Roman 


1054.  Roman 
painting 


This  terra-cotta  head  is  one  of  the 
finest  portraits  ever  made.  It  rep- 
resents one  of  the  masterful 
Roman  lords  of  the  world,  and 
shows  clearly  in  the  features  those 
qualities  of  power  and  leadership 
which  so  long  maintained  the  su- 
premacy of  the  Roman  Empire 


as  common  as  our  owm  por- 
trait photographer.  A young 
soldier  in  the  Roman  army, 
proud  of  his  new  uniform, 
would  for  a few  cents  have 
his  portrait  painted  to  send 
home  in  a letter  to  his  parents 
in  Eg^'pt  (Fig.  253,  descriptive  matter),  and  perfectly  preserved 
examples  of  such  work  have  been  excavated  in  the  Nile 
valley  (Plate  VIH,  p.  654). 

There  was  now  a larger  educated  public  at  Rome  than  ever 
before,  and  the  splendid  libraries  maintained  by  the  State  were 
open  to  all.  Authors  and  literary  men  were  also  liberally 


654 


Ancient  Times 


1055.  Leader- 
ship in  litera- 
ture passes 
from  Rome 
back  to 
Athens 


1056.  Latin 
prose  writers : 
Seneca,  Taci- 
tus, and  the 
younger 
Pliny 


supported  by  the  emperors.  Nevertheless,  even  under  these 
favorable  circumstances  not  a single  genius  of  great  creative 
imagination  arose.  Just  as  in  sculpture  and  painting,  so  now  in 
literature,  the  leaders  were  content  to  imitate  or  copy  the  great 
works  of  the  past.  Real  progress  in  literature  therefore  ceased. 
The  leadership  in  such  matters,  held  for  a brief  time  by  Rome 
in  the  Augustan  Age,  had  now  returned  to  Athens,  where  the 
emperors  had  endowed  the  four  schools  of  philosophy  (§  762) 
as  a government  university.  Nevertheless,  Rome  was  still  a 
great  influence  in  literature ; the  leading  literary  men  of  the 
Empire  desired  to  play  a part  there,  and  when  a philosopher  or 
teacher  of  rhetoric  published  his  lectures  in  book  form,  he  was 
proud  to  place  under  the  title  the  words,  " delivered  at  Rome.” 

While  poetry  had  declined,  prose  writers  were  still  productive. 
Nero’s  able  minister  Seneca  (§  1012)  wrote  very  attractive 
essays  and  letters  on  personal  character  and  conduct.  They 
show  so  fine  an  appreciation  of  the  noblest  human  traits  that 
many  have  thought  he  had  secretly  adopted  Christianity.  His 
style  became  so  influential  that  it  displaced  that  of  Cicero  for  a 
long  time.  The  new  freedom  of  speech  which  arose  under  the 
liberal  emperors  after  the  death  of  Domitian  permitted  Tacitus 
to  write  a frank  history  of  the  Empire  from  the  death  of  Augus- 
tus to  the  death  of  Domitian  (from  14  a.  d.  down  to  96  a.d.). 
Although  he  allowed  his  personal  prejudices  to  sway  him,  so  that 
he  has  given  us  a very  dark  picture  of  the  Julian  emperors,  his 
tremendous  power  as  a writer  resulted  in  the  greatest  history 
ever  put  together  by  a Roman.  Among  his  other  writings  was 

* Quite  a number  of  such  portraits  have  been  preserved  in  Egypt 
attached  to  mummies  of  the  second  century  A.  D.  The  portrait  was 
painted  on  a thin  board,  laid  over  the  face  of  the  mummy,  and  bound 
down  with  the  wrappings.  The  method  of  painting  is  interesting.  No 
oil  colors  were  known  in  the  ancient  world.  The  painter  mixed  his 
colors  in  melted  wax,  which  he  then  applied  while  hot  to  the  board. 
While  this  method  was  old  Egyptian,  the  artist’s  skill  in  painting  light 
was  Greek  {§  650;  cf.  Fig.  197).  It  was  common  in  Italy,  and  even 
poor  people  had  their  portraits  painted  in  this  way.  The  portrait  of 
Apion,  the  young  Roman  soldier  (§  1054),  must  have  looked  like  this. 


Plate  VIII.  One  of  the  Oldest  Surviving 
Portrait  Paintings* 


■i 


'■  f, 


The  Second  Centnry  of  Peace  655 

a brief  account  of  Germany,  which  furnishes  us  our  first  full 
glimpse  into  the  life  of  the  peoples  of  northern  Europe.  The 
letters  which  at  this  time  passed  between  the  younger  Pliny 
and  the  emperor  Trajan  (§  1032)  are  among  the  most  interesting 
literature  of  the  ancient  world.  They  remind  us  of  the  letters 
of  Hammurapi  of  Babylon  some  twenty-two  hundred  years 
earlier  (§§  178-182). 

With  these  writers  in  Latin  we  should  also  associate  several 
immortal  works  by  Greeks  of  the  same  age,  though  they  did 
not  live  at  Rome.  In  the  little  village  of  Chaeronea  in  Boeotia, 
where  Philip  of  Macedon  crushed  the  Greeks  (§  685),  Plutarch 
at  this  time  wrote  his  remarkable  series  of  lives  of  the  greatest 
men  of  Greece  and  Rome,  placing  them  in  pairs,  a Greek  and 
a Roman  together,  and  comparing  them.  Although  they  contain 
much  that  belongs  in  the  world  of  romance,  they  form  an  im- 
perishable gallery  of  heroes  which  has  held  the  interest  and  the 
admiration  of  the  world  for  eighteen  centuries.  At  the  same 
time  another  Greek,  named  Arrian,  who  was  serving  as  a Roman 
governor  in  Asia  Minor,  collected  the  surviving  accounts  of  the 
life  of  Alexander  the  Great.  He  called  his  book  the  Anabasis 
of  Alexander,  after  the  Anabasis  of  Xenophon  (§  631),  whom 
he  was  imitating  in  accordance  with  the  imitative  spirit  of  the 
age.  Arrian  was  only  a passable  writer  of  prose  and  certainly 
not  a great  historian,  but  without  his  compilation  we  would 
know  very'  little  about  Alexander  the  Great.  A huge  guidebook 
through  Greece,  telling  the  reader  all  about  the  buildings  and 
monuments  still  standing  at  that  time  in  the  leading  Greek 
towns,  like  Athens,  Delphi,  and  Olympia,  was  now  put  together 
by  Pausanias.  It  furnishes  us  an  immortal  picture  book  in  words 
of  ancient  Greece  in  all  its  splendor  of  statues  and  temples, 
theaters  and  public  buildings. 

In  science  the  Romans  continued  to  be  collectors  of  the 
knowledge  gained  by  the  Greeks.  During  a long  and  success- 
ful official  career  the  elder  Pliny  devoted  himself  with  incredible 
industry  to  scientific  studies.  He  made  a vast  collection  of  the 


1057.  Greek 
prose  writers: 
Plutarch,  Ar- 
rian, and 
Pausanias 


1058.  Lack 
of  scientific 
attainments 
at  Rome : 
Pliny’s  "Natu- 
ral History  ’’ 


6s6 


Ancient  Times 


1059.  End 
of  investiga- 
tive science 
at  Alexan- 
dria; Ptolemy 


facts  then  known  in  science,  to  be  found  in  books,  chiefly 
Greek.  He  put  them  all  together  in  a huge  work  which  he 
called  "Natural  History — really  an  encyclopedia.  He  was 
so  deeply  interested  in  science  that  he  lost  his  life  in  the  great 
eruption  of  Vesuvius,  as  he  was  trying  both  to  study  the  tremen- 
dous event  at  short  range,  and  (as  admiral  of  the  fleet)  to  save 
the  fleeing  people  of  Pompeii  (§  1034).  But  Pliny’s  "Natural 
History”  did  not  contain  any  new  facts  of  importance  discovered 
by  the  author  himself,  and  it  was  marred  by  many  errors  in 
matters  which  Pliny  misunderstood.  Nevertheless,  for  hun- 
dreds of  years,  until  the  revival  of  science  in  modern  times 
Pliny’s  work  was,  next  to  Aristotle,  the  standard  authority 
referred  to  by  all  educated  Europeans.  Thus  men  fell  into  an 
indolent  attitude  of  mind  and  were  satisfied  merely  to  learn 
what  earlier  discoverers  had  found  out.  This  attitude  never 
would  have  led  to  the  discovery  of  the  size  of  the  earth  as 
determined  by  Eratosthenes  (§  745),  or  in  modern  times  to 
X-ray  photographs  or  wireless  telegraphy. 

A great  astronomer  and  geographer  of  Alexandria,  who 
flourished  under  Hadrian  and  the  Antonines,  was  the  last  of 
the  famous  scientists  of  the  ancient  world.  He  wrote  among 
other  works  a handbook  on  astronomy,  for  the  most  part  a 
compilation  from  the  works  of  earlier  astronomers.  In  it  he 
unfortunately  adopted  the  conclusion  that  the  sun  revolved 
around  the  earth  as  a center.  His  book  became  a standard 
work,  and  hence  this  mistaken  view  of  the  solar  system,  called 
the  Ptolemaic  system,  was  everywhere  accepted  by  the  later 
world.  It  was  not  until  four  hundred  years  ago  that  the  real 
truth,  already  long  before  discovered  by  the  Greek  astronomer 
Aristarchus  of  Samos  (§  744),  was  rediscovered  by  the  Polish 
astronomer  Copernicus.  It  was  a further  sign  of  the  decline  of 
science  that  Ptolemy  even  wrote  a book  on  Babylonian  astrology 
(§  192).  Knowledge  of  the  spherical  form  of  the  earth  as  shown 
by  Ptolemy  and  earlier  Greek  astronomers  reached  the  travelers 
and  navigators  of  later  Europe,  and  finally  led  Columbus  to 


The  Second  Century  of  Peace  657 

undertake  the  voyage  to  India  and  the  East  westward — the 
voyage  which  resulted  in  the  discovery  of  America. 

The  position  of  educated  Greeks  at  Rome  was  very  different 
from  what  it  had  been  under  the  Republic,  when  such  men 
were  slaves  or  teachers  in  private  households.  Now  they  were 
holding  important  positions  in  the  government  or  as  teachers 
and  professors  paid  by  the  government.  The  city  was  no 
longer  Roman  or  Italian;  it  had  become  Mediterranean,  and 


Map  of  the  World  by  the  Astronomer  and  Geographer 
Ptolemy  (Second  Century  a.d.) 


many  worthy  families  from  the  provinces,  settling  in  Rome, 
had  greatly  bettered  the  decadent  society  of  the  city.  Leading 
men  whose  homes  in  youth  had  looked  out  from  the  hills  of 
Spain  upon  the  Atlantic  mingled  at  Rome  with  influential  citi- 
zens who  had  been  bom  within  a stone’s  throw  of  the  Euphrates. 
Men  of  all  the  world  elbowed  each  other  and  talked  business 
in  the  banks  and  countinghouses  of  the  magnificent  new  fomms; 
they  filled  the  public  offices  and  administrative  departments  of 
the  government,  and  discussed  the  hand-copied  daily  paper 


1060.  Cos- 
mopolitan 
life  of  Rome 


658 


Ancient  Times 


io6i.  Incom- 
ing of  oriental 
luxuries 


published  by  the  State  ; they  sat  in  the  libraries  and  lecture  halls 
of  the  university  and  they  crowded  the  lounging  places  of  the  pub- 
lic baths  and  the  vast  amphitheater.  They  largely  made  up  the 
brilliant  social  life  which  ebbed  and  flowed  through  the  streets, 
as  the  wealthy  and  the  wise  gathered  at  sumptuous  dinners  and 
convivial  winter  evenings  in  the  city  itself,  or  indolently  killed 
time  loafing  about  the  statue-filled  gardens  and  magnificent 
country  villas  overlooking  the  Bay  of  Naples,  where  the 
wealthy  Romans  spent  their  summer  leisure.  We  call  such 
all-inclusive,  widely  representative  life  " cosmopolitan  ” — a 
word  of  Greek  origin  meaning  " world-cityish.” 

This  converging  of  all  the  world  at  Rome  was  evident  in 
the  luxuries  now  enjoyed  by  the  rich.  The  outward  life,  houses, 
and  costumes  of  the  wealthy  were  on  the  whole  not  much 
changed  from  that  which  we  found  toward  the  close  of  the 
Republic  (§§  889-898).  Luxury  and  display  had  somewhat 
increased,  and  in  this  direction  oriental  rarities  now  played 
a noticeable  part  (§  1038).  Roman  ladies  were  decked  with 
diamonds,  pearls,  and  rubies  from  India,  and  they  robed  them' 
selves  in  shining  silks  from  China.  The  tables  of  the  rich  were 
bright  with  peaches  and  apricots,  now  appearing  for  the  first 
time  in  the  Roman  world.  Roman  cooks  learned  to  prepare 
rice,  formerly  a delicacy  required  only  by  the  sick.  Horace 
had  amusingly  pictured  the  distress  of  a miserly  Roman  when 
he  learned  the  price  of  a dish  of  rice  prescribed  by  his  phy- 
sician. Instead  of  sweetening  their  dishes  with  honey  as  for- 
merly, Roman  households  began  to  find  a new  product  in  the 
market  place  known  as  " sakari  ” ; for  so  the  report  of  a ven- 
turesome oriental  sailor  of  the  first  century  a.d.  calls  the  sirup 
of  sugar  cane,  which  he  brought  by  water  from  India  into  the 
Mediterranean  for  the  first  time.  This  is  the  earliest  mention 
of  sugar  in  histoiy.  These  new  things  from  the  Orient  were 
beginning  to  appear  in  Roman  life  just  as  the  potatoes,  tobacco, 
and  Indian  com  of  America  found  their  way  into  Europe  afte; 
the  voyages  of  Columbus  had  disclosed  a new  Western  world. 


The  Second  Century  of  Peace 


659 


Section  93.  Popularity  of  Oriental  Religions 
AND  THE  Spread  of  Early  Christianity 


The  life  of  the  Orient  was  at  the  same  time  continuing  to 
bring  into  the  Mediterranean  other  things  less  easily  traced 
than  rice  or  sugar,  but  much  more  important  in  their  influence 
on  the  Roman  world.  The  intellectual  life  of  the  Empire  was 
steadily  declining,  as  we  have  seen  indicated  by  literature  and 
science.  Philosophy  was  no  longer  occupied  with  new  thoughts 
and  the  discovery  of  new  truths.  Such  philosophy  had  given 
way  to  the  semireligious  systems  of  living  and  ideas  of  right 
conduct  taught  by  the  Stoics  and  Epicureans  (§  761).  Thought- 
ful Romans  read  Greek  philosophy  of  this  kind  in  the  charm- 
ing treatises  of  Cicero  (§  1000)  or  the  discussions  of  Seneca 
(§  1056).  Such  readers  had  given  up  the  old  Roman  gods  and 
accepted  these  philosophical  precepts  of  daily  conduct  as  their 
religion.  But  such  teaching  was  only  for  the  highly  educated 
and  the  intellectual  class. 

Nevertheless,  such  men  sometimes  followed  the  multitude 
and  yielded  to  the  fascination  of  the  mysterious  religions  coming 
in  from  the  East.  Even  in  Augustus’s  time  the  Roman  poet 
Tibullus,  absent  on  a military  campaign  which  sickness  had 
interrupted,  wrote  to  his  fiance'e  Delia  in  Rome : " What  does 
your  Isis  for  me  now,  Delia?  What  avail  me  those  brazen 
sistra  ^ of  hers,  so  often  shaken  by  your  hand  ? . . . Now, 
now,  goddess,  help  me;  for  it  is  proved  by  many  a picture 
in  thy  temples  that  man  may  be  healed  by  thee.”  Tibullus 
and  his  fiancee  belonged  to  the  most  cultivated  class,  but  they 
had  taken  refuge  in  the  faith  of  the  Egyptian  Isis.  When 
Hadrian’s  handsome  young  Greek  friend  Antinoiis  was  drowned 
in  the  Nile,  the  emperor  erected  an  obelisk  at  Rome  in  his 
memory,  with  a hieroglyphic  inscription  announcing  the  beauti- 
ful youth’s  divinity  and  his  union  with  Osiris.  Attached  to 


1062.  De- 
cline of  intel- 
lectual life 
and  Roman 
religion 


1063.  Egyp- 
tian religion 
in  Europe 


1 Egyptian  musical  instruments  played  by  shaking  in  the  hand. 


66o 


Ancient  Times 


1064.  The 
Great  Mother 
goddess  of 
Asia  Minor; 
Persian  Mith- 
ras ; popular- 
ity of  the 
oriental 
" mysteries  ” 


Hadrian’s  magnificent  villa  near  Rome  was  an  Egyptian  gar- 
den, chiefly  sacred  to  Isis  and  Osiris  and  filled  with  their 
monuments.  Plutarch  wrote  an  essay  on  Isis  and  Osiris  which 
he  dedicated  to  a priestess  of  Isis  at  Delphi.  Since  the  days 
of  the  early  Empire,  multitudes  had  taken  up  this  Egyptian 
faith,  and  temples  of  Isis  were  to  be  found  in  all  the  larger 


Fig.  266.  The  Temple  of  Isis  at  Pompeii 

Even  the  little  town  of  Pompeii  had  its  temple  of  Isis  (§  1063),  as  did 
also  the  little  Hellenistic  city  of  Priene  (Fig.  212).  It  has  here  been 
restored  after  Mau 

cities  (Fig.  266).  To-day  tiny  statuettes  and  other  symbols  of 
the  Egyptian  goddess  are  found  even  along  the  Seine,  the 
Rhine,  and  the  Danube. 

The  Great  Mother  goddess  of  Asia  Minor  (§  357),  with  her 
consort  Attis,  gained  the  devotion  of  many  Romans,  also.  In 
the  army  the  Persian  Mithras,  a god  of  light  (§  287),  was  a 
great  favorite,  and  many  a legion  had  its  underground  chapel 
where  its  members  celebrated  his  triumph.  All  these  faiths  had 
their  " mysteries,”  consisting  chiefly  of  dramatic  presentations 


The  Second  Century  of  Peace  66 1 

of  the  career  of  the  god,  especially  his  submission  to  death, 
his  triumph  over  it,  and  ascent  to  everlasting  life  (§  117). 
It  was  believed  that  to  witness  these  things  and  to  undergo 
certain  holy  ceremonies  of  initiation  would  bring  to  those  in- 
itiated deliverance  from  evil,  the  power  to  share  in  the  endless 
life  of  the  god  and  to  dwell  with  him  forever. 

The  old  Roman  faith  had  little  to  do  with  conduct  and  held 
out  to  the  worshiper  no  such  hopes  of  future  blessedness. 
Throughout  the  great  Roman  world  men  were  longing  for 
some  assurance  regarding  the  life  beyond  the  grave,  and  in 
the  midst  of  the  trials  and  burdens  of  this  life  they  wistfully 
sought  the  support  and  strength  of  a divine  protector.  Little 
wonder  that  the  multitudes  were  irresistibly  attracted  by  the 
comforting  assurances  of  these  oriental  faiths  and  the  blessed 
future  insured  by  their  " mysteries.”  At  the  same  time  it  was 
believed  possible  to  learn  the  future  of  every  individual  by  the 
use  of  Babylonian  astrology  (§  192).  Even  the  astronomer 
Ptolemy  wrote  a book  on  it  (§  1059).  The  Orientals  who  prac- 
ticed it  were  called  Chaldeans  (§  238),  or  Magi,  whence  our 
words  "magic”  and  " magician,”  and  everyone  consulted  them. 

The  Jews  too,  now  that  their  temple  in  Jerusalem  had  been 
destroyed  by  the  Romans  (§  1018),  were  to  be  found  in  increas- 
ing numbers  in  all  the  larger  cities.  Strabo,  the  geographer, 
said  of  them,  " This  people  has  already  made  its  way  into  every 
city,  and  it  would  be  hard  to  find  a place  in  the  habitable  world 
which  has  not  admitted  this  race  and  been  dominated  by  it." 
The  Roman  world  was  becoming  accustomed  to  their  syna- 
gogues ; but  the  Jews  refused  to  acknowledge  any  god  besides 
their  own,  and  their  exclusiveness  brought  them  disfavor  and 
trouble  with  the  government  (cf.  Fig.  267). 

Among  all  these  faiths  of  the  East,  the  common  people  were 
more  and  more  inclining  toward  one,  whose  teachers  told  how 
their  Master,  Jesus,  a Hebrew,  was  bom  in  Palestine,  the  land 
of  the  Jews,  in  the  days  of  Augustus.  Everywhere  they  told 
the  people  of  his  vision  of  human  brotherhood  and  of  divine 


1065.  De- 
cline of 
Roman  re- 
ligion and  the 
old  gods 


1066.  Juda- 
ism 


1067.  Rise  of 
Christianity 


662 


Ancient  Times 


1068.  Paul 
and  the  foun- 
dation of  the 
earliest 
churches ; 
the  New 
Testament 


■ — — ■ 

k - ; 1? 

■ ■■ 

>4»V)  l.r.rr^l’CVf^loo^f j 

rdyt. — 

1 yCny  cl  ci^t~yjy^iv  t 


' m-5 

,.-^r 


fatherhood,  surpassing  even  that  which  the  Hebrew  prophets 
had  once  discerned  (§  304).  This  faith  he  had  preached  for 
a few  years  in  the  Aramaic  language 
of  his  countrymen  (§  207)  — till  he 
incurred  their  hatred,  and  in  the 
reign  of  Tiberius,  they  had  put  him 
to  death. 

A Jewish  tentmaker  of  Tarsus 
named  Paul,  a man  of  passionate 
eloquence  and  unquenchable  love  for 
his  Master,  passed  far  and  wide 
through  the  cities  of  Asia  Minor  and 
Greece,  and  even  to  Rome  (§  1036), 
proclaiming  his  Master’s  teaching. 
He  left  behind  him  a line  of  devoted 
communities  stretching  from  Pales- 
tine to  Rome.  Certain  letters  (cf. 
Fig.  253)  which  he  wrote  in  Greek 
to  his  followers  were  circulating 
widely  among  them  and  were  read 
with  eagerness.  At  the  same  time  a 
narrative  of  the  Master’s  life  had  also 
been  written  in  Aramaic  (Fig.  13 1 ),  the 
language  in  which  he  had  preached. 
This  perished,  but  Greek  accounts 
drawing  upon  the  Aramaic  narrative 
also  appeared,  and  were  now  widely 
read  by  the  common  people.  There 
were  finally  four  leading  biographies 
of  Jesus  in  Greek,  which  came  to 
be  regarded  as  authoritative,  and 
these  we  call  the  Four  Gospels. 
Along  with  the  letters  of  Paul  and  some  other  writings  they 
were  later  put  together  in  a Greek  book  now  known  in  the 
English  translation  as  the  New  Testament. 


I -r 

1^--  •-••Afo' 

;7-.  A 

' - 


. ■ ! 


Fig.  267.  Certificate 

SHOWING  THAT  A 

Roman  Citizen  had 

SACRIFICED  TO  THE 

Emperor  as  a God* 


The  Second  Century  of  Peace 


663 


The  other  oriental  faiths,  in  spite  of  their  attractiveness, 
could  not  offer  to  their  followers  the  consolation  and  fellowship 
of  a life  so  exalted  and  beautiful,  so  full  of  brotherly  appeal  and 
human  sympathy  as  that  of  the  new  Hebrew  Teacher.  In  the 
hearts  of  the  toiling  millions  of  the  Roman  Empire  his  simple 
summons,  ” Come  unto  me  all  ye  that  labor  and  are  heavy 
laden,”  proved  a mightier  power  than  all  the  edicts  of  the 
Roman  emperors.  The  slave  and  the  freedman,  the  artisan 
and  craftsman,  the  humble  and  the  despised  in  the  huge  bar- 
racks which  sheltered  the  poor  in  Rome,  listened  to  this  new 
" mystery  ” from  the  East,  as  they  thought  it  to  be,  and  as  time 
passed,  multitudes  responded  and  found  joy  in  the  hopes  which 
it  awakened.  In  the  second  century  of  peace  it  was  rapidly 
outstripping  the  other  religions  of  the  Roman  Empire. 

The  officers  of  government  often  found  these  early  converts 
not  only  refusing  to  sacrifice  to  the  emperor  as  a god  (§1016) 
but  also  openly  prophesying  the  downfall  of  the  Roman 
State.  The  early  Christians  were  therefore  more  than  once 
called  upon  to  endure  cruel  persecution  (Fig.  267).  Their 
religion  seemed  incompatible  with  good  citizenship,  since  it 
forbade  them  to  show  the  usual  respect  for  the  emperor 
and  the  government. 


1069.  Superi- 
ority of  Chris- 
tianity over 
the  other 
oriental  re- 
ligions 


1070.  Rome 
persecutes 
the  early 
Christians 


* Excavators  in  the  ruins  of  Egyptian  villages  like  Fig.  21 1 have  dis- 
covered over  a score  of  such  certificates,  each  written  on  a strip  of 
papyrus.  This  specimen  states  that  a citizen  named  Aurelius  Horion, 
living  in  the  village  of  Theadelphia  in  Egypt,  appeared  before  a gov- 
ernment commission,  and  not  only  affirmed  that  he  had  always  been 
faithful  in  the  worship  of  the  gods  but  that  he  also  in  the  presence  of 
the  commission  and  of  witnesses  offered  sacrifice  (a  slaughtered  animal), 
presented  a drink  offering,  and  likewise  consumed  a portion  of  these 
offerings.  In  the  middle  we  see  the  heavy  black  signature  of  the  pre- 
siding official,  and  at  the  bottom  in  four  lines  the  date,  corresponding 
to  our  250  A.D.  Every  Roman  citizen  at  this  time,  no  matter  what  his 
religion  might  be,  was  obliged  to  possess  such  a certificate  and  to  show 
it  on  demand.  It  was  called  a libellus,  and  the  owner  of  it  was  called 
a libellaticus.  A Christian  who  would  resort  to  such  a means  of  escap- 
ing persecution  by  the  government  was  greatly  despised  by  the  faithful, 
who  refused  to  comply.  Compare  our  word  " libel.” 


664 


Ancient  Times 


1071 . Organ- 
ization of 
churches  and 
revival  of 
popular 
leadership 


Nevertheless,  their  numbers  steadily  grew,  and  each  new  Chris- 
tian group  or  community  organized  itself  into  an  assembly  of 
members  called  an  " ecclesia,”  or  as  we  say,  a church.  " Ecclesia  ” 
was  the  old  Greek  word  for  Assembly  of  the  People,  and  in 
these  new  assemblies,  or  churches,  men  of  ability  were  now  be- 
ginning to  find  those  opportunities  for  leadership  and  power 
which  the  decline  of  citizenship  in  the  old  city  republics  no 
longer  offered.  The  leaders  of  the  churches  were  soon  to  be 
the  strong  men  of  the  people,  and  to  play  a political  as  well  as 
a religious  role. 


Section  94.  The  End  of  the  Second  Century 
OF  Peace 


1^2.  Begin- 
ning of  de- 
cline ; An- 
toninus Pius 
(138-161 
A.D.)  and 
Marcus 
Aurelius 
(161-180  a.d) 


1073.  Marcus 
Aurelius 
stops  the 
barbarian  in- 
vasion (167- 
180  A.D.) 


In  spite  of  outward  prosperity,  especially  suggested  by  the 
magnificent  buildings  of  the  Empire,  Mediterranean  civilization 
was  declining  in  the  second  century  of  peace.  The  decline  be- 
came noticeable  in  the  reign  of  Hadrian.  The  just  and  kindly 
Antoninus,  who  followed  Hadrian  in  138  a.d.,  was  called  by 
the  Romans  " the  Pius,”  but  he  hardly  showed  energy  enough 
to  maintain  the  foreign  prestige  of  the  Empire,  even  though 
he  strengthened  the  northern  frontier  walls.  His  successor,  the 
noble  Marcus  Aurelius,  therefore  had  to  face  a very  serious 
situation  (161  a.d.).  The  Parthians,  encouraged  by  the  easy- 
going reign  of  Antoninus  Pius,  made  trouble  on  the  eastern 
frontier,  and  Marcus  Aurelius  was  obliged  to  fight  them  in  a 
four  years’  war  before  the  frontier  was  safe  again. 

When  the  Roman  troops  returned  from  this  war,  they 
brought  back  with  them  a terrible  plague  which  destroyed 
multitudes  of  men  at  the  very  moment  when  the  Empire  most 
needed  them.  For  at  this  juncture  the  barbarian  hordes  in  the 
German  North  broke  through  the  frontier  defenses  (Fig.  253), 
and  for  the  first  time  in  two  centuries  they  poured  down  into 
Italy  (167  A.  D.).  The  two  centuries  of  peace  were  ended.  At 
the  same  time  the  finances  of  the  Empire  were  so  low  that 


The  Second  Century  of  Peace 


66s 


the  emperor  was  obliged  to  sell  the  crown  jewels  to  raise  the 
money  necessary  for  equipping  and  supporting  the  army. 
With  little  intermission,  until  his  death  in  i8o  a. d.,  Marcus 
Aurelius  maintained  the  struggle  against  the  Germans  in  the 
region  later  forming  Bohemia.  Indeed,  death  overtook  him 
while  still  engaged  in  the  war.  But  in  spite  of  victory  over  the 
barbarians,  Marcus  Aurelius  was  unable  to  sweep  them  entirely 
out  of  the  northern  regions  of  the  Empire.  He  finally  took  the 
very  dangerous  step  of  allowing  some  of  them  to  remain  as 
farmer  colonists  on  lands  assigned  to  them  inside  of  the  fron- 
tier. This  policy  later  resulted  in  very  serious  consequences  to 
the  Empire. 

Nevertheless,  the  ability  and  enlightened  statesmanship  of 
Marcus  Aurelius  are  undoubted.  Indeed,  they  were  only 
equaled  by  the  purity  and  beauty  of  his  personal  life.  He 
regarded  his  exalted  office  as  a sacred  trust  to  which  he  must 
be  true,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  he  would  have  greatly  pre- 
ferred to  devote  himself  to  reading,  study,  and  philosophy, 
which  he  deeply  loved.  Amid  the  growing  anxieties  of  his 
position,  even  as  he  sat  in  his  tent  and  guided  the  operations 
of  the  legions  among  the  forests  of  Bohemia  in  the  heart  of  the 
barbarous  North,  he  found  time  to  record  his  thoughts  and 
leave  to  the  world  a little  volume  of  meditations  written  in 
Greek.  As  the  aspirations  of  a gentle  and  chivalrous  heart 
toward  pure  and  noble  living,  these  meditations  are  among  the 
most  precious  legacies  of  the  past.  Marcus  Aurelius  was  the 
last  of  a noble  succession,  the  finest  spirit  among  all  the  Roman 
emperors,  and  there  was  never  another  like  him  on  the  imperial 
throne.  But  no  ruler,  however  pure  and  unselfish  his  pur- 
poses, could  stop  the  processes  of  decline  going  on  in  the 
midst  of  the  great  Roman  world.  Following  the  two  centuries 
of  peace,  therefore,  was  to  come  a fearful  century  of  revolu- 
tion, civil  war,  and  anarchy,  from  which  a very  different 
Roman  world  was  to  emerge. 


1074.  Char- 
acter of 
Marcus 
Aurelius 


666 


Ancient  Times 


QUESTIONS 

Section  90.  Did  the  struggle  at  the  death  of  Nero  long  en- 
danger the  peace  of  the  Empire  ? Who  triumphed  ? What  were  the 
two  great  tasks  awaiting  the  emperors?  Describe  the  dangers  on 
the  frontiers.  What  did  Domitian  do  for  the  frontiers?  Recount 
the  achievements  of  Trajan  on  the  lower  Danube;  in  the  Orient. 
How  did  Hadrian  treat  the  conquests  of  Trajan?  What  can  you  say 
of  the  Roman  army  under  Trajan  and  Hadrian?  How  was  the 
management  of  the  government  improved?  How  did  this  affect  tax 
collecting?  What  can  you  say  of  agricultural  conditions  in  Italy? 
How  were  the  laws  improved?  Tell  about  the  people’s  interest  in 
public  affairs  in  the  provinces. 

Section  91.  Give  an  imaginary  bird’s-eye  view  of  the  Roman 
Empire  from  Gibraltar.  Describe  Pompeii.  Describe  Roman  roads 
and  their  traffic.  Tell  something  of  sea  travel;  of  commerce;  of 
hotels ; of  society  in  the  provinces.  What  did  a Roman  traveler  find 
in  Athens  and  Delphi?  in  Asia  Minor  and  Syria?  in  Egypt?  Where 
did  the  Roman’s  ancient  world  lie  ? Where  was  his  modern  world  ? 
What  can  you  say  of  Roman  buildings  surviving  in  the  West? 

Section  92.  How  had  Rome  now  improved?  Describe  the 
Colosseum ; the  forums  of  the  emperors.  What  can  you  say  of 
Roman  use  of  cement  in  architecture?  of  Roman  sculpture?  of 
Roman  painting?  What  had  happened  to  literature  in  Rome  since 
Augustus?  Tell  about  the  Latin  prose  writers;  the  Greek  prose 
writers.  What  can  you  say  of  science  at  Rome?  at  Alexandria? 
Tell  about  the  cosmopolitan  life  of  Rome.  What  can  you  say  of 
incoming  luxuries  of  the  Orient? 

Section  93.  What  can  you  say  of  intellectual  life  at  Rome?  of 
religious  life  ? of  iriboming  oriental  religions  ? What  was  the  feeling 
of  the  common  people  toward  the  oriental  religions  ? What  can  you 
say  of  the  Jews  at  this  time?  Describe  the  rise  of  Christianity 
and  the  work  of  Paul.  What  can  you  say  of  the  superiority  of 
Christianity?  What  practical  difficulty  did  the  Christians  meet  in 
their  relations  with  the  Roman  government?  What  certificate  did 
a citizen  have  to  possess  ? 

Section  94.  What  people  first  caused  Marcus  Aurelius  trouble  ? 
What  event  ended  the  second  century  of  peace?  What  did  Marcus 
Aurelius  do  to  subdue  the  barbarians?  What  can  you  say  of  the 
mind  and  character  of  Marcus  Aurelius? 


A CENTURY  OF  REVOLUTION  AND  THE  DIVISION 
OF  THE  EMPIRE 

Section  95.  Internal  Decline  of  the 
Roman  Empire 

We  have  seen  good  government,  fine  buildings,  education, 
and  other  evidences  of  civilization  more  widespread  in  the  sec- 
ond century  of  peace  than  ever  before.  Nevertheless,  the  great 

Note.  The  above  headpiece  shows  us  the  surviving  ruins  of  the  royal  palace 
at  Ctesiphon  on  the  Tigris  (see  map,  p.  709),  once  the  capital  of  New  Persia. 
The  tiny  human  figure  in  one  doorway  will  indicate  to  us  the  vast  size  of  the 
building.  The  huge  vault  on  the  right  was  built  over  the  enormous  hall  below, 
without  any  supporting  timbers  during  the  course  of  construction.  It  is  84  feet 
across  and  is  the  largest  masonry  vault  of  its  age  still  standing  in  Asia.  Here  the 
magnificent  kings  of  New  Persia  held  their  splendid  court,  imitated  by  the  weak 
Roman  emperors  at  Constantinople  (§  1099).  Note  the  situation  of  Babylon 
as  a river  station  on  the  great  highway  between  Asia  Minor  and  the  East  (map, 
p.  434).  Ctesiphon,  situated  almost  within  sight  of  Babylon,  was  but  one  in  a 
succession  of  powerful  capitals,  occupying  this  great  river  crossing:  Akkad 
(§  166),  Babylon  (§  175),  Ctesiphon  (§  1094),  and,  finally,  Bagdad  (§  1153).  A 
British  expedition,  after  fighting  several  battles  under  the  shadow  of  these 
ruins  of  Ctesiphon,  captured  Bagdad  in  1917. 

667 


1075.  Signs 
of  inner  de- 
cay : former 
decline  of 
farming 
continues 


668 


Ancient  Times 


1076.  Spread 
of  the  orien- 
tal domain 
system  of 
landowner- 
ship  ; villas 


1077.  Rise 
of  coloni 


Empire  which  we  have  been  studying,  although  in  a condition 
seemingly  so  favorable,  was  suffering  from  an  inner  decay,  whose 
symptoms  at  first  hidden  were  fast  becoming  more  and  more 
evident.  In  the  first  place,  the  decline  of  farming,  so  noticeable 
before  the  fall  of  the  Republic  (§§918  f.),  had  gone  steadily  on. 

In  spite  of  the  heavy  taxes  imposed  upon  it,  land  had  con- 
tinued to  pass  over  into  the  hands  of  the  rich  and  powerful. 
The  oriental  system  of  confining  landownership  to  large 
domains  held  by  the  State  and  a few  individuals  had  also 
a strong  influence.  From  Asia  Minor,  where  it  was  wide- 
spread under  the  Persians,  this  system  had  passed  to  Greece 
(§  626).  The  Romans  had  found  it  also  in  Africa,  the  prov- 
ince behind  Carthage.  Already  in  Nero’s  time  half  of  this 
province  was  made  up  of  six  domains,  held  by  only  six  great 
landlords.  Such  a great  estate  was  called  a villa,  and  the  sys- 
tem of  villa  estates,  having  destroyed  the  small  farmers  of  It^ly 
(§§  918-920),  was  likewise  now  destroying  them  in  the  prov- 
inces also.  Villas  now  covered  not  only  Italy  but  also  Gaul, 
Britain,  Spain,  and  other  leading  provinces. 

Unable  to  compete  with  the  great  villas,  and  finding  the 
burden  of  taxes  unbearable,  most  of  the  small  farmers  gave  up 
the  struggle.  Such  a man  would  often  enter  upon  an  arrange- 
ment which  made  him  the  colonus  of  some  wealthy  villa  owner. 
By  this  arrangement  the  farmer  and  his  descendants  were  for- 
ever bound  by  law  to  the  land  which  they  worked,  and  they 
passed  with  it  from  owner  to  owner  when  it  changed  hands. 
While  not  actually  slaves,  they  were  not  free  to  leave  or  go 
where  they  pleased;  and  without  any  prospect  of  bettering 
themselves,  or  any  opportunity  for  their  children  ever  to  pos- 
sess their  own  lands,  these  men  lost  all  energy  and  independ- 
ence and  were  very  different  from  the  hardy  farmers  of  early 
Rome.  As  we  shall  see,  many  Northern  barbarians  also  became 
coloni  within  the  frontiers  of  the  Empire. 

The  great  villas  once  worked  by  slaves  were  now  cultivated 
chiefly  by  these  coloni.  With  the  end  of  the  long  wars  the 


A Century  of  Revolution 


669 


captives  who  had  been  sold  as  slaves  were  no  longer  obtain- 
able, and  slaves  had  steadily  diminished  in  numbers.  Their  con- 
dition had  also  much  improved,  and  the  law  now  protected 
them  from  the  worst  forms  of  cruelty  once  inflicted  upon 
them  (§  915).  We  have  already  noticed  the  growing  practice 
of  freeing  slaves,  which  made  freedmen  so  common  through- 
out the  Empire  that  they  were  playing  an  important  part  in 
manufactures  and  business  (§  1040). 

Multitudes  of  the  country  people,  unwilling  to  become  coloni, 
forsook  their  fields  and  turned  to  the  city  for  relief.  Many 
did  this  because  neglect  of  fertilization  and  long-continued  culti- 
vation had  exhausted  their  land  and  it  would  no  longer  produce 
crops.  Great  stretches  of  unworked  and  weed-grown  fields 
were  no  uncommon  sight.  As  a result  the  amount  of  land 
under  cultivation  continually  decreased,  and  the  ancient  world 
'was  no  longer  raising  enough  food  to  feed  itself  properly.  The 
scarcity  was  felt  most  severely  in  the  great  centers  of  popu- 
lation like  Rome,  where  prices  had  rapidly  gone  up.  Our  own 
generation,  afflicted  in  the  same  way,  is  not  the  first  to  com- 
plain of  the  " high  cost  of  living.” 

Offers  by  the  emperor  to  give  land  to  anyone  who  would 
undertake  to  cultivate  it  failed  to  increase  the  amount  of  land 
under  the  plow.  Even  under  the  wisest  emperors  the  govern- 
ment was  therefore  entirely  unable  to  restore  to  the  country 
districts  the  hardy  yeomen,  the  brave  and  independent  farmers, 
who  had  once  formed  the  basis  of  Italian  prosperity  — the 
men  who,  in  the  ranks  of  the  legion,  had  laid  the  foundation 
of  Roman  power.  The  destruction  of  the  small  farmers  and 
the  inability  of  Rome  to  restore  them  formed  the  leading  cause 
among  a whole  group  of  causes  which  brought  about  the 
decline  and  fall  of  this  great  Empire. 

The  country  people  who  moved  to  Rome  were  only  bring- 
ing about  their  own  extermination  as  a class.  The  large  families 
which  country  life  favors  were  no  longer  reared,  the  number 
of  marriages  decreased,  and  the  population  of  the  Empire  shrank. 


1(^8.  De- 
cline of 
slavery  and 
improvement 
in  the  con- 
dition of 
slaves 


1079.  De- 
crease in 
extent  of 
cultivated 
lands  and 
diminishing 
food  supply 


1080.  Dis- 
appearance 
of  the  farm- 
ers and 
Rome’s  ina- 
bility to  re- 
store them 


1081.  De- 
basing in- 
fluences of 
city  life 


6/0 


Ancient  Times 


1082.  De- 
cline of  citi- 
zenship in 
the  cities 


1083.  De- 
cline of 
business 


Debased  by  the  life  of  the  city,  the  former  sturdy  yeoman 
lost  his  independence  in  an  eager  scramble  for  a place  in  the 
waiting  line  of  city  poor,  to  whom  the  government  distributed 
free  grain,  wine,  and  meat.  The  time  which  should  have 
been  spent  in  breadwinning  was  worse  than  wasted  among 
the  cheering  multitudes  at  the  chariot  races,  bloody  games, 
and  barbarous  spectacles.  Notwithstanding  the  fine  families 
who  moved  to  Rome  from  the  provinces  under  the  liberal 
emperors  of  the  second  century  a.d.,  the  city  became  a great 
hive  of  shiftless  population  supported  by  the  State,  with 
money  which  the  struggling  agriculturist  was  taxed  to  pro- 
vide. The  same  situation  was  in  the  main  to  be  found  in 
all  the  leading  cities. 

In  spite  of  outward  splendor,  therefore,  these  cities  too  were 
declining.  They  had  now  learned  to  depend  upon  Rome  to  care 
for  them  even  in  their  own  local  affairs,  and  their  citizens  had 
rapidly  lost  all  sense  of  public  responsibility.  The  helpful  rivalry 
between  neighboring  city-states  too  had  long  ago  ceased.  Every- 
where the  leading  men  of  the  cities  were  indifferently  turning 
away  from  public  life.  Moreover,  Rome  was  beginning  to  lay 
financial  obligations  upon  the  leading  men  of  such  cities,  and 
it  was  becoming  increasingly  difficult  to  find  men  willing  to 
assume  these  burdens.  Responsible  citizenship,  which  does  so 
much  to  develop  the  best  among  the  citizens  in  any  community 
and  which  had  earlier  so  sadly  declined  in  Greece  (§  767),  was 
passing  away,  never  to  reappear  in  the  ancient  world. 

At  the  same  time  the  financial  and  business  life  of  the  cities 
was  also  declining.  The  country  communities  no  longer  pos- 
sessed a numerous  purchasing  population.  Hence  the  country 
market  for  the  goods  manufactured  in  the  cities  was  so  seriously 
reduced  that  city  industries  could  no  longer  dispose  of  their 
products.  They  rapidly  declined.  The  industrial  classes  were 
thrown  out  of  work  and  went  to  increase  the  multitudes  of  the 
city  poor.  City  business  was  also  much  hurt  by  a serious  lack 
of  precious  metals  for  coining  money. 


A Century  of  Revolution 


671 


Many  of  the  old  silver  and  gold  mines  around  the  Mediter- 
ranean now  seem  to  have  been  worked  out.  Wear  in  circula- 
tion, loss  by  shipwreck,  private  hoards,  and  considerable  sums 
which  went  to  pay  for  goods  in  India  and  China,  or  as  gifts  to 
the  German  barbarians,  — all  these  causes  aided  in  diminishing 
the  supply  of  the  precious  metals.  The  government  was  there- 
fore unable  to  secure  enough  to  coin  the  money  necessary  for 
the  transaction  of  business.  The  emperors  were  obliged  to  be- 
gin mixing  in  an  increasing  amount  of  less  valuable  metals  and 
coining  this  cheaper  alloy.  The  Roman  coin  collections  in  the 
European  museums  show  us  that  the  coins  of  Augustus  were 
pure,  while  those  of  Marcus  Aurelius  contain  twenty-five  per 
cent  of  alloy.  Two  generations  after  Marcus  Aurelius  there 
was  only  five  per  cent  of  silver  in  a government  coin.  A de7ia- 
rius,  the  common  small  coin  worth  nearly  twenty  cents  under 
Augustus,  a century  after  the  death  of  Marcus  Aurelius  was 
worth  only  half  a cent. 

Even  Marcus  Aurelius  had  trouble  in  finding  enough  money 
to  pay  his  army.  As  soon  as  this  difficulty  became  serious  it 
paralyzed  the  government  and  demoralized  the  army.  It  was 
impossible  to  maintain  a paid  army  without  money.  As  it  be- 
came quite  impossible  to  collect  taxes  in  money,  the  govern- 
ment was  obliged  to  accept  grain  and  produce  as  payment 
of  taxes,  and  great  granaries  and  storehouses  began  to  take  the 
place  of  the  treasury  as  in  ancient  Egypt  (§  75).  Here  and 
there  the  army  was  paid  in  grain.  On  the  frontiers,  for  lack  of 
other  pay  the  troops  were  assigned  lands,  which  of  course  did 
them  no  good  unless  they  could  cultivate  them.  Then  they 
were  allowed  to  many  and  to  live  with  their  families  in  little 
huts  on  their  lands  near  the  frontier.  Called  out  only  occa- 
sionally for  drill  or  to  repel  a barbarian  raid,  they  soon  lost  all 
discipline,  became  merely  feeble  militia,  called  by  the  Roman 
government  " frontiersmen  ” (limitanei). 

Even  under  Marcus  Aurelius,  a governor  of  a province 
had  started  a serious  rebellion.  Hence  the  emperor  was  now 


1084.  Lack 
of  precious 
metals  for 
coinage  and 
debasement 
of  coins 


1085.  De- 
cline of  the 
army;  the 
frontier  le- 
gions become 
militia 


6/2 


Ancient  Times 


1086.  Stand- 
ing army  in 
Italy,  and  its 
decline 


1087.  De- 
moralization 
of  army  and 
State  caused 
by  lack  of 
a law  of 
succession 


1088.  Rise 
of  the  prov- 
inces to  a 
level  with 
Italy  and 
resulting 
competition 


obliged  to  keep  a standing  army  in  Italy.  These  legions  had 
become  much  smaller,  and  they  were  made  up  increasingly  of 
barbarians,  especially  Germans  and  the  uncivilized  natives  of 
the  northern  Balkan,  among  whom  the  Illyrians  took  the  lead. 
The  Roman  citizen  was  now  a rarity  in  the  ranks,  and  it  soon 
became  necessary  to  allow  the  barbarians  to  fight  in  their  own 
massed  formations,  to  which  they  were  accustomed  (§  1120). 
The  discipline  of  the  legion,  and  the  legion  itself,  disappeared, 
and  with  it  the  superior  military  power  of  Rome  was  gone. 
The  native  ferocity  and  reckless  bravery  of  uncivilized  hordes, 
before  which  the  unmilitaiy  Roman  townsmen  trembled,  were 
now  the  power  upon  which  the  Empire  relied  for  its  protection. 

This  degeneration  of  the  army  was  much  hastened  by  a serious 
imperfection  in  the  organization  of  the  Roman  State,  left  there 
by  Augustus.  This  was  the  lack  of  a legal  and  long-practiced 
method  of  choosing  a new  emperor  and  transferring  the  power 
from  one  emperor  to  the  next  and  thus  maintaining  from  reign 
to  reign  without  a break  the  supreme  authority  in  the  Roman 
State.  The  troops  found  that  they  could  make  a new  emperor 
whenever  the  old  emperor’s  death  gave  them  an  opportunity. 
For  an  emperor  so  made  they  had  very  little  respect,  and  if  he 
attempted  to  enforce  discipline  among  them,  they  put  him  out 
of  the  way  and  appointed  another.  Rude  and  barbarous  merce- 
nary soldiery  thus  became  the  highest  authority  in  the  State. 

Finally,  the  spread  of  civilization  to  the  provinces  had  made 
them  feel  that  they  were  the  equals  of  Rome  and  Italy  itself. 
Even  under  the  Republic  there  was  much  foreign  blood  in  the 
peninsula.  Horace  himself  had  been  the  son  of  a freedman, 
of  nobody-knows-what  race.  Italy  was  now  largely  foreign  in 
population.  Trajan  and  Hadrian  had  been  Spaniards,  and  more 
than  one  province  furnished  the  Empire  with  its  ruler.  When, 
in  212  A.D.,  citizenship  was  granted  to  all  free  men  within  the 
Empire,  in  whatever  province  they  lived,  the  leveling  of  dis- 
tinctions gave  the  provinces  more  and  more  opportunity  to 
compete  for  leadership. 


A Century  of  Revolution 


673 


Section  96.  A Century  of  Revolution 


These  forces  of  decline  were  bringing  swiftly  on  a century 
of  revolution  which  was  to  shipwreck  the  civilization  of  the 
early  world.  This  fatal  century  began  with  the  death  of 
Marcus  Aurelius  in  180  a.  d.  The  assassination  of  his  un- 
worthy son  Commodus,  who  reminds  us  of  Nero,  was  the 
opportunity  for  a struggle  among  a group  of  military  usurpers. 
From  this  struggle  a rough  but  successful  soldier  named 
Septimius  Severus  emerged  triumphant.  It  was  he  who  found 
himself  obliged  to  settle  the  frontier  troops  on  their  own  lands, 
with  resulting  demoralization  of  the  anny  (§  1085).  He  system- 
atically filled  the  highest  posts  in  the  government  with  military 
leaders  of  low  origin.  Thus,  both  in  the  army  (§  1086)  and  in 
the  government,  the  ignorant  and  often  foreign  masses  were 
gaining  control.  Nevertheless,  the  energy  of  Severus  was  such 
that  he  led  his  forces  with  success  against  the  Parthians  in  the 
East,  and  even  recovered  Mesopotamia.  But  the  arch  which 
he  erected  to  commemorate  his  victories,  and  which  still  stands 
in  the  Forum  at  Rome  (Fig.  246,  i),  reveals  in  its  barbarous 
sculptures  the  fearful  decline  of  culture  in  Italy.  The  Roman 
artists  who  wrought  these  rude  reliefs  were  the  grandsons  of 
the  men  who  had  so  skillfully  sculptured  the  column  of  Trajan 
(Fig.  251). 

The  family  of  Septimius  Severus  maintained  itself  for  a time,, 
and  it  was  his  son  Caracalla  who  conferred  citizenship  on  all 
freemen  in  the  Empire  in  212  a.  d.  (§  1088).  But  when  the  line 
of  Severus  ended  (235  a.d.),  the  storm  broke.  The  barbaric 
troops  in  one  province  after  another  set  up  their  puppet 
emperors  to  fight  among  themselves  for  the  throne  of  the 
Mediterranean  world.  The  proclamation  of  a new  emperor 
would  be  followed  again  and  again  by  news  of  his  assassina- 
tion. From  the  leaders  of  the  barbaric  soldier  class,  after  the 
death  of  Commodus,  the  Roman  Empire  received  eighty  rulers 
in  ninety  years.  One  of  these  rulers  of  a day,  in  248  a,d.,  went 


1089.  Begin- 
ning of  a 
century  of 
revolution ; 
decline  under 
Septimius 
Severus (tot- 
2 II  A.D.) 


\ 


1090.  End 
of  the  line 
of  Severus 
(235  A.D.) 
and  the  en- 
suing civil 
wars  among 
provincial 
emperors 


] 


674 


Ancient  Times 


1091.  Fifty 
years  of  an- 
archy and 
the  collapse 
of  higher 
civilization 


1092.  Bar- 
barian raids 


1093.  Tem- 
porary inde- 
pendence of 
Gaul  and  j 
evidences  off 
rebuilding  I 
of  its  cities  J 


through  the  mockery  of  celebrating  the  thousand  years’  jubilee 
of  the  traditional  founding  of  Rome. 

Most  of  these  so-called  emperors  were  not  unlike  the  revolu- 
tionary bandits  who  proclaim  themselves  presidents  of  Mexico. 
For  fifty  years  there  was  no  public  order,  as  the  plundering 
troops  tossed  the  scepter  of  Rome  from  one  soldier  emperor 
to  another.  Life  and  property  were  nowhere  safe ; turbulence, 
robbery,  and  murder  were  everywhere.  The  tumult  and  fight- 
ing between  rival  emperors  hastened  the  ruin  of  all  business, 
and  as  the  affairs  of  the  nation  passed  from  bad  to  worse, 
national  bankruptcy  ensued.  In  this  tempest  of  anarchy  during 
the  third  century  a.  d.  the  civilization  of  the  ancient  world 
suffered  final  collapse.  The  supremacy  of  mind  and  of  scien- 
tific knowledge  won  by  the  Greeks  in  the  third  century  b.c. 
(§  743)  yielded  to  the  reign  of  ignorance  and  superstition  in 
these  social  disasters  of  the  third  century  a.d. 

As  the  Roman  army  weakened,  the  Northern  barbarians  were 
quick  to  perceive  the  helplessness  of  the  Empire  (§  1086).  In 
the  East  the  Goths,  one  of  the  strongest  German  tribes,  took 
to  the  water,  and  their  fleet  passed  out  of  the  Black  Sea  into 
the  Mediterranean.  While  they  devastated  the  coast  cities  far 
and  wide,  other  bands  pushed  down  through  the  Balkan  Penin- 
sula and  laid  waste  Greece  as  far  as  the  Peloponnese.  Even 
Athens  was  plundered.  The  barbarians  penetrated  far  into 
Italy ; in  the  West  they  overran  Gaul  and  Spain,  and  some 
of  them  even  crossed  to  Africa.  In  Gaul  they  burned  city 
after  city,  and  their  leaders  stood  by  and  laughed  in  exultation 
as  they  saw  the  flames  devouring  the  beautiful  buildings  of  the 
Roman  cities  (Figs.  258-261). 

“ Under  these  circumstances,  when  the  people  of  the  plundered 
lands  saw  that  the  Empire  could  no  longer  defend  them,  they 
organized  for  their  own  defense.  In  this  way  Gaul,  for  exam- 
ple, became  an  independent  nation  under  its  own  rulers  for 
years  in  this  terrible  century.  Its  people  repulsed  the  barbarians 
and  .slowly  rebuilt  their  burned  cities.  They  dared  not  spread 


A Century  of  Revolution  675 

out  the  city,  as  before,  but  grouping  all  the  buildings  close  to- 
gether, the  town  was  built  compactly  and  surrounded  by  a 
massive  wall,  made  largely  of  blackened  blocks  of  stone  taken 
from  the  ruined  buildings  burned  by  the  barbarians.  In  no  less 
than  sixty  cities  of  France  to-day  sections  of  these  heavy  walls, 
when  taken  down  to  make  room  for  modem  improvements, 
are  found  to  contain  these  smoke-blackened  blocks.  Far  out- 
side the  city  walls  containing  these  blocks,  excavation  has  re- 
vealed to  us  the  foundations  of  the  splendid  Roman  structures 
from  which  the  blocks  came  and  which  formed  the  once  larger 
city  destroyed  by  the  barbarians. 

At  the  same  time  a new  danger  had  arisen  in  the  East.  A 
revival  of  patriotism  among  the  old  Persian  population  had 
resulted  in  a vigorous  restoration  of  their  national  life.  Their 
leaders,  a family  called  Sassanians  (or  Sassanids),  overthrew  the 
Parthians  (226  a.  d.)  and  furnished  a new  line  of  enlightened 
Persian  kings.  As  they  took  possession  of  the  Fertile  Crescent 
and  established  their  capital  at  Ctesiphon  on  the  Tigris,  not  far 
north  of  Babylon,  a new  Orient  arose  on  the  ruins  of  seemingly 
dead  and  forgotten  ages.  Fine  buildings  of  Persian  architec- 
ture (headpiece,  p.  667),  though  influenced  by  Greek  art,  again 
looked  down  upon  the  Tigris  and  Euphrates,  beautiful  works 
of  the  Persian  artist  and  craftsman  again  began  to  appear,  and 
the  revered  religion  of  Zoroaster  took  on  new  life.  We  have 
in  this  movement  a last  revival  of  that  old  Iranian  race  which 
produced  the  religion  of  Zoroaster  and  built  up  the  vast  Persian 
Empire.  The  Sassanian  kings  organized  a much  more  powerful 
State  than  that  of  the  Parthians  which  they  overthrew,  and  they 
regarded  themselves  as  the  rivals  of  the  Romans  for  the  Empire 
of  the  world.  The  old  rivalry  between  the  Orient  and  the 
West,  as  in  the  days  of  Greece  and  Persia,  was  now  con- 
tinued, with  Rome  as  the  champion  of  the  West,  and  this  New 
Persia  as  the  leader  of  the  East  (see  map  II,  p.  636). 

Just  as  the  family  of  Severus  was  declining,  this  empire  of 
New  Persia  rose  into  power  as  a dangerous  foe  of  the  Roman 


1094.  Rise  oi 
New  Persia 
(226  A.D.) 
under  her 
Sassanian 
kings 


6/6 


Ancient  Times 


1096.  Aure- 
lian  (270- 
275  A.D.) 
recovers 
the  East 
and  Gaul ; 
Diocletian 
restores  ordi 
(284  A.D.) 


r 


1095.  Pal-  Empire  on  the  eastern  frontier.  From  this  time  on  the  Empire 
^teagainsT  was  seriously  threatened  on  two  fronts,  on  north  and  east.  As 
Zenowr^'^i^™  Gaul,  so  in  the  East,  the  rise  of  a usurper  within  the  Roman 
\ Empire  for  a time  saved  the  region  from  absorption  by  the 
I outside  enemy.  One  of  the  eastern  governors,  using  Palmyra 
/ as  a center,  gained  his  independence  and  defended  the  eastern 
I frontier  on  his  own  account.  After  his  death  his  widow,  the 
V beautiful  Zenobia,  ruled  at  Palmyra  as  queen  of  the  East,  over 
a realm  which  included  Asia  Minor,  Syria,  and  Egypt.  Her 
kingdom  served  for  a time  as  a buffer  state,  protecting  the 
Roman  Empire  from  attack  by  New  Persia. 

With  a powerful  oriental  state  under  Zenobia  holding  the  east- 
ern Mediterranean  lands,  and  an  able  senator  named  Tetricus, 
master  of  Gaul,  Britain,  and  northern  Spain,  ruling  the  West 
as  an  independent  emperor  (§  1093),  it  looked  as  if  the  Roman 
Empire  were  about  to  fall  to  pieces.  The  anarchy  which  we 
have  already  noticed  within  the  Empire  was  at  its  worst,  when 
one  of  the  soldier  emperors,  named  Aurelian  (270  to  275  a. d.), 
advanced  against  Zenobia,  defeated  her  army,  captured  Pal- 
myra and  took  the  queen  prisoner.  Similar  success  in  Gaul 
enabled  him  to  celebrate  a gorgeous  triumph  in  Rome,  with 
Zenobia  and  Tetricus  led  through  the  streets  of  the  city  along 
with  the  other  captives  who  adorned  his  triumph.  Aurelian 
restored  some  measure  of  order  and  safety.  But,  in  order  to 
protect  Rome  from  the  future  raids  of  the  barbarians,  he  built 
entirely  around  the  great  city  the  massive  wall  (Fig.  249,  and 
plan,  p.  622)  which  still  stands,  — a confession  of  the  dangerous 
situation  of  Rome  in  the  third  century  a.  d.  It  was  a little  over 
a century  after  the  death  of  Marcus  Aurelius,  when  the  emperor 
Diocletian  restored  what  looked  like  a lasting  peace  (284  a. d.). 

If  at  this  point  we  look  back  some  four  hundred  years  over 
the  history  of  Rome  since  she  became  mistress  of  the  world, 
we  discern  three  great  periods.^  With  the  foundation  of  the 

1 Periods  of  history  do  not  end  or  begin  abruptly.  There  is  always  a gradual 
transition  from  one  to  the  next,  and  the  dates  in  this  paragraph  merely  suggest 
the  points  at  which  the  transition  was  very  evident. 


A Century  of  Revolution 


677 


Empire  by  Augustus  there  began  two  centuries  of  peace,  and 
this  period  of  peace  was  both  preceded  and  followed  by  a cen- 
tury of  revolution.  We  have  thus  had  a century  of  revolution, 
two  centuries  of  peace,  and  then  a second  century  of  revolu- 
tion. The  first  century  of  revolution  led  from  the  Gracchus 
brothers  to  the  triumph  of  one-man  power  and  the  foundation 
of  the  Empire  by  Augustus  (that  is,  about  133  to  30  b.c.). 
The  two  centuries  of  peace  beginning  with  the  foundation  of 
the  Empire  by  Augustus  continued  into  the  reign  of  Marcus 
Aurelius  (that  is,  about  30  b.c.  to  nearly  170  a.d.).  The  sec- 
ond century  of  revolution  led  from  the  enlightened  reign  of 
Marcus  Aurelius  to  oriental  despotism  under  Diocletian  (that 
is,  about  180  to  about  284  a.d.).  Thus  four  centuries  of 
Roman  imperialism,  after  bringing  forth  such  masterful  men 
as  Sulla  and  Julius  Caesar,  had  passed  through  various  stages 
of  one-man  power,  to  end  in  despotism.  We  are  now  first  to 
examine  that  despotism  and  then  to  see  how  it  was  over- 
whelmed by  two  centuries  of  barbarian  invasions  from  the 
North,  while  at  the  same  time  it  was  also  crushed  by  the 
reviving  power  of  the  Orient,  whose  assaults  were  to  last 
many  centuries  more  (study  map,  p.  678). 


1097.  Sum- 
mary of  four 
centuries  of 
Roman  im- 
perialism 
culminating 
in  Diocletian 
(284  A.D.) 


Section  97.  The  Roman  Empire  an  Oriental 
Despotism 


The  world  which  issued  from  the  disasters  of  this  second 
revolution  toward  the  end  of  the  third  century  a.d.  under 
Diocletian  was  a totally  different  one  from  that  which  Augustus 
and  the  Roman  Senate  had  ruled  three  centuries  before. 
Diocletian  deprived  the  shadowy  Senate  of  all  power,  except 


1098.  Diocle- 
tian (284- 
305  A.D.)  ; 
the  Roman 
Empire  an 
oriental 
despotism 


for  the  municipal  government  of  the  city  of  Rome.  The  Roman~7 
Senate,  now  reduced  to  a mere  City  Council,  a Board  of  Alder-^ 


men,  disappeared  from  the  stage  of  history.  The  emperor  thus 


became  for  the  whole  Roman  world  what  he  had  always  been 
in  Egypt,  — an  absolute  monarch  with  none  to  limit  his  power. 


678 


Ancient  Times 


1099.  New 
Persian  in- 
fluence ; tri- 
umph of 
oriental 
influences 


( 

iioo.  Em- 
peror an 
oriental  Sun- 
god  ; triumph 
of  despotism, 
end  of  de- 
mocracy 


The  State  had  been  completely  militarized  and  orientalized. 
With  the  unlimited  power  of  the  oriental  despot  the  emperor 
now  assumed  also  its  outward  symbols  — the  diadem,  the  gor- 
geous robe  embroidered  with  pearls  and  precious  stones,  the 
throne  and  footstool,  before  which  all  who  came  into  his 
presence  must  bow  down  to  the  dust. 

Recent  discovery  has  shown  that  the  gorgeous  costume  in 
which  the  Roman  emperor  now  decked  himself  was  copied 
from  that  of  the  Sassanian  kirigs  of  New  Persia.  The  Roman 
leaders  had  seen  much  of  this  new  empire  of  the  East  for  two 
generations,  and  from  its  brilliant  oriental  court  these  outward 
matters  of  royal  costume,  court  symbols,  and  customs  were 
adopted.  Oriental  influence  on  Roman  beliefs,  such  as  we 
have  seen  in  the  spread  of  the  worship  of  the  Persian  god 
Mithras  (§  1064),  was  now  also  affecting  the  notion  of  the 
divinity  of  the  emperor  (§  1016).  In  these  things  we  recog- 
nize a further  stage  in  that  commingling  of  the  East  and 
West,  begun  by  Alexander  the  Great  over  six  hundred  years  be- 
fore (§  703).  Indeed,  the  Roman  Empire  had  now  become  like 
a vast  sponge  absorbing  the  life  and  civilization  of  the  Orient. 

As  a divinity,  the  emperor  had  now  become  an  oriental  Sun- 
god  and  he  was  officially  called  the  ” Invincible  Sun.”  His 
birthday  was  on  the  twenty-fifth  of  December ; that  is,  about 
the  date  when  the  sun  each  year  begins  to  turn  northward 
after  he  has  reached  his  southernmost  limit.  The  inhabitants 
of  each  province  might  revere  their  particular  gods,  undis- 
turbed by  the  government,  but  all  were  obliged  as  good  citi- 
zens to  join  in  the  official  sacrifices  to  the  head  of  the  State  as 
a god.  With  the  incoming  of  this  oriental  attitude  toward  the 
emperor,  the  long  struggle  for  democracy,  which  we  have  fol- 
lowed through  so  many  centuries  of  the  history  of  early  man, 
ended  in  the  triumph  of  oriental  despotism. 

The  necessity  of  leading  the  army  against  New  Persia,  the 
new  oriental  enemy,  carried  the  emperor  much  to  the  East. 
The  result  was  that  Diocletian  resided  most  of  the  time  at 


ROMAN  EMPIRE 

AS  ORGANIZED  BY  DIOCLETIAN  and  CONSTANTINE 

Boundary  Line  of  the  Empire 

Line  of  Division  between  the  Eastern  and  Western  Empires 


J Prefecture  of  the  Orient 
] Prefecture  of  Illyricum 
_J  Prefecture  of  Italy 
1 Prefecture  of  Gaul 


9 


Scale  of  Statute  Miles 
100  200  300  400  500  600 


A Century  of  Revolution 


679 


Nicomedia  in  Asia  Minor  (see  map,  p.  678).  As  a natural  con- 
sequence the  emperor  was  unable  to  give  close  attention  to  the 
West.  Following  some  earlier  examples,  and  perhaps  remem- 
bering the  two  consuls  of  the  old  Republic,  Diocletian  there- 
fore appointed  another  emperor  to  rule  jointly  with  himself,  to 
give  his  attention  to  the  West.  The  second  emperor  was  to 
live  at  Milan  in  the  Po  valley,  really  the  most  important  region 
of  Italy.  All  government  edicts,  whether  issued  in  the  East  or 
the  West,  were  signed  by  both  emperors,  and  it  was  not 
Diocletian’s  intention  to  divide  the  Roman  Empire,  any  more 
than  it  had  been  the  purpose  to  divide  the  Republic  in  electing 
two  consuls.  The  final  result  was  nevertheless  the  division  of 
the  Roman  Empire  into  East  and  West,  just  as  it  had  once 
been  divided  by  the  war  between  Caesar  in  the  West  and 
Pompey  in  the  East,  or  the  similar  conflict  between  Octavian 
in  the  West  and  Antony  in  the  East. 

In  order  to  avoid  the  recurrence  of  civil  war  at  the  death 
of  an  emperor,  Diocletian  endeavored  to  arrange  the  transfer 
of  power  from  one  emperor  to  the  next.  He  and  his  fellow 
emperor  each  bore  the  title  of  Augustus.  The  two  Augustuses 
appointed  two  subordinates,  to^^TC"  called  Caesars.  There  were 
thus  two  emperors,  or  Augustuses,  and  two  subordinate  emper- 
ors, or  Caesars,  intended  to  be  something  like  vice  presidents. 
For  it  was  provided  that  at  the  death  or  resignation  of  either 
Augustus  one  of  the  Caesars  should  at  once  take  his  place 
as  Augustus,  and  another  Caesar  was  then  to  be  appointed. 
These  arrangements  display  little  statesmanship,  and  there  was 
no  possibility  of  their  permanence. 

In  accordance  with  this  organization,  involving  four  rulers, 
the  provinces  of  the  Empire,  over  a hundred  in  number,  were 
divided  into  four  great  groups,  or  prefectures  (see  map,  p.  678), 
with  a prefect  over  each.  Still  smaller  groups  of  provinces, 
twelve  in  number,  were  called  dioceses,  mostly  ruled  by  vicars, 
the  subordinates  of  the  prefects ; while  under  the  vicars  were 
the  governors  of  the  separate  provinces.  The  business  of  each 


lioi.  Diocle- 
tian resides 
in  the  East 
and  appoints 
an  emperor 
of  the  West 


1102.  Diocle- 
tian’s arrange- 
ments for  the 
succession 


1103.  Diocle- 
tian’s admin- 
istrative 
organization 


680 


Ancient  Times 


1104.  Op- 
pressive taxa- 
tion 


1105.  Bad 
methods  of 
tax  collection 


1106.  Loss 
of  both  farm- 
ers and  mid- 
dle-class 
business 
men ; obliga- 
tory practice 
of  occupa- 
tions I 


province  was  organized  in  the  hands  of  a great  number  of  local 
officials  graded  into  many  successive  ranks  and  classes  from 
high  to  low.  There  was  an  unbroken  chain  of  connection  from 
the  lowest  of  these  up  through  various  ranks  to  the  governor, 
the  vicar,  and  the  prefect,  and  finally  to  the  emperor  himself. 

The  financial  burden  of  this  vast  organization,  begun  under 
Diocletian  and  completed  under  his  successors,  was  enormous. 
For  this  multitude  of  government  officials  and  the  clamorous 
army  had  all  to  be  paid  and  supported.  It  was  a great  expense 
also  to  maintain  the  luxurious  oriental  court  of  the  emperor, 
surrounded  by  his  innumerable  palace  officials  and  servants. 
But  now  there  were  four  such  imperial  courts,  instead  of  one. 
At  the  same  time  it  was  still  necessary  to  supply  " bread  and 
circuses”  for  the  populace  of  the  towns  (§  1081).  In  regard  to 
taxation,  the  situation  had  grown  steadily  worse  since  the  reign 
of  Marcus  Aurelius.  The  amount  of  a citizen’s  taxes  therefore 
continued  to  increase,  and  finally  little  that  he  possessed  was 
free  from  taxation. 

When  the  scarcity  of  coin  forced  the  government  to  accept 
grain  and  produce  from  the  delinquent  taxpayer,  taxes  had 
become  a mere  share  in  the  yield  of  the  lands.  The  Roman 
Empire  thus  sank  to  a primitive  system  of  taxation  already 
thousands  of  years  old  in  the  Orient.  It  was  now  customary 
to  oblige  a group  of  wealthy  men  in  each  city  to  become  respon- 
sible for  the  payment  of  the  entire  taxes  of  the  district  each 
year,  and  if  there  was  a deficit,  these  men  were  forced  to  make 
up  the  lacking  balance  out  of  their  own  wealth.  The  penalty  of 
wealth  seemed  to  be  ruin,  and  there  was  no  motive  for  success 
in  business  when  such  prosperity  meant  ruinous  overtaxation. 

Many  a worthy  man  secretly  fled  from  his  lands  to  become 
,a  wandering  beggar,  or  even  to  take  up  a life  of  robbery  and 
violence.  The  Roman  Empire  had  already  lost,  and  had  never 
been  able  to  restore,  its  prosperous  farming  class.  It  now  lost 
likewise  the  enterprising  and  successful  business  men  of  the 
middle  class.  Diocletian  therefore  endeavored  to  force  these 


A Century  of  Revolution  68 1 

classes  to  continue  their  occupations.  He  enacted  laws  for- 
bidding any  man  to  forsake  his  lands  or  occupation.  The 
societies,  guilds,  and  unions  in  which  the  men  of  various  occu- 
pations had  long  been  organized  (§  1040)  were  now  gradually 
made  obligatory,  so  that  no  one  could  follow  any  calling  or 
occupation  without  belonging  to  such  a society.  Once  a 
member  he  must  always  remain  in  the  occupation  it  implied. 

Thus  under  this  oriental  despotism  the  liberty,  for  which 
men  had  striven  so  long,  disappeared  in  Europe,  and  the  once 
free  Roman  citizen  had  no  independent  life  of  his  own.  For 
the  will  of  the  emperor  had  now  become  law,  and  as  such  his 
decrees  were  dispatched  throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of 
the  Roman  dominions.  Even  the  citizen’s  wages  and  the  prices 
of  the  goods  he  bought  or  sold  were  as  far  as  possible  fixed  for 
him  by  the  State.  The  emperor’s  innumerable  oificials  kept  an 
eye  upon  even  the  humblest  citizen.  They  watched  the  grain 
dealers,  butchers,  and  bakers,  and  saw  to  it  that  they  properly 
supplied  the  public  and  never  deserted  their  occupation.  In 
some  cases  the  State  even  forced  the  son  to  follow  the  profes- 
sion of  his  father.  In  a word,  the  Roman  government  now 
attempted  to  regulate  almost  every  interest  in  life,  and  where- 
ever  the  citizen  turned  he  felt  the  control  and  oppression  of 
the  State. 

Staggering  under  his  crushing  burden  of  taxes,  in  a State 
which  was  practically  bankrupt,  the  citizen  of  every  class  had 
now  become  a mere  cog  in  the  vast  machinery  of  the  govern- 
ment. He  had  no  other  function  than  to  toil  for  the  State, 
which  exacted  so  much  of  the  fruit  of  his  labor  that  he  was 
fortunate  if  it  proved  barely  possible  for  him  to  survive  on  what 
was  left  As  a mere  toiler  for  the  State,  he  was  finally  where 
the  peasant  on  the  Nile  had  been  for  thousands  of  years.  The 
emperor  had  become  a Pharaoh,  and  the  Roman  Empire  a 
colossal  Egypt  of  ancient  days. 

The  century  of  revolution  which  ended  in  the  despotic  reor- 
ganization by  Diocletian  completely  destroyed  the  creative  ability 


1107.  Disap- 
pearance of 
liberty  and 
free  citUen- 
ship 


/ 

1108.  The 

citizen  a 
toiler  for  the 
State 


682 


Ancient  Times 


1109.  End  of  of  ancient  men  in  art  and  literature,  as  it  likewise  crushed  all 
progress  in  business  and  affairs.  In  so  far  as  the  ancient  world 
was  one  of  progress  in  civilization,  its  history  was  ended  with 
the  accession  of  Diocletian.  Nevertheless,  the  Roman  Empire 
had  still  a great  mission  before  it,  in  the  preservation  of  at  least 
something  of  the  heritage  of  civilization,  which  it  was  to  hand 
down  the  centuries  to  us  of  to-day.  Moreover,  it  was  out  of  the 
fragments  of  the  Roman  Empire  that  the  nations  of  modern 
Europe  grew  up.  We  are  now  to  watch  it  then  as  it  falls  to 
pieces,  still  mechanically  maintaining  its  hold  upon  its  mighty 
heritage  from  the  past,  and  furnishing  the  materials,  as  it  were, 
out  of  which  our  world  of  to-day  has  been  built  up. 

v/ 

Section  98.  The  Division  of  the  Empire  and  the 
Triumph  of  Christianity 

1110.  Shift  ofCr  Under  Diocletian  Italy  had  been  reduced  to  the  position  of  a 
power"frOTn  / /axed  province,  and  had  thus  lost  the  last  vestige  of  superiority 

Pen  ' the  Other  provinces  of  the  Empire.  The  dangerous  flood 
insula  of  German  barbarians  along  the  lower  Danube  and  the  threat- 

ening rise  of  New  Persia  had  drawn  the  emperor  into  the 
northeast  corner  of  the  Empire.  During  the  century  of  revo- 
lution just  past,  the  Illyrian  soldiers  of  the  Balkan  Peninsula 
had  filled  the  army  with  the  best  troops  and  furnished  more 
than  one  emperor.  An  emperor  who  had  risen  from  the  ranks 
of  provincial  troops  in  the  Balkans  felt  little  attachment  to 
Rome.  Rome  had  not  only  ceased  to  be  the  residence  of  an 
emperor,  but  the  center  of  power  had  clearly  shifted  from  Italy 
to  the  Balkan  Peninsula.  The  movement  was  the  outcome  of 
a reviving  respect  for  the  East  and  a long  growing  interest 
in  the  Balkan  Peninsula,  observable  even  as  early  as  Hadrian, 
who  spent  vast  sums  in  the  beautification  of  Athens.  After 
the  struggles  following  Diocletian’s  death,  — struggles  which  his 
arrangements  for  the  succession  (§  1102)  failed  to  prevent, — the 
emperor  Constantine  the  Great  emerged  victorious  (324  a.d.). 


the  progress 
of  higher 
civilization  in 
the  ancient 
world ; future 
mission  of 
Rome 


A Century  of  Revolution 


683 


He  did  not  hesitate  to  turn  to  the  eastern  edge  of  the  Balkan 
Peninsula  and  establish  there  a New  Rome  as  his  residence. 


The  spot  which  he  selected  showed  him  to  be  a far-seeing 
statesman.  He  chose  the  ancient  Greek  town  of  Byzantium, 


nil.  Con- 
stantine (324 
-337  a.d.) 
makes  Con- 
stantinople 
his  residence 
and  seat  of 
government 
(330  A.D.) 


Fig.  268.  View  across  the  Bosporus  from  Europe  to  Asia 


This  view  places  us  on  the  Ettropean  shore  of  the  Bosporus,  and  we 
look  eastward  to  the  Asiatic  shore,  with  the  mountains  behind,  rising  to 
the  table-land  of  central  Asia  Minor  (§351).  Just  south  of  us  (at  the 
right)  on  the  same  shore  is  Constantinople ; a little  to  the  north  (the 
left)  is  the  place  where  Darius  the  Great  probably  built  his  bridge 
when  he  first  invaded  Europe  to  conquer  the  Scythians  (§  500).  The 
towers  and  walls  before  us  are  part  of  a fortress 'built  by  the  Turkish 
conquerors  when  they  crossed  from  Asia  for  the  conquest  of  Constan- 
tinople in  1453  A.D.  (§  1158).  For  ages  this  intercontinental  crossing  has 
been  the  commercial  and  military  link  between  Europe  and  Asia,  and 
as  the  author  writes  (May,  1916)  the  greatest  nations  of  the  world  are 
fighting  for  its  possession 


on  the  European  side  of  the  Bosporus  (Fig.  268),-^ — a magnifi- 
cent situation  overlooking  both  Europe  and  Asia,  and  fitted  to 
be  a center  of  power  in  both.  In  placing  his  new  capital  here, 
Constantine  established ' a city,  the  importance  of  which  was 
only  equaled  by  the  foundation  of  Alexandria  in  Egypt.  The 


684 


Ancient  Times 


emperor  stripped  many  an  ancient  city  of  its  great  monuments 
in  order  to  secure  materials  for  the  beautification  of  his  splendid 
residence  (Fig.  269).  By  330  a. d.  the  new  capital  on  the 


Fig.  269.  Ancient  Monuments  in  Constantinople 

The  obelisk  in  the  foreground  (nearly  100  feet  high)  was  first  set  up  in 
Thebes,  Egypt,  by  the  conqueror  Thutmose  III  (§  iii);  it  was  erected 
here  by  the  Roman  emperor  Theodosius  (§  1125).  The  small  spiral 
column  at  the  right  is  the  base  of  a bronze  tripod  set  up  by  the  Greeks 
at  Delphi  (Fig.  172)  in  commemoration  of  their  victory  over  the  Persians 
at  Platasa  (§  517).  The  names  of  thirty-one  Greek  cities  which  took 
part  in  the  battle  are  still  to  be  read,  engraved  on  this  base.  These 
monuments  of  ancient  oriental  and  Greek  supremacy  stand  in  what  was 
the  Roman  horse-race  course  when  the  earlier  Greek  city  of  Byzantium 
became  the  Eastern  capital  of  Rome  (§  1 1 1 1).  Finally,  the  great  mosque 
behind  the  obelisk,  with  its  slender  minarets,  represents  the  triumph  of 
Islam  under  the  Turks,  who  took  the  city  in  1453  a.d. 


Bosporus  was  a magnificent  monumental  city,  worthy  to  be 
the  successor  of  Rome  as  the  seat  of ' the  Mediterranean 
Empire.  It  was  named  Constantinople  ("  Constantine’s  city  ”) 
after  its  founder. 


A Century  of  Revolution 


685 


The  transfer  of  the  capital  of  the  Roman  Empire  to  the  east 
side  of  the  Balkan  Peninsula  was  a decided  triumph  for  the 
older  civilization  of  the  eastern  Mediterranean.  But  it  meant 
the  separation  of  east  and  west  — the  cutting  of  the  Roman 
Empire  in  two.  Although  the  separation  did  not  take  place 
abruptly,  yet  within  a generation  after  Constantinople  was 
founded,  the  Roman  Empire  had  in  fact  if  not  in  name  become 
two  states,  and  they  were  never  more  than  temporarily  united 
again.  Thus  the  founding  of  Constantinople  sealed  the  doom 
of  Rome  and  the  western  Mediterranean  lands  of  the  Empire. 
For  a time  the  eastern  half  of  the  Empire,  ruled  by  Constanti- 
nople, was  greatly  strengthened  by  Diocletian’s  reorganization. 
Nevertheless,  it  too  was  doomed  to  steady  decline.  We  have 
seen  that  citizenship  in  the  Roman  Empire  no  longer  meant  a 
share  in  the  control  of  public  affairs.  Able  men  of  affairs  were 
no  longer  arising  among  such  citizens,  except  as  the  army  raised 
one  of  its  commanders  to  the  position  of  emperor.  Peaceful 
civil  life  was  no  longer  producing  statesmen  to  control  govern- 
ment affairs  as  in  the  days  of  the  Roman  and  Greek  republics. 

In  this  situation,  as  the  Christian  churches  steadily  increased 
in  numbers,  and  their  influence  grew,  they  more  and  more 
needed  the  guidance  of  able  men.  The  management  of  the 
great  Christian  communities  and  their  churches  called  for  in-, 
creasing  ability  and  experience.  Public  discussion  and  disputes 
in  the  Church  assemblies  enabled  gifted  men  to  stand  forth,  and 
their  ability  brought  them  position  and  influence.  The  Chris- 
tian Church  thus  became  a new  arena  for  the  development  of 
statesmanship,  and  Church  statesmen  were  soon  to  be  the  lead- 
ing influential  men  of  the  age,  when  civil  democracy  had  long 
since  ceased  to  produce  such  men. 

These  officers  of  the  Church  gradually  devoted  themselves 
more  and  more  to  Church  duties  until  they  had  no  time  for  any- 
thing else.  They  thus  came  to  be  distinguished  from  the  other 
members  and  were  called  the  clergy^  while  the  people  who  made 
up  the  membership  were  called  the  laymen,  or  the  laity.  The 


1112.  Con- 
stantinople 
and  the  sepa- 
ration of  East 
and  West ; 
continuance 
of  decline 


^113.  The 
churches  a 
new  arena  for 
the  rise  of 
able  men 


1114.  The 
Church  a 
powerful 
organization : 
priests, 
bishops,  and 
archbishops 


686 


Ancient  Times 


1115.  Chris- 
tianity placed 
on  a legal 
basis  with 
other  reli- 
gions 
(311  A.D.) 


1116.  Julian 
" the  Apos- 
tate” (361- 
363  A.D.) 


old  men  who  cared  for  the  smaller  country  congregations  were 
finally  called  merely  presbyters,  a Greek  word  meaning  " old 
men,”  and  our  word  " priest  ” is  derived  from  this  Greek  term. 
Over  the  group  of  churches  in  each  city,  a leading  priest  gained 
authority  as  bishop.  In  the  larger  cities  these  bishops  had  such 
influence  that  they  became  archbishops,  or  head  bishops,  hav- 
ing authority  over  the  bishops  in  the  surrounding  cities  of  the 
province.  These  church  arrangements  were  modeled  to  a large 
extent  on  those  of  the  Roman  government,  from  which  such 
terms  as  " diocese  ” (§  1 1 03)  were  borrowed.  Thus  Christianity, 
once  the  faith  of  the  weak  and  the  despised,  became  a power- 
ful organization,  strong  enough  to  cope  with  the  government. 

The  Roman  government  therefore  began  to  see  the  useless- 
ness of  persecuting  the  Christians.  The  struggle  to  suppress 
them  was  one  which  decidedly  weakened  the  Roman  State,  at 
a time  when  the  long  disorders  of  the  century  of  revolution 
made  the  emperor’s  feel  their  weakness.  After  the  retirement 
of  Diocletian,  his  " Caesar  ” Galerius,  feeling  the  dangers  threat- 
ening Rome  from  without  and  the  uselessness  of  the  struggle 
against  the  Christians  withm,  issued  a decree,  in  311  a.  D.,  by 
which  Christianity  was  legally  recognized.  Its  followers  received 
the  same  legal  position  granted  to  the  worshipers  of  the  old 
gods.  This  decree  was  also  maintained  by  Constantine,  and 
under  his  direction  the  first  great  assembly,  or  council,  of  all 
the  churches  of  the  Roman  world  was  held  at  Nicaea,  in  north- 
eastern Asia  Minor. 

■ The  victory  of  Christianity  was  not  yet  final  however.  After 
Constantine’s  sons  and  nephews  had  spent  years  in  fighting 
for  the  crown,  which  one  of  the  sons  held  for  a time,  the  sur- 
vivor among  the  group  was  Constantine’s  nephew  Julian,  the 
ablest  emperor  since  the  second  century  of  peace.  Like  Marcus 
Aurelius,  he  was  a philosopher  on  the  throne ; for  he  was 
devoted  to  the  old  literature  and  philosophy  of  the  Greeks. 
He  therefore  renounced  Christianity  and  did  all  that  he  could 
to  retard  its  progress  and  to  restore  Hellenistic  religion  and 


A Cefihirj  of  Revolution 


687 


civilization.  He  was  an  able  general  also.  He  defeated  the 
German  barbarians  in  the  West,  but  while  leading  his  army  in 
the  East  against  the  New  Persians  he  died.  The  Church  called 
him  Julian  "the  Apostate”;  he  was  the  last  of  the  Roman 
emperors  to  oppose  Christianity. 

QUESTIONS 

Section  95.  In  spite  of  seeming  prosperity,  what  was  now  the 
real  condidon  of  the  Roman  Empire.?  What  can  you  say  of  the  de- 
cline of  farming?  Describe  the  system  of  coloni.  What  was  now 
the  condition  of  slavery?  What  can  you  say  of  the  extent  of  culti- 
vated lands  and  the  food  supply  ? What  was  happening  to  the  farm- 
ing class?  Discuss  city  life;  the  decline  of  business.  Discuss  the 
supply  of  precious  metals  and  money.  How  did  this  difficulty  affect 
the  army?  What  was  the  effect  of  the  lack  of  a law  of  succession 
on  the  army  ? What  was  now  Italy’s  situation  in  the  Empire  ? 

Section  96.  Tell  what  happened  after  the  death  of  Marcus 
Aurelius.  Describe  the  conditions  following  the  time  of  the  family 
of  Septimius  Severus.  What  did  the  Northern  barbarians  do  ? What 
happened  in  Gaul?  Describe  the  rise  of  New  Persia.  Tell  about 
Palmyra  and  Zenobia.  How  were  Gaul  and  Palmyra  subdued  ? How 
did  Aurelian  protect  Rome  ? Who  ended  the  century  of  revolution, 
and  when?  How  can  we  summarize  the  four  centuries  of  Roman 
imperialism  which  ended  with  the  advent  of  Diocletian  (284  b.C.)? 

Section  97.  How  did  Diocletian  treat  the  Roman  Senate?  What 
did  the  Roman  emperor  become?  What  influences  triumphed? 
What  became  of  democracy  ? What  can  you  say  about  the  emperor’s 
place  of  residence?  What  arrangements  for' the  succession  did 
Diocletian  make?  Tell  about  his  administrative  organization.  What 
can  you  say  of  taxation  under  Diocletian  ? How  did  this  affect  men  of 
means  ? What  two  classes  of  men  had  the  Empire  now  lost  ? What 
can  you  say  of  liberty  and  free  citizenship  ? What  was  the  result  ? 

Section  98.  Where  had  the  center  of  power  shifted?  Who  tri- 
umphed in  the  struggles  following  Diocletian’s  death?  Where  did 
he  establish  the  new  eastern  Rome  ? What  was  the  effect  upon  old 
Rome?  upon  the  Empire?  What  can  you  say  of  the  opportunities 
offered  by  the  Church  to  able  men?  Tell  about  its  organization. 
How  did  Christianity  gain  legal  recognition?  When?  Tell  about 
Julian  the  Apostate. 


1 1 17.  The 

barbarian 

danger 


CHAPTER  XXX 

THE  TRIUMPH  OF  THE  BARBARIANS  AND  THE  END  OP 
THE  ANCIENT  WORLD 

Section  99.  The  Barbarian  Invasions  and  the 
Fall  of  the  Western  Empire^ 

We  have  often  met  the  Indo-European  barbarians  who  occu- 
pied northern  Europe,  behind  the  civilized  belt  on  the  north  of 
the  Mediterranean.  Since  the  days  of  the  Stone  Age  men  this 

1 This  account  of  the  absorption  of  the  western  part  of  the  ancient  world  by 
the  barbarians  is  here  necessarily  very  brief.  A fuller  presentation  of  this  period 
will  be  found  in  Robinson's  Medieval  and  Modem  Times  (chaps,  ii-v),  a book 
which  continues  this  Ancient  Times. 

Note.  The  above  headpiece  shows  us  the  interior  of  the  famous  church  of 
St.  Sophia,  built  at  Constantinople  by  Justinian  from  532  to  537  a.d.  (§  1149).  The 
first  church  on  this  spot  was  of  the  usual  basilica  form  (Fig.  271,  j),  but  Justinian’s 
architects  preferred  an  oriental  dome.  They  therefore  roofed  the  great  church 
with  a gigantic  dome  183  feet  high  at  the  center,  sweeping  clear  across  the  audi- 
ence room  and  producing  the  most  imposing  vaulted  interior  now  surviving  from 

688 


The  Triumph  of  the  Barbarians 


689 


northern  region  had  never  advanced  to  a high  civilization.  Its 
barbarian  peoples  had  been  a frequent  danger  to  the  fringe  of 
civilized  nations  along  the  Mediterranean.  We  recall  how  the 
Gauls  overwhelmed  northern  Italy,  even  capturing  Rome,  and 
how  they  then  overflowed  into  the  Balkan  Peninsula  and  Asia 
Minor  (§§  722,813,815).  We  remember  the  terror  at  Rome  when 
the  Germans  first  came  down,  and  how  they  were  only  defeated 
by  a supreme  effort  under  the  skillful  soldier  Marius  (§  936)- 

By  superior  organization  the  Romans  had  been  able  to  feed  I 
and  to  keep  together  at  a given  point  for  a long  time  a larger/ 
number  of  troops  than  the  barbarians.  This  was  the  secret  ol 
Caesar’s  success  against  them  (§  955).  During  the  century  of 
revolution  after  the  reign  of  Marcus  Aurelius,  Roman  army 
organization  had  gone  to  pieces  and  the  barbarians  raided  the 
lands  of  the  Empire  without  hindrance.  After  such  raids  the  bar- 
barians commonly  withdrew.  By  the  time  of  Diocletian,  however, 
the  barbarians  were  beginning  to  form  permanent  settlements 
within  the  limits  of  the  Empire,  and  there  followed  two  centu- 
ries of  barbarian  migration,  in  the  course  of  which  they  took 
possession  of  the  entire  western  Mediterranean  world. 

The  Germans  were  a fair-haired,  blue-eyed  race  of  men  of 
towering  stature  and  terrible  strength.  In  their  native  forests 
of  the  North  each  German  people  or  nation  occupied  a veiy 
limited  area,  probably  not  over  forty  miles  across,  and  in  num- 
bers such  a people  had  not  usually  more  than  twenty-five  or 
thirty  thousand  souls.  They  lived  in  villages,  each  of  about  a 
hundred  families,  and  there  was  a head  man  over  each  village. 
Their  homes  were  but  slight  huts,  easily  moved.  They  had 
little  interest  in  farming  the  fringe  of  fields  around  the  village, 
much  preferring  their  herds,  and  they  shifted  their  homes  often. 


1118.  Former 
Roman  supe- 
riority, and 
later  inferi- 
ority to  bar- 
barian armies 


1119.  The 
German 
peoples 
at  home 


the  ancient  world.  Justinian  is  said  to  have  expended  i8  tons  of  gold  and  the 
labor  of  ten  thousand  men  in  the  erection  of  the  building.  Since  the  capture  of 
Constantinople  by  the  Turks  (1453  A.D.),  the  vast  church  has  served  as  a Moham- 
medan mosque.  The  Turks  have  whitewashed  the  gorgeous  mosaics  with  which 
the  magnificent  interior  is  adorned,  and  large  circular  shields  bearing  the  mono- 
gram of  the  Sultan  have  been  hung  against  the  walls. 


690 


Anciettt  Times 


1120.  The 
German 
peoples  in 
migration 
and  war 


1121.  Admis- 
sion of  whole 
German 
peoples  to 
settle  in  the 
Empire  and 
serve  in  the 
army 


They  possessed  no  writing  and  very  little  in  the  way  of  indus- 
tries, manufactures,  or  commerce.  A group  of  noble  families 
furnished  the  leaders  (dukes)  or  sometimes  kings,  governing 
the  whole  people. 

Hardened  to  wind  and  weather  in  their  raw  Northern  climate, 
their  native  fearlessness  and  love  of  war  and  plunder  often  led 
them  to  wander,  followed  by  their  wives  and  families  in  heavy 
wagons.  An  entire  people  might  comprise  some  fifty  villages, 
but  each  village  group  remained  together,  protected  by  its  body 
of  about  a hundred  warriors,  the  heads  of  the  village  families. 
When  combined,  these  hundreds  made  up  an  army  of  five  to 
six  thousand  men.  Each  hundred  held  together  in  battle,  as  a 
fighting  unit.  They  all  knew  each  other ; the  village  head  man, 
the  leader  of  the  group,  had  always  lived  with  them  ; the  warrior 
in  the  tumult  of  battle  saw  all  about  him  his  friends  and  rela- 
tives, the  sons  of  his  brothers,  the  husbands  of  his  daughters. 
In  spite  of  lack  of  discipline,  these  fighting  groups  of  a hundred 
men,  united  by  such  ties  of  blood  and  daily  association,  formed 
battle  units  as  terrible  as  any  ever  seen  in  the  ancient  .world. 
Their  eager  joy  in  battle  and  the  untamed  fierceness  of  their 
onset  made  them  irresistible. 

The  highly  organized  and  carefully  disciplined  Roman  legions, 
which  had  gained  for  Rome  the  leadership  of  the  world,  were 
now  no  more.  Legions  made  up  of  the  peace-softened  towns- 
men of  Diocletian’s  time,  even  if  they  had  existed,  would  have 
given  way  before  the  German  fighting  groups,  as  chaff  is  driven 
before  the  wind.  Hopeless  of  being  able  to  drive  the  Germans 
back,  the  emperors  had  allowed  them  to  settle  within  the  fron- 
tiers (§  1073).  Even  Augustus  had  permitted  this.  Indeed,  the 
lack  of  men  for  the  army  had  long  since  led  the  emperors  to 
hire  the  Germans  as  soldiers,  and  Julius  Caesar’s  cavalry  had 
been  largely  barbarian.  A more  serious  step  was  the  admission 
of  entire  German  peoples  to  live  in  the  Empire  in  their  accus- 
tomed manner.  The  men  were  then  received  into  the  Roman 
army,  but  they  remained  under  their  own  German  leaders 


[.  . 

f 


) 


T' 


--4 


a. 


I 


' r 

,.3i:.  - ■ ■> 


■ 


'Tjtx*. 

; ir  ?<•.•• 


i^(-: ;.  - 


■ ^ 


■A 


■ <'. ' 


>•:«.* 


-4 


^ N-  S 


iXPLANATIONj 
ATTiLA'3 
ABOUT  450 
VANDALS 
WEST  GOTHS 
EAST  GOTHS 
FRANKS 

SAXONS  AND  angles 


The  Triumph  of  the  Barbadians 


691 


and  they  fought  in  their  old  village  units.  For  it  vras  only 
as  the  Roman  army  was  made  up  of  the  German  fighting 
units  that  it  had  any  effectiveness.  Barbarian  life,  customs, 
and  manners  were  thus  introduced  into  the  Empire,  and  the 
Roman  army  as  a whole  was  barbarian.  At  the  same  time 
the  German  leaders  of  such  troops  were  recognized  as 
Roman  officers. 

Along  the  lower  Rhine  there  lived  under  a king  a powerful 
group  of  German  peoples,  called  the  Franks.  The  Vandals, 
also  in  the  North,  had  long  borne  an  evil  reputation  for  their 
destructive  raids.  South  of  them,  the  Alemanni  had  frequently 
moved  over  the  frontiers,  and  on  the  lower  Danube  the  Goths 
were  a constant  danger.  Constantine's  nephew  Julian  (§  1116) 
had  gained  a fierce  battle  against  the  Germans  at  Strassburg 
(357  A.D.),  and  had  thus  stopped  the  Franks  and  Alemanni  at 
the  Rhine.  He  established  his  headquarters  at  Paris,  where 
he  still  continued  to  read  his  beloved  books  in  the  midst  of  the 
campaign.  The  philosopher  emperor’s  stay  at  Paris  fifteen  and 
a half  centuries  ago,  for  the  first  time  brought  clearly  into 
history  that  important  city  of  future  Europe. 

This  constant  commingling  of  the  German  peoples  with  the 
civilized  communities  of  the  Empire  was  gradually  softening 
their  Northern  wildness  and  giving  them  not  only  familiarity 
with  civilization  but  also  a respect  for  it.  Their  leaders,  who 
held  office  under  the  Roman  government,  came  to  have  friends 
among  highborn  Romans.  Such  leaders  sometimes  married] 
educated  Roman  women  of  rank,  even  close  relations  of  the 
emperors.  Some  of  them  too  were  converted  to  ChristianityJ 
An  educated  German  of  the  Goths,  a man  named  Ulfilas, 
translated  the  New  Testament  into  Gothic,  a dialect  akin  to 
German.  As  the  Germanic  peoples  possessed  no  writing,  he  was 
obliged  to  devise  an  alphabet  from  Greek  and  Latin  for  writing 
Gothic.  He  thus  produced  the  earliest  surviving  example  of  a 
written  Germanic  tongue  and  aided  in  converting  the  Northern 
peoples  to  Christianity. 


1122.  The 
chief  Ger- 
man peo- 
ples; Julian’s 
defeat  of 
Franks  and 
Alemanni  at 
Strassburg 
(357  a.d.) 


1123.  Ger- 
man peoples 
gain  some 
civilization, 
including 
writing  and 
Christianity 


692 


Ancient  Times 


1124.  West 
Goths  pushed 
across  the 
Danube  by 
the  Huns ; 
battle  of 
Adrianople 
(378  A.D.) 
the  begin- 
ning of  a 
century  of 
continuous 
barbaric 
migration 


1125.  Theo- 
dosius (379- 
395  a.d.) 
restores  the 
Empire 


1126.  Divi- 
sion of  the 
Empire  at 
death  of 
Theodosius 
(395  A.D.) 


At  this  juncture  barbarians  of  another  race,  having  no  Indo- 
European  blood  in  their  veins,  had  been  penetrating  Europe 
from  Asia.  These  people  were  the  Huns.  They  were  the  most 
destructive  of  all  the  barbarian  invaders.  They  pushed  down 
upon  the  lower  Danube,  and  the  West  Goths  (often  called 
Visigoths),  fleeing  before  them,  begged  the  Romans  for  per- 
mission to  cross  the  Danube  and  settle  in  the  Empire.  Valens, 
who  had  followed  Julian  as  emperor  of  the  East,  gave  them 
permission  to  do  so.  Thereupon  friction  between  them  and  the 
Roman  officials  caused  them  to  revolt.  In  the  battle  which 
ensued  at  Adrianople  (378  a.d.),  although  the  Goths  could  not 
have  had  an  army  of  over  fifteen  thousand  men,  the  Romans, 
or  rather  the  Germans  fighting  for  them,  were  defeated,  and 
the  emperor  Valens  himself  was  killed.  Henceforth  the  helpless- 
ness of  the  Roman  Empire  was  evident  to  all  the  world.  This 
movement  of  the  West  Goths  and  the  battle  of  Adrianople  were 
the  beginning  of  a century  of  continuous  migration  in  which  the 
Western  Empire  was  slowly  absorbed  by  the  barbarians  and 
broken  up  into  German  kingdoms  under  German  military  leaders. 

Theodosius,  who  succeeded  Valens  at  Constantinople,  was 
the  last  of  the  great  emperors  to  unite  and  rule  the  whole 
Roman  Empire.  He  came  to  an  understanding  with  the  West 
Goths,  allowing  them  to  settle  where  they  were,  taking  them 
into  his  army,  and  giving  their  leaders  important  posts  in  the 
government.  But  it  was  only  by  using  the  able  and  energetic 
Germans  themselves  as  his  ministers  and  commanders  that  he 
was  able  to  maintain  his  empire.  He  even  gave  his  niece  in 
marriage  to  his  leading  military  commander,  a Vandal  named 
Stilicho,  and  at  his  death,  in  395  a.d.,  Theodosius  intrusted  to 
this  able  German  the  care  of  his  two  young  sons  Honorius 
and  Arcadius. 

Theodosius  divided  the  Empire  between  these  two  youths, 
giving  to  Arcadius  the  East  and  to  Honorius  the  West.  The 
Empire  was  never  to  be  united  again.  Indeed,  after  the 
appearance  of  these  two  young  emperors,  the  dismemberment 


The  Triumph  of  the  Barbarians 


693 


of  the  Western  Empire  went  rapidly  forward,  and  in  two 
generations  resulted  in  the  disappearance  of  both  the  Western 
emperor  and  his, empire  (see  map,  p.  678). 

From  both  the  Danube  and  the  Rhine  the  movement  of  the 
barbarians  southward  and  westward  went  on.  Led  by  their 
king  Alaric,  the  West  Goths  first  pushed  down  from  the 
Danube  into  the  Balkan  Peninsula  and  advanced  plundering 
into  Greece,  where  they  even  took  Athens.  Here  the  German 
Stilicho,  leading  German  troops,  confronted  the  German  inva- 
sion and  forced  it  back.  Driving  their  wagons  piled  high  with 
the  plunder  of  Greece,  Alaric  led  his  West  Goths  into  Illyricum, 
where  Arcadius  made  him  official  commander.  When  the  faith- 
ful Stilicho  had  been  executed  on  a charge  of  treason  by  Hono- 
rius,  there  was  no  one  to  oppose  Alaric  in  his  invasion  of  Italy. 
In  410  A.D.  the  emperor  of  the  West  was  thus  obliged  to  look 
on  helplessly  while  the  Gothic  host  captured  and  plundered 
Rome  itself.^  Indeed,  when  the  West  Goths,  after  the  death  of 
Alaric,  retired  from  Italy  into  southwestern  Gaul,  and  later  into 
Spain,  Honorius  was  obliged  to  recognize  the  West  Gothic 
kingdom  which  they  set  up  there  (see  map,  p.  690). 

While  these  movements  of  the  West  Goths  were  going  on 
after  400  a.  d.,  the  Vandals  and  two  other  German  peoples 
had  crossed  the  Rhine,  and,  advancing  through  Gaul,  they  had 
penetrated  into  Spain,  where  these  three  peoples  set  up  three 
German  kingdoms.  These  kingdoms,  like  that  of  the  West 
Goths  in  Gaul,  acknowledged  that  they  were  vassals  of  Hono- 
rius as  emperor  of  the  West.  Not  long  after  their  settlement 
in  Spain,  the  Vandals  sailed  across  the  Strait  of  Gibraltar  and 
seized  the  Roman  province  of  Africa  (429  a.  d.).  The  African 
kingdom  of  the  Vandals  was  likewise  recognized  by  the  West- 
ern emperor.  A little  later  the  German  Burgundians  had 
pushed  in  beside  the  West  Goths  and  set  up  a kingdom  in 
southeastern  Gaul. 

1 Not  long  after  400  b.  c.  Rome  was  captured  by  the  Gauls  (§  815),  and  a few 
years  after  400  a.  d.  it  was  captured  by  the  Goths. 


xxvj.  West 
Goths  invade 
Greece  and 
Italy  (400 
A.D.),  take 
Rome  (410 
A.D.),  and 
establish  a 
kingdom 
in  Gaul 


1128.  Estab- 
lishment of 
Vandal 
kingdoms 
in  Spain 
and  Africa; 
Burgundians 
in  Gaul  (400- 
450  A.D.) 


694 


Ancient  Times 


1129.  West- 
ern Empire 
loses  Britain 
and  dwindles 
to  Italy 


1130.  Italy 
and  the  West 
invaded  by 
the  Huns 

(450-453 

A.D.) ; Rome 
taken  by 
the  Vandals 
(455  a.d.) 


Meantime  German  peoples  located  along  the  North  Sea  had 
taken  to  the  water  and  were  landing  in  the  Island  of  Britain. 
While  Alaric  was  sacking  Rome,  the  last  Roman  soldiers  were 
being  withdrawn  from  the  island,  and  within  a generation  after- 
ward the  German  tribes  of  the  Angles  and  Saxons  were  setting 
up  kingdoms  there,  which  did  not  acknowledge  the  sovereignty 
of  Rome.  A rival  emperor  in  Gaul  was  obliged  to  let  the 
island  go,  nor  could  the  feeble  emperor  of  the  West,  in  Italy, 
ever  recover  it.  He  was  equally  helpless  as  far  as  any  real 
power  over  the  western  German  kingdoms  was  concerned. 
Within  a generation  after  400  a.  d.  the  Western  Empire  had 
therefore  dwindled  to  Italy  itself,  and  even  there  the  emperor 
of  the  West  was  entirely  in  the  hands  of  his  German  officials 
and  commanders. 

In  this  condition  of  weakness  Italy  was  subjected  to  two 
more  serious  invasions.  The  Eastern  Empire  had  not  been  able 
to  control  the  Huns  who  had  forced  the  West  Goths  across  the 
Danube  (§  1124).  For  two  generations  since  then  the  kingdom 
of  the  Huns  had  steadily  grown  in  power,  until  their  king 
Attila  governed  an  empire  extending  from  southern  Russia  to 
the  Rhine.  He  laid  the  Eastern  Empire  under  tribute,  and  by 
450  A.D.  he  and  his  terrible  barbarian  host  were  sweeping 
down  upon  Italy  in  the  most  destructive  invasion  which  the 
South  ever  suffered.  The  West  Goths,  with  other  western 
Germans,  however,  rallied  to  the  assistance  of  the  Western 
emperor  against  the  common  enemy,  and  in  a terrible  battle 
at  Chalons,  in  France,  Attila  was  defeated  in  451  a.d.  He 
retreated  eastward,  and  two  years  later,  as  he  was  invading 
Italy,  he  died.  The  Hunnish  empire  fell  to  pieces,  never  to 
trouble  Europe  again.  Hardly  had  Rome  thus  escaped  when 
the  Vandals  crossed  over  from  Carthage  to  Sicily  and  Italy, 
and  in  45  5 a.  d.  they  captured  Rome.  Although  they  carried 
off  great  quantities  of  spoil,  they  spared  the  magnificent  build- 
ings of  the  city,  as  Alaric  and  his  West  Goths  had  also  done 
forty-five  years  earlier  (see  map,  p.  690). 


The  Triumph  of  the  Barbarians 


695 


In  Italy,  all  that  was  left  of  the  Western  Empire,  the  German 
military  leaders  possessed  all  the  power  and  made  and  unmade 
emperors  as  they  pleased.  But  these  seeming  emperors  of  the 
West  were  now  to  disappear.  By  a remarkable  coincidence  the 
last  to  bear  the  title  was  called  Romulus  Augustulus ; that  is, 
Romulus,  " the  little  Augustus.”  He  thus  bore  the  names  both 
of  the  legendary  founder  of  Rome  itself  and  of  the  founder  of 
the  Roman  Empire.  He  was  quietly  set  aside  by  the  German 
soldiery,  who  put  Odoacer,  one  of  their  number,  in  his  place. 
Thus  in  476  a.d.,  two  generations  after  Theodosius,  the  last  of 
the  Western  emperors  disappeared.  The  line  of  emperors  at 
Rome  thus  ended  a little  over  five  hundred  years  after  it  had 
been  established  by  Augustus.  The  German  leaders  in  Italy 
sent  w'ord  to  the  Eastern  emperor  at  Constantinople  that  they 
acknowledged  the  sovereignty  of  the  Eastern  emperor,  who 
then  authorized  Odoacer  to  rule  with  the  title  of  " patrician.” 

Meantime  another  great  migration  of  the  barbarians  again 
altered  the  situation  in  the  West.  An  eastern  branch  of  the 
Goths,  whom  we  call,  therefore,  the  East  Goths  (Ostro-Goths), 
had  remained  along  the  Danube  for  two  generations  after  their 
kindred,  the  West  Goths,  had  departed  (§  1124).  Then  they  also 
shifted  westward  and  southward  into  Italy,  where,  in  493  a.d., 
their  king  Theodoric  the  Great  displaced  Odoacer  and  made 
himself  king  of  a strong  East  Gothic  kingdom  in  Italy.  Although 
he  was  unable  even  to  read,  Theodoric  was  a wise  and  highly 
civilized  ruler,  and  under  him  Italy  began  to  recover  from  her 
misfortunes.  His  power  finally  included,  besides  Italy  and  Sicily, 
part  of  Gaul  and  Spain,  and  it  at  one  time  seemed  that  the 
Western  Empire  was  about  to  be  restored  under  a German 
emperor.  This  restoration  of  the  West  was  prevented,  however, 
by  the  rise  of  Justinian,  the  last  great  emperor  of  the  East  at 
Constantinople. 

After  the  death  of  Theodosius  (395  a.d.)  the  Eastern  Empire 
had  been  ruled  by  weaklings.  Justinian,  however,  who  was 
crowned  at  Constantinople  in  527  a.d.,  only  a generation  after 


1131.  Last  of 
the  emperors 
at  Rome, 
Romulus 
Augustulus, 
displaced  by 
a German 
leader,  Odo- 
acer (4  76  A.D.) 


1132.  Estab- 
lishment 
of  an  East 
Gothic  king- 
dom in  Italy 
by  Theodoric 
(493  a.d.) 


1133.  Justin- 
ian’s partial 
reconquest 
of  the  West 


696 


Ancient  Times 


the  rise  of  Theodoric,  was  a gifted  and  energetic  ruler.  His 
dream  was  the  restoration  of  the  united  Empire.  Under  his  able 

general  Belisarius, 
he  therefore  en- 


Fig.  270.  Hall  of  an  Egyptian  Temple 
ALTERED  INTO  A CHRISTIAN  ChURCH 


the  Vandal  king- 
dom in  the  prov- 
ince of  Africa  and 
then  passed  over 
into  Italy,  where  he 
finally  crushed  the 
kingdom  of  the  East 
Goths.  Although 
disturbed  by  a seri- 
ous revolt  in  Italy, 
the  Eastern  emper- 
or’s authority  was 
restored  in  Italy, 
Sicily,  Africa,  and 
southern  Spain.  But 
Justinian  showed 
very  poor  judgment 
in  supposing  that 
the  Eastern  Empire 


Over  fifteen  hundred  years  ago,  in  the  reign  of 
Theodosius  (379-39S  A.D.),  not  many  years  be- 
fore 400  A.D.,  the  temples  of  the  old  gods  all 
around  the  Mediterranean  were  closed  by  edict 
of  the  emperor.  They  were  then  gradually 
forsaken,  as  we  find  them  now,  or  the  huts  and 

sun-dried-brick  hovels  of  the  poor  crowded  into  them.  In  some  cases  a 
temple  hall,  once  devoted  to  the  worship  of  the  gods,  was  then  con- 
verted into  a Christian  church.  In  such  a hall  of  the  Luxor  Temple  at 
Thebes  in  Egypt,  the  arched  niche  we  see  here  was  cut  into  the  wall 
for  the  pulpit  of  the  preacher,  and  Greek  columns  were  set  up  to  sup- 
port a canopy  over  his  head.  The  pagan  relief  scenes  on  the  walls  were 
covered  with  plaster  on  which  Christian  saints  were  painted.  This 
Christian  plaster,  visible  just  at  the  left  of  the  left-hand  column,  has  now 
largely  fallen  off  and  revealed  the  old  pagan  pictures,  as  we  see  them 
here  still  further  to  the  left,  where  the  pictures  of  the  old  Egyptian 
gods  have  emerged  again,  to  find  their  former  worshipers  all  vanished 


deavored  to  recon- 
quer the  West. 
Belisarius  overthrew 


The  Triumph  of  the  Barbarians 


697 


possessed  the  power  again  to  rule  the  whole  Mediterranean 
world.  His  destruction  of  the  East  Gothic  kingdom  in  Italy- 
left  the  peninsula  helpless  before  the  next  wave  of  barbaric 
migration,  nor  were  his  successors  able  to  maintain  his  conquests. 

But  if  political  unity  failed,  the  emperor’s  large  plans  did 
succeed  in  establishing  a great  judicial  or  legal  unity.  He  em- 
ployed a veiy  able  lawyer  named  Tribonian  to  gather  together 
all  the  numerous  laws  which  had  grown  up  in  the  career  of 
Rome  since  the  age  of  the  Twelve  Tablets  (§  802)  a thousand 
years  before.  Justinian  was  the  Hammurapi  of  the  Roman 
Empire,  and  the  vast  body  of  laws  which  he  collected  repre- 
sented the  administrative  experience  of  the  most  successful 
rulers  of  the  ancient  world.  Almost  every  situation  and  every 
difficulty  arising  in  social  life,  in  business  transactions,  or  in 
legal  proceedings  had  been  met  and  settled  by  Roman  judges. 
The  collection  of  their  decisions  arranged  by  Justinian  in  brief 
form  was  called  a digest.  Justinian’s  Digest  became  the  foun- 
dation of  law  for  later  ages,  and  still  remains  so  to  a large 
extent  in  the  government  of  the  civilized  peoples  of  to-day. 

Under  Justinian  Constantinople  enjoyed  wide  recognition  and 
the  emperor  gave  lavishly  for  its  beautification.  But  it  was  no 
longer  for  building  the  old  temples  of  the  gods  or  basilicas  and 
amphitheaters  that  the  ruler  gave  his  wealth.  The  old  world  of 
Greek  civilization  had  received  its  last  support  from  Julian,  two 
centuries  earlier  (§  1116).  Theodosius,  the  last  emperor  to  rule 
the  entire  Empire,  had  forbidden  the  worship  of  the  old  gods 
and  issued  a decree  closing  all  their  temples.  Since  400  a.  D. 
the  splendid  temples  of  the  gods,  which  fringed  the  Mediter- 
ranean (Fig.  219)  and  extended  far  up  the  Nile  (Fig.  64),  were 
left  more  and  more  forsaken  by  their  worshipers,  till  finally  they 
were  deserted  and  desolate  as  they  are  to-day,  or  they  were 
altered  for  use  as  Christian  churches  (Fig.  270).  The  last  blow 
to  what  the  Church  regarded  as  Greek  paganism  was  now 
struck  by  Justinian,  who  closed  the  schools  of  philosophy  form- 
ing the  university  at  Athens.  The  buildings  to  which  the 


1134.  Justin 
ian’s  code 
compiled 


1135.  End 
of  tine  old 
temples 


698 


Ancient  Times 


1136.  Divi- 
sion of  the 
Church  into 
East  and 
West 


11317.  Unique 
position  of 
Rome,  and 
the  bishop 
of  Rome 


emperor  now  devoted  his  wealth  were  churches.  The  vast 
church  of  Saint  Sophia  which  he  built  at  Constantinople  still 
stands  to-day,  the  most  magnificent  of  the  early  churches  of 
the  East  (headpiece,  p.  688). 

^Just  as  this  building  shows  its  oriental  origin  in  its  architec- 
ture, so  did  the  teachings  of  the  Church  in  the  Eastern  Empire. 
The  efforts  of  Justinian  to  unite  East  and  West  failed  to  a large 
extent  because  of  the  jealousy  of  the  oriental  churches  and 
the  power  of  the  Western  Church.  A division  was  therefore 
steadily  developing  between  the  Eastern  (Greek)  Church  and 
the  Western  (Latin)  Church.  For  while  the  dismemberment  of 
the  Western  Empire,  which  we  have  followed,  was  still  going 
on,  there  was  arising  at  Rome  an  emperor  of  the  Church,  who 
was  in  no  small  degree  the  heir  to  the  lost  power  of  the  West- 
fern  emperor.  As  there  had  been  an  Empire  of  the  East  and 
an  Empire  of  the  West,  so  there  were  to  be  also  a Church  of 
the  East  and  a Church  of  the  West.  To  the  Western  Church 
we  must  now  turn. 

Section  ioo.  The  Triumph  of  the  Roman  Church 
AND  ITS  Power  over  the  Western  Nations 

The  venerable  city  of  Rome,  with  its  long  centuries  as  mis- 
tress of  the  world  behind  it,  had  gained  a position  of  unique 
respect  and  veneration,  even  among  the  barbarians.  The  Goths 
and  the  Vandals  had  stood  in  awe  and  reverence  under  the 
shadow  of  its  magnificent  public  buildings.  They  had  left  them 
uninjured,  and  in  all  its  monumental  splendor,  Rome  was  still 
the  greatest  city  of  the  world,  rivaled  only  by  Constantinople 
and  Alexandria,  the  two  other  imperial  cities.  It  was  natural 
that  the  bishop  of  Rome  should  occupy  a position  of  unusual 
power  and  respect.  When  the  West  Goths  were  threatening 
the  city,  and  also  in  other  important  crises  caused  by  the  in- 
coming of  the  barbarians,  the  bishop  of  Rome  had  more  than 
once  showed  an  ability  which  made  him  the  leading  statesman 


The  Triumph  of  the  Barbarians 


699 


of  Italy,  if  not  of  the  West.  There  is  no  doubt  that  his  influence 
had  much  to  do  with  the  respect  which  the  West  Goths  and  the 
Vandals  had  shown  toward  the  city  in  sparing  its  buildings. 

At  the  same  time  the  Church  throughout  the  West  had  early 
produced  able  men.  This  was  especially  true  in  Africa,  the 
province  behind  Carthage,  where  the  leading  early  Christian 
writers  had  appeared.  The  bishop  of  Carthage  was  soon  a 
serious  rival  of  the  bishop  of  Rome,  and  their  rivalry  in  Chris- 
tian times  curiously  reminds  us  of  the  long' past  struggle  between 
the  two  cities.  Here  in  Africa  in  the  days  of  Theodosius, 
Augustine,  the  greatest  of  the  thinkers  of  the  early  Church, 
had  arisen.  Not  at  first  a Christian,  the  young  Augustine  had 
been  devoted  to  Greek  philosophy  and  learning.  At  the  same 
time  he  gave  way  to  evil  habits  and  uncontrolled  self-indulgence. 
As  he  gained  a vision  of  spiritual  self-denial,  his  faithful  Chris- 
tian mother,  Monica,  followed  him  through  all  the  tremendous 
struggle  and  distress  of  mind,  from  which  he  emerged  at  last 
into  a triumphant  conquest  of  his  lower  nature,  and  the  devo- 
tion of  his  whole  soul  to  Christianity.  In  a volume  of  " Confes- 
sions ” he  told  the  story,  which  soon  became  the  never-failing 
guide  of  the  tempted  in  the  Christian  Church.  Along  with  the 
Meditations  of  Marcus  Aurelius,  it  belongs  among  the  most 
precious  revelations  of  the  inner  life  of  a great  man  which  we 
have  inherited. 

In  the  days  after  Alaric  had  plundered  Rome,  and  earthly 
government  seemed  to  totter,  Augustine  also  wrote  a great 
treatise  which  he  called  " The  City  of  God,”  meaning  the 
government  of  God.  Opposed  to  the  governments  of  this 
world  and  superior  to  them,  he  pictured  an  invisible  kingdom 
of  God,  to  which  all  Christian  believers  belonged.  But  this  in- 
visible kingdom  was  after  all  hardly  distinguished  by  Augustine 
from  the  visible  organized  Church  with  its  bishops  and  priests. 
To  the  authority  of  this  eternal  kingdom — that  is,  to  the  authority 
of  the  Church — all  believers  were  urged  by  Augustine  to  submit 
without  reservation.  In  the  teaching  of  Augustine,  therefore,  the 


1138.  Early 
rise  of  influ- 
ential men 
in  the  Afri- 
can Church : 
Augustine- 

(354- 

430  A.D.) 


1139.  Augus- 
tine’s " City 
of  God,”  and 
the  power  of 
Church  and 
State  over 
the  beliefs 
of  men 


Ancient  Times 


1140.  Grow- 
ing power  of 
Church  of 
Rome 


Rise  of 


1141 

missionary 
monks  and 
spread  of 
regard  for 
the  Roman 
Church  in 
the  North 


700 

^^hurch  gained  complete  control  over  the  beliefs  of  men.  This 
was  at  the  very  same  time  when  the  Edict  of  Theodosius  was 
closing  the  temples  of  the  old  gods.  The  State  was  thus  assum- 
ing the  power  to  suppress  all  other  beliefs,  and  henceforth  it 
maintained  its  power  over  both  the  bodies  and  the  minds  of 
its  subjects.  In  accordance  with  this  idea  Justinian  had  closed 
the  university  at  Athens  in  order  to  stop  freedom  of  thought 
V^and  the  teaching  of  the  old  philosophy  (§  1135).  To  the  author- 
ity of  the  State  over  the  beliefs  of  its  people,  Augustine  added 
\ the  authority  of  the  Church.  Thus  ended  all  intellectual  liberty 
Lin  the  ancient  world. 

Augustine,  moreover,  recognized  the  leadership  of  the  Church 
at  Rome,  and  thus  added  his  influence  to  a tendency  already 
long  felt  by  all  (§  1137).  For  it  was  widely  believed  that  Christ  had 
conferred  great  power  in  the  Church  upon  the  Apostle  Peter. 
Although  it  was  known  that  Paul  had  also  worked  in  Rome, 
early  tradition  told  how  Peter  had  founded  the  Church  at  Rome 
and  become  bishop  there.  It  was  also  widely  held  that  Peter 
had  transferred  his  authority  to  his  successors  as  bishops  at 
Rome.  Tradition  thus  aided  in  establishing  the  supremacy  of 
the  bishop  of  Rome. 

As  increasing  numbers  of  men  withdrew  from  worldly  occu- 
pations and  gathered  in  communities,  called  monasteries,  to  lead 
holy  lives  or  to  help  cany  the  Christian  faith  to  the  Northern 
barbarians,  these  beliefs  regarding  the  Church  of  Rome  went 
with  them.  Such  monks,  as  they  were  called,  taught  the  bar- 
barians that  the  Church  also  had  power  over  the  life  here- 
after. Dreading  frightful  punishments  beyond  the  grave,  the 
superstitious  peoples  of  the  North  submitted  readily  to  such 
influences,  and  the  Church  gained  enormous  power  over  the 
barbarians.  It  was  a power  wielded  more  and  more  exclusively 
by  the  bishop  of  Rome. 

When  the  power  of  the  Roman  Empire  was  no  longer  able 
to  restrain  the  barbarians,  the  influence  of  the  Church  held  them 
in  check.  The  Church  gradually  softened  and  modified  the  fierce 


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The  Triumph  of  the  Barbarians 


701 


instincts  of  barbarian  kings  ruling  over  barbarian  peoples.  The 
barrier  of  Roman  organization  and  of  Roman  legions  which 
had  protected  Mediterranean  civilization  had  given  way,  but 
the  Church,  taking  its  place,  made  possible  the  transference  of 
power  from  the  Roman  Empire  to  the  barbarians  in  the  West, 
without  the  complete  destruction  of  our  heritage  of  civilization 
bequeathed  us  by  Greece  and  Rome. 

Less  than  a generation  after  the  death  of  Justinian,  a gifted 
bishop  of  Rome  named  Gregory,  commonly  called  Gregory  the 
Great,  showed  himself  a statesman  of  such  wisdom  and  ability 
that  he  firmly  established  the  leadership  of  the  Roman  Church. 

Italy,  left  defenseless  by  Justinian’s  destruction  of  the  East 
Gothic  kingdom  (§  1133),  was  thereupon  invaded  by  the  Lom- 
bards ("  Longbeards  ”),  the  least  civilized  of  all  the  German 
barbarians,  who  easily  took  possession  of  the  Po  valley.  The 
Lombards  were  divided  into  small  and  rather  weak  communities. 

Thus  the  fallen  Western  Empire  was  not  followed  by  a powerful 
and  enduring  nation  in  Italy,  and  this  gave  to  the  bishops  of 
Rome  the  opportunity  so  well  used  by  Gregory,  to  make  them- 
selves the  leaders  of  Italy.  It  was  this  great  Church  ruler  who 
also  sent  missionary  monks  to  Britain,  and  thus  established 
Christianity  in  England  two  centuries  after  the  Roman  legions^ 
had  left  it. 

The  influence  of  the  Roman  Church  was  likewise  extended  1144.  Rise  of 
among  the  powerful  Franks  (§  1122),  a group  of  German  tribes 
on  the  lower  Rhine.  Their  king,  Clovis,  accepted  Christianity 
not  long  before  500  a.  d.  He  succeeded  in  welding  together 
the  Frankish  tribes,  and  the  kingdom  he  left  had  been  stead- 
ily growing  for  over  a century  before  Gregory’s  time.  After 
Gregory’s  death  this  Frankish  kingdom  included  a large  part 
of  western  Europe,  embracing,  besides  western  Germany,  the 
countries  which  we  now  call  Holland,  Belgium,  and  France.  By 
the  middle  of  the  sixth  century  the  Frankish  kings  had  fallen 
under  the  influence  of  a family  of  their  own  powerful  house- 
hold stewards  called  " Mayors  of  the  Palace,”  who  at  last 


1142.  Value 
of  the  influ- 
ence of  the 
Church  over 
the  barbarians 


1143.  Greg- 
ory the  Great, 
bishop  of 
Rome  (590- 
604  A.D.) 


702 


Ancient  Times 


1145.  Alli- 
ance of 
Charlemagne 
and  the  Pope ; 
Charle- 
magne’s coro- 
nation by  the 
Pope  (800 
A.D.) 


1146.  Church 
gains  literary 
culture ; pres- 
ervation of 
Latin  litera- 
ture by  the 
Church 


H47.  The 

basilica 
church  and 
its  oriental 
ancestor 


really  held  the  ruling  power,  though  in  the  name  of  the  king. 
After  700  A.D.  the  Mayor  of  the  Palace,  who  actually  governed 
the  great  Frankish  kingdom,  was  Charles  Martel.  He  saved  Eu- 
rope from  being  overrun  by  the  Moslems  (732  a.d.)  (see  § 1154), 
and  his  descendants  became  the  greatest  kings  of  the  Franks. 

By  combining  with  the  bishop  of  Rome,  whom  we  may  now 
call  the  Pope,  the  new  Frankish  kings  gained  the  dominion  of 
western  Europe.  They  assisted  the  Pope  by  subduing  the 
unruly  Lombards  in  Italy  and  conquered  a large  part  of 
modern  Germany,  besides  northern  Spain.  Charlemagne,  the 
grandson  of  Charles  Martel,  ruled  an  empire  consisting  of 
western  Germany,  France,  Italy,  and  northern  Spain.  He  was 
the  most  powerful  European  sovereign  of  his  time,  and  in 
800  A.D.  he  was  crowned  by  the  Pope  at  Rome  as  Roman 
emperor,  theoretically  supposed  to  succeed  the  line  of  emperors 
headed  by  Augustus.  The  emperor  Charlemagne  was  an  en- 
lightened ruler  who  desired  to  do  all  that  he  could  for  the 
education  and  well-being  of  his  people.  The  civilization  which 
he  tried  to  spread,  although  it  was  very  limited,  was  what  was 
left  of  old  Roman  life  and  organization,  which  had  been  pre- 
served largely  through  the  influence  of  the  Church. 

The  Church  had  been  founded  in  the  beginning  chiefly 
among  the  lowly  and  the  ignorant  (§  1069).  It  had  originally 
been  without  higher  Greek  civilization,  learning,  and  art.  Grad- 
ually it  gained  also  these  things,  as  men  like  Augustine  arose. 
It  is  chiefly  to  the  libraries  of  the  monks  in  the  monasteries, 
and  to  their  practice  of  copying  ancient  literary  works,  that  we 
owe  the  preservation  of  such  Latin  literature  as  has  survived. 
To-day  our  oldest  and  most  important  copies  of  such  things  as 
Virgil’s  Hineid  (§  1004)  are  manuscripts  written  on  parchment, 
preserved  in  the  libraries  of  the  Christian  monks. 

Art  was  slow  to  rise  among  early  Christians,  and  for  a 
thousand  years  or  more  there  were  no  Christian  painters  or 
sculptors  to  be  compared  with  those  of  Greece.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  need  for  places  of  assembly  led  to  the  rise  of  great 


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some  thirty-four  hundred  years  leading  from  the  early  Orient,  nearly  3000  B.  c., 
to  the  Christian  churches  of  the  fourth  century  a.  d. 


704 


The  Triumph  of  the  Barbarians  7^5 

architects  among  the  early  Christians.  Influenced  chiefly  by 
the  old  business  basilica,  they  devised  noble  and  impressive 
assembly  rooms  for  the  early  congregations  in  the  days  of 
Constantine.  We  still  call  such  a church  a basilica,  to  indicate 
its  form.  In  the  basilica  churches  we  find  the  outcome  of  that 
long  architectural  development  of  thirty-five  hundred  years, 
from  the  earliest  known  clerestory  at  the  Pyramids  of  Gizeh 
to  the  Christian  cathedral  (Fig.  271). 

The  church  tower  also,  at  first  not  a part  of  the  church 
building,  was  a descendant  of.  the  old  Babylonian  temple  tower 
(Fig.  272).  Thus  the  faith  of  Jesus,  an  oriental  teacher,  was 
sheltered  in  beautiful  buildings  which  likewise  showed  their 
oriental  ancestry.  These  Christian  buildings,  the  church  and 
its  tower,  like  the  faith  they  sheltered,  are  a striking  example 
of  how  the  world  of  later  Europe  reached  back  into  that  early 
Orient  with  which  we  began  the  story  of  civilization,  when 
Europe  was  still  in  the  Stone  Age.  And  that  ancient  Orient, 
whose  civilization  thus  survived  in  the  life  of  Europe,  was  yet 
to  rise  once  more,  to  dominate  the  Mediterranean  as  it  had 
so  often  done  before.  To  this  final  revival  of  the  Orient  we 
must  now  turn. 

Section  ioi.  The  Final  Revival  of  the  Orient 
AND  THE  Forerunners  of  the  Nations  of  Modern 
Europe 

Justinian,  whose  reign  covered  the  middle  years  of  the  sixth 
century  a.d.,  was,  as  we  have  already  said,  the  last  great  ruler 
of  the  Eastern  Empire.  His  endeavors  to  reunite  the  Empire 
and  to  adorn  his  capital  both  proved  very  disastrous.  He  spent 
the  strength  of  his  Empire  in  trying  to  regain  the  West,  when 
he  needed  all  his  resources  to  defend  himself  against  the  New 
Persians,  who  assailed  the  eastern  frontier  in  war  after  war. 
His  great  buildings,  especially  the  magnificent  church  of  Saint 
Sophia  (headpiece,  p.  688),  required  so  much  money  that  his 


1148.  The 
church  tower 
and  its  orien- 
tal ancestor 


1149.  The 
decline  of  the 
Eastern  Em- 
pire after 
J ustinian 


7o6 


Ancient  Times 


1150.  Inva- 
sion of  the 
Slavs ; East- 
ern Empire 
no  longer 
Roman 


1151.  Mo- 
hammed 
(570-632 
A.D.)  and 
the  founding 
of  Islam 


treasury  was  emptied  and  the  government  was  bankrupt.  From 
the  mistakes  of  Justinian  the  Eastern  Empire  never  recovered, 
and  at  his  death  it  entered  upon  an  age  of  steady  decline. 

Meantime  a new  invasion  of  barbarians  was  bringing  in  the 
Slavs,  a non-German  group  of  Indo-European  peoples.  They 
poured  into  the  Balkan  Peninsula  to  the  gates  of  Constantinople 
and  even  down  into  Greece.  They  were  soon  holding  the  terri- 
tory in  these  regions  which  they  still  occupy.  Under  these  cir- 
cumstances the  Eastern  Empire  at  Constantinople,  although  it 
was  without  interruption  the  direct  descendant  of  the  Roman 
Empire,  was  no  longer  Roman,  any  more  than  was  the  Empire 
of  Charlemagne  in  the  West.  The  Eastern  Empire  became 
what  it  was  in  population  and  civilization,  a mixed  Greek-Slavic- 
Oriental  State. 

Moreover,  a vast  section  of  the  Eastern  emperor’s  dominions 
lay  in  the  Orient.  Of  these  eastern  dominions  a large  part  was 
now  about  to  be  invaded  and  seized  by  a great  Semitic  migra- 
tion like  those  which  we  have  repeatedly  seen  as  the  nomads  of 
the  Arabian  desert  were  led  by  Sargon  or  the  rulers  of  Ham- 
murapi’s  line  into  Babylonia ; or  as  the  Hebrews  swept  in  from 
the  desert  and  seized  the  towns  of  Palestine  (§§  135,  166,  175, 
293).  The  last  and  the  greatest  movement  of  the  Semitic  bar- 
barians was  now  about  to  take  place.  Not  long  after  the  death 
of  Justinian,  there  was  born  in  Mecca  (Pig.  273)  in  Arabia  a 
remarkably  gifted  lad  named  Mohammed.  As  he  grew  up  he 
believed,  like  so  many  Semitic  teachers,  that  a commanding 
voice  spoke  within  him  as  he  wandered  in  the  wilderness.  This 
voice  within  him  brought  him  messages  which  he  felt  compelled 
to  communicate  to  his  people  as  teachings  from  God,  whom  he 
called  Allah.  After  much  persecution  and  great  danger  to  his 
life,  he  gathered  a group  of  faithful  followers  about  him,  and 
when  he  died,  in  632  a.d.,  he  had  established  a new  religion 
among  the  Arabs,  which  he  had  called  Islam,  meaning  "recon- 
ciliation”; that  is,  reconciliation  to  Allah,  the  sole  God.  The 
new  believers  he  had  called  Muslims,  or,  as  we  spell  it, 


The  Triumph  of  the  Barbarians  707 


Moslems,  meaning  " the  reconciled.”  By  us  they  are  often 
called  Mohammedans,  after  their  prophet.  After  Mohammed’s 
death  the  Moslem  leaders  gathered  together  his  teachings,  till 


Fig.  273.  A Bird’s-eye  View  of  Mecca  and  its  Mosque 

Mecca  is  one  of  the  few  towns  in  the  barren  Arabian  peninsula ; for  by 
far  the  great  majority  of  the  Arabs  live  as  roving  shepherds  (§  134) 
and  not  in  towns.  Mecca  had  been  a sacred  place  long  before  the  time 
of  Mohammed,  and  the  people  had  been  accustomed  to  come  there  as 
pilgrims,  to  do  homage  to  a sacred  black  stone  called  the  Kaaba. 
Mohammed  did  not  interfere  with  these  customs.  After  his  death  the 
Moslems  built  a large  court  modeled  on  a colonnaded  Greek  market 
place  (Fig.  212,  M),  around  the  Kaaba.  Such  a structure  was  the  sim- 
plest form  of  a mosque.  Over  the  Kaaba  they  erected  a square  shelter, 
which  we  see  in  the  middle  of  the  mosque  court.  To  this  place  the 
Moslem  believers  still  come  in  great  numbers  as  pilgrims  every  year. 
Our  sketch  shows  an  exaggerated  representation  of  the  procession  of 
pilgrims.  In  his  later  years  Mohammed  lived  at  Medina,  over  200  miles 
north  of  Mecca,  and  the  pilgrims  also  visit  his  tomb  there 

then  uncollected,  and  copied  them  to  form  a book  called  the 
Koran  (Fig.  274),  now  the  Bible  of  the  Moslems. 

The  Moslem  leaders  who  inherited  Mohammed’s  power  were 
called  caliphs,  a word  meaning  " substitute.”  As  rulers,  they 
proved  to  be  men  of  the  greatest  ability.  They  organized  the 
untamed  desert  nomads,  who  now  added  a burning  religious 


1152.  Rise  of 
the  oriental 
Empire  of 
the  Moslems 


7o8 


Ancient  Times 


1153.  The 
nomad  Arabs 
learn  city  civi- 
lization along 
the  Fertile 
Crescent 


zeal  to  the  wild  courage  of  barbarian  Arabs.  This  combination 
made  the  Arab  armies  of  the  caliphs  irresistible.  Within  a few 
years  after  Mohammed’s  death  they  took  Egypt  and  Syria  from 


the  feeble  successors  of 
Justinian  at  Constanti- 
nople. They  thus  reduced 
the  Eastern  Empire  to 
little  more  than  the  Bal- 
kan Peninsula  and  Asia 
Minor.  At  the  same 
time  the  Arabs  crushed 
the  empire  of  the  New 
Persians  and  brought  the 
Sassanian  line  of  kings 
to  an  end  (640  a.d.), 
after  it  had  lasted  a little 
over  four  hundred  years. 
Thus  the  Moslems  built 
up  a great  oriental  em- 
pire, with  its  center  at 
the  east  end  of  the 
Fertile  Crescent. 


Fig.  274.  A Page  of  a Manuscript 
Copy  of  the  Koran,  the  Bible  of 
THE  Moslems 


Just  as  the  people  of 
Sargon  and  Hammurapi 
took  over  the  city 
civilization  which  they 
found  along  the  lower 


This  writing  has  descended  from  the  an- 
cient alphabet  of  the  Phoenicians  (Fig. 

160),  and,  like  the  Phoenician  writing,  it 
is  still  written  and  read  from  right  to  left.  The  Arab  writers  love  to 
give  it  decorative  flourishes,  producing  a handsome  page.  The  rich, 
decorative  border  is  a good  example  of  Moslem  art  The  whole  page 
was  done  by  hand.  In  such  hand-written  books  as  these  the  educated 
Moslems  wrote  out  translations  of  the  books  of  the  great  Greek  phi- 
losophers and  scientists,  like  Aristotle ; for  example,  one  of  the  most 
valuable  of  the  books  of  Ptolemy,  the  Greek  astronomer  (§  1059),  we 
now  possess  only  in  an  Arabic  translation.  At  the  same  time  the 
Moslems  wrote  their  own  treatises  on  algebra,  astronomy,  grammar, 
and  other  sciences  ( § 1 1 5 5)  in  similar  books  to  which  the  W est  owes  much 


709 


The  Mohammedan  Conquests  at  their  Greatest  Extent,  about  the  Year  750  (indicated  by 

Oblique  Shading,  Unbroken  Lines) 


710 


Ancient  Times 


Euphrates  (§  167),  so  now  in  the  same  region  the  Moslem  Arabs 
of  the  desert  took  over  the  city  civilization  of  the  New  Persians, 


Fig.  275.  Moorish  Mosque 
T owER,  OR  Minaret,  in  Spain 


With  the  ruins  of  Babylon  look- 
ing down  upon  them,  the  Mos- 
lems built  their  splendid  capital 
at  Bagdad  beside  the  New  Per- 
sian royal  residence  of  Ctesiphon 
(headpiece,  p.  667).  They  built 
of  course  under  the  influence  of 
the  ancient  structures  of  Egypt, 
Babylon,  Persia,  and  Assyria. 
The  Babylonian  temple  towers 
or  Christian-church  towers  of 
similar  character  showed  them 
the  first  models  of  the  minarets 
(Fig.  272,  2)  with  which  they 
adorned  their  mosques,  as  the 
Moslem  houses  of  prayer  are 
called.  Here,  as  Sargon’s  people 
and  as  the  Persians  had  so  long 
before  done,  the  once  wander- 
ing Arabs  learned  to  read  and 
write,  and  could  thus  put  the 
Koran  into  writing.  Here  too 
they  learned  the  business  of 
government  and  became  experi- 
enced rulers.  Thus  beside  the 
shapeless  mounds  of  the  older 


It  was  built,  not  long  before 
1200  A.D.,  out  of  the  ruins  of 
Roman  and  West  Gothic  buildings  found  here  by  the  Moors,  and 
blocks  bearing  Latin  inscriptions  are  to  be  seen  in  a number  of  places 
in  its  walls.  The  Moors  erected  it  as  the  minaret  of  their  finest  mosque 
at  Seville,  Spain.  After  extensive  alterations  at  the  top  by  Christian 
architects,  it  was  converted  into  the  bell  tower  of  a Christian  church. 
While  the  Christian-church  towers  in  the  Orient  strongly  influenced 
the  Moslem  minarets,  we  see  how  the  reverse  was  the  case  in  some 
buildings  of  the  West  where  Moslem  minarets  became  church  spires 


The  Triumph  of  the  Barbarians  71 1 

capitals,  Akkad,  Babylon,  and  Ctesiphon,  the  power  and  civili- 
zation of  the  Orient  rose  into  new  life  again  for  the  last  time. 

Bagdad  became  the  finest  city  of  the  East  and  one  of  the 
most  splendid  in  the  world.  The  caliphs  extended  their  power 
eastward  to  the  frontiers  of  India.  Westward  the  Moslems 
pushed  along  the  African  coast  of  the  Mediterranean,  as  their 
Phoenician  kindred  had  done  before  them  (§  397).  ^t  was  the 
Moslem  overthrow  of  Carthage  and  its  bishop,  which  now 
relieved  the  bishop  of  Rome  (the  Pope)  of  his  only  dangerous 
rival  in  the  \^Tst.  Only  two  generations  after  the  death  of 
Mohammed  the  Arabs  crossed  over  from  Africa  into  Spain 
(7 1 1 A.D.).  As  they  moved  on  into  France  they  threatened  to 
girdle  the  entire  Mediterranean.  At  the  battle  of  Tours 
(732  A.D.),  however,  just  a hundred  years  after  the  death  of 
Mohammed,  the  Moslems  were  unable  to  crush  the  Frankish 
army  under  Charles  Martel  (§  1144).  They  withdrew  perma- 
nently from  France  into  Spain,  where  they  established  a west- 
ern Moslem  kingdom,  which  we  call  Moorish.  The  magnificent 
buildings  which  it  left  behind  are  the  most  splendid  in  Spain 
to-day  (Fig.  275). 

The  Moorish  kingdom  developed  a civilization  far  higher 
than  that  of  the  Franks,  and  indeed  the  highest  in  Europe  of 
that  age.  Thus  while  Europe  was  sinking  into  the  ignorance 
of  the  Middle  Ages,  the  Moslems  were  the  leading  students 
of  science,  astronomy,  mathematics,  and  grammar.  There  was 
soon  much  greater  knowledge  of  these  matters  among  the 
Moslems  than  in  Christian  Europe.  Such  Arabic  words  as 
algebra  and  our  numerals,  which  we  received  from  the  Arabs, 
suggest  to  us  how  much  we  owe  to  them. 

As  we  look  out  over  this  final  world  situation,  we  see  lying 
in  the  middle  the  remnant  of  the  Roman  Empire  ruled  by 
Constantinople,  and  holding  little  more  than  the  Balkan  Penin- 
sula and  Asia  Minor;  while  on  one  side  was  the  lost  West, 
made  up  of  the  German  kingdoms  of  the  former  Northern 
barbarians ; and  on  the  other  side  was  the  lost  East,  now  part 


1154.  Ca- 
liphs of  Bag- 
dad and  the 
Moslem 
advance  to 
the  West ; 
the  battle 
of  Tours 
(732  A.D.) 


1155-  Lead- 
ership of 
Moslem 
civilization 


1156.  Emer- 
gence of  the 
forerunners 
of  the  nations 
of  modem 
Europe 


712 


Ancient  Times 


of  the  great  oriental  empire  of  the  caliphs  of  Bagdad.  Looking 
at  Europe  without  the  East,  we  discover  that  there  was  at  its 
western  end  a Moslem  oriental  kingdom  (the  Moors),  while  at  its 
eastern  end  there  was  a Christian  oriental  state  (Constantinople). 
Between  these  lay  chiefly  the  German  Empire  of  Charlemagne, 
with  vast  masses  of  Slavs  on  the  east  of  it,  and  detached 
German  peoples  in  the  outlying  island  of  Britain.  Out  of 
these  fragments  of  the  Roman  Empire  and  the  newly  formed 
nations  of  the  North,  the  nations  of  modern  Europe  came  forth. 
In  France,  and  the  two  southern  peninsulas  of  Spain  and  Italy, 
Latin  speech  survived  among  the  people,  to  become  French, 
Spanish,  and  Italian.  While  in  the  island  of  Britain  the  German 
language  spoken  by  the  invading  Angles  and  Saxons  (§  1129), 
mingled  with  much  Latin  and  French  to  form  our  own  English 
speech,  written  with  Roman  letters  inherited  from  Greece, 
Phoenicia,  and  Egypt  (Fig.  160). 

Thus  Rome  left  her  stamp  on  the  peoples  of  Europe,  still 
evident,  not  only  in  the  languages  they  use,  but  also  in  many 
. . „ other  important  matters  of  life,  and  especially  in  law  and 

f government.  In  Roman  law,  still  a power  in  modern  govern- 
ment, we  have  the  great  creation  of  Roman  genius,  which  has 
more  profoundly  affected  the  later  world  than  any  other  Roman 
institution.  Another  great  achievement  of  Rome  was  the  uni- 
versal spread  of  that  international  civilization  brought  forth  by 
Greece  under  contact  with  the  Orient.  Rome  gave  to  that  civ- 
ilization the  far-reaching  organization  which  under  the  Greeks  it 
had  lacked.  That  organization,  though  completely  transformed 
into  oriental  despotism,  endured  for  five  centuries  and  long 
withstood  the  barbarian  invasions  from  the  North,  which  would 
otherwise  have  overwhelmed  the  disorganized  Greek  world 
long  before.  The  Roman  State  was  the  last  bulwark  of  civiliza- 

tion  intrenched  on  the  Mediterranean  against  the  Indo-European 

( barbarians.  But  the  bulwark,  though  shaken,  did  not  fall  be- 
\ cause  of  hostile  assaults  from  without.  It  fell  because  of 
I decay  within. 


1157.  Sur- 
viving in- 
fluences of 
Rome  in 


The  Triumph  of  the  Barbarians  7^3 

Nor  did  it  fall  everywhere.  For,  as  we  have  seen,  a fragment 
of  the  vast  Empire  still  survived  in  the  East  The  emperors 
ruling  at  Constantinople  traced  their  predecessors  back  in  an 
unbroken  line  to  Augustus,  and  they  ruled  as  his  successors. 
Founded  on  the  site  of  an  ancient  Greek  city,  lying  in  the  midst 
of  the  Greek  East,  Constantinople  had  always  been  Greek  in 
both  language  and  civilization.  But  at  the  same  time,  as  we 
have  seen,  it  was  largely  oriental  also.  Notwithstanding  this,  it 
never  whoUy  lost  the  tradition  of  old  Greek  culture.  Learning, 
even  tliough  of  a mechanical  type,  never  died  out  there,  as  it 
did  so  completely  in  the  West;  nor  did  art  ever  fall  so  low. 
As  Rome  declined,  Constantinople  became  the  greatest  and 
most  splendid  city  of  Europe,  exciting  the  admiration  and  sur- 
prise of  all  visitors  from  the  less  civilized  West.  Thus  the  last 
surviving  fragment  of  the  Empire,  which  by  right  of  succession 
might  still  continue  to  call  itself  Roman,  lived  on  for  a thou- 
sand years  after  the  Germans  had  completely  conquered  the 
West.  Nor  did  the  Germans  ever  gain  Constantinople,  but  in 
1453  this  last  remnant  of  the  Roman  Empire  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  Turks,  who  have  held  it  ever  since. 

Section  102.  Retrospect 

Besides  the  internal  decay  of  Rome  and  the  triumph  of  the 
Christian  Church,  the  other  great  outstanding  feature  of  the  last 
centuries  of  the  Roman  Empire  was  the  incoming  of  the  bar- 
barians, with  the  result  that  while  Mediterranean  civilization 
steadily  declined,  it  nevertheless  slowly  spread  northward,  espe- 
cially under  the  influence  of  the  Church,  till  it  transformed  the 
ruder  life  of  the  North.  At  this  point  then  we  have  returned  to 
the  region  of  western  and  northern  Europe,  where  we  first  took 
up  the  career  of  man,  and  there,  among  the  crumbling  monu- 
ments of  the  Stone  Age,  Christian  churches  now  began  to  rise. 
Books  and  civilized  government,  once  found  only  along  the 
Mediterranean,  reached  the  northern  shores  of  Europe,  where 


1158.  Sur- 
vival of  a 
fragment  of 
the  Empire 
at  Constanti- 
nople, and 
its  fall  in 
1453  A.D. 


li5().  From 
the  fist- 
hatchet  to 
the  Chris- 
tian civili- 
zation of 
northern 
Europe  in 
fifty  Aou- 
sand  years 


Ii6o.  The 
long  struggle 
of  civilization 
and  barbarism 


714  Ancient  Times 

grass  and  great  forest  trees  were  growing  over  the  shell  heaps 
of  the  Stone  Age  Norsemen  (Fig.  13).  What  a vast  sweep  of 
the  human  career  rises  before  our  imagination  as  we  picture  the 
first  church  spires  among  the  massive  tombs  of  Stone  Age  man 
(Fig.  20)! 

We  have  watched  the  men  of  Europe  struggling  upward 
through  thousands  of  years  of  Stone  Age  barbarism,  while 
toward  the  end  of  that  struggle,  civilization  was  arising  in  the 
Orient.  Then  on  the  borders  of  the  Orient  we  saw  the  Stone 
Age  Europeans  of  the  ^gean  receiving  civilization  from  the 
Nile  and  thus  developing  a wonderful  civilized  world  of  their 
own.  This  remarkable  AEgean  civilization,  the  earliest  in  Europe, 
was  overwhelmed  and  destroyed  by  the  incoming  of  those 
Indo-European  barbarians  whom  we  call  the  Greeks  (§  380). 
Writing,  art,  architecture,  and  shipbuilding,  which  had  arisen 
on  the  borders  of  southeastern  Europe,  passed  away,  and  civili- 
zation in  Europe  perished  at  the  hands  of  the  Greek  nomads 
from  the  Danube.  Civilization  would  have  been  lost  entirely, 
had  not  the  Orient,  where  it  was  born,  now  preserved  it.  South- 
eastern Europe,  controlled  by  the  Greeks,  was  therefore  able  to 
make  another  start,  and  from  the  Orient  it  again  received  writ- 
ing, art,  architecture,  shipbuilding,  and  many  other  things 
which  make  up  civilization.  After  having  thus  halted  civilization 
in  Europe  for  over  a thousand  years,  the  Greeks  left  behind 
their  early  barbarism  (cf.  Fig.  155),  and,  developing  a noble  and 
beautiful  culture  of  their  own,  they  carried  civilization  to  the 
highest  level  it  ever  attained.  Then,  as  the  Indo-European  bar- 
barians from  the  North  again  descended  to  the  Mediterranean 
(Section  99),  Roman  organization  prevented  civilization  from 
being  destroyed  for  the  second  time.  Thus  enough  of  the 
civilization  which  the  Orient  and  the  Greeks  had  built  up 
was  preserved,  so  that  after  long  delay  it  rose  again  in 
Europe  to  become  what  we  find  it  to-day.  Such-  has  been 
the  long  struggle  of  civilization  and  barbarism  which  we  have 
been  following. 


The  Triumph  of  the  Barbarians 


715 


To-day,  marking  the  various  stages  of  that  long  career,  the 
stone  fist-hatchets  lie  deep  in  the  river  gravels  of  France ; the 
furniture  of  the  pile-villages  sleeps  at  the  bottom  of  the  Swiss 
lakes  ; the  majestic  pyramids  and  temples  announcing  the  dawn 
of  civilization  rise  along  the  Nile ; the  silent  and  deserted  city- 
mounds  by  the  Tigris  and  Euphrates  shelter  their  myriads  of 
clay  tablets ; the  palaces  of  Crete  look  out  toward  the  sea  they 
once  ruled ; the  noble  temples  and  sculptures  of  Greece  still 
proclaim  the  new  world  of  beauty  and  freedom  first  revealed 
by  the  Greeks ; the  splendid  Roman  roads  and  aqueducts 
assert  the  supremacy  and  organized  control  of  Rome ; and 
the  Christian  churches  proclaim  the  new  ideal  of  human 
brotherhood.  These  things  still  reveal  the  fascinating  trail 
along  which  our  ancestors  came,  and  in  following  that  trail 
we  have  recovered  the  earliest  chapters  in  the  wonderful 
human  story  which  we  call  Ancient  History. 


1161.  The 
trail  which 
we  have  fol- 
lowed to  re- 
cover ancient 
history 


QUESTIONS 

Section  99.  Describe  the  German  peoples  at  home;  in  migra- 
tion and  war.  Describe  the  incoming  of  the  West  Goths  and  the 
results.  What  chief  movements  of  the  barbarians  took  place  after 
the  death  of  Theodosius?  What  was  the  effect  upon  the  Western 
Empire?  Describe  the  two  great  barbarian  invasions  of  Italy  in  the 
middle  of  the  fifth  century  A.  d.  and  the  end  of  the  line  of  emperors 
at  Rome.  Describe  Justinian’s  Digest.  What  had  happened  to  the 
old  religions?  What  did  Justinian  do  about  Greek  philosophy? 
Describe  the  division  of  the  Church. 

Section  ioo.  Tell  about  Augustine  and  his  writings.  Describe 
the  growing  power  of  the  Church  at  Rome.  Sketch  the  story  of  the 
Franks  and  their  alliance  with  the  bishop  of  Rome.  What  elements 
of  culture  had  the  church  now  gained  ? What  forms  did  early  church 
architecture  have,  and  whence  did  they  come  ? 

Section  ioi.  Tell  the  story  of  Mohammed.  What  did  his  suc- 
cessors accomplish  in  civilization  ? in  conquest  ? Describe  briefly  the 
world  situation  which  resulted.  How  long  did  the  Roman  Empire 
last  ? What  influences  did  it  leave  behind  ? 


Ancient  Times 


716 

Section  102.  Where  did  mankind  first  gain  civilization?  Where 
did  civilization  first  arise  in  Europe?  What  happened  when  the 
Greeks  came  in?  Where  was  civilization  then  preserved?  Who 
carried  it  to  its  highest  level  ? By  whom  was  it  almost  destroyed  for 
the  second  time?  What  organization  saved  it  for  the  second  time? 

Note.  The  scene  below  shows  us  the  condition  of  Europe  at  least  fifty 
thousand  years  ago,  in  the  Early  Stone  Age  (§§  6-12),  when  man  began  the 
long  upward  climb  which  carried  him  through  all  the  ages  of  developing  and 
declining  civilization  which  we  have  been  following. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


It  is  not  the  aim  of  this  bibliography  to  mention  all  of  even  the  im- 
portant books  in  various  languages  that  relate  to  the  periods  in  ques- 
tion. The  writer  is  well  aware  that  teachers  are  busy  people,  and  that 
high-school  libraries  and  local  public  libraries  usually  furnish  at  best 
only  a few  historical  works.  It  is  therefore  most  important  that  those 
books  should  be  given  prominence  in  this  list  which  the  teacher  has 
some  chance  of  procuring  and  finding  the  time  to  use.  It  not  infre- 
quently happens  that  the  best  account  of  a particular  period  or  topic  is 
in  a foreign  language  or  in  a rare  publication,  such  as  a doctor’s  dis- 
sertation, which  could  only  be  found  in  one  of  our  largest  libraries.  All 
such  titles,  however  valuable,  are  omitted  from  this  list.  They  can  be 
found  mentioned  in  all  the  more  scholarly  works  in  the  various  fields. 

A small  high-school  library  on  the  ancient  world,  of  moderate  cost, 
including  a standard  book  or  two  on  each  main  period  or  topic,  has  been 
indicated  in  the  following  list  by  a dagger  (t)  before  each  title.  From 
these  a selection  can  be  made.  The  price  will  average  not  more  than  .50 
per  volume.  Preference  is  sometimes  indicated  by  double  dagger  (tt). 

All  books  with  a star  (*)  are  suited  chiefly  for  the  teacher  and  are 
rather  advanced  for  the  high-school  student.  Where  a book  is  referred 
to  often,  the  star  or  dagger  usually  appears  only  with  the  first  mention. 

CHAPTER  I 

Ancient  Hunters.  \'XwX)'S.,  Primitive  Culture.  tHoERNES, 

Primitive  Man.  IMyres,  The  Dawn  of  History,  chaps,  i-ii,  vii-xi.  An 
excellent  little  book  in  which  only  the  traditional  Babylonian  chronology 
needs  revision.  *Sir  John  Lubbock  (Lord  Avebury),  Prehistoric 
Times.  *Osborn,  Men  of  the  Old  Stone  Age.  A very  valuable  and 
sumptuously  illustrated  presentation  of  Early  Stone  Age  life. 

CHAPTERS  H AND  HI 

Breasted,  History  of  Egypt.  IBreasted,  History  of  the  Ancient  A.  Histories 
Egyptians.  *Hall,  The  Ancient  History  of  the  Near  East,  chaps,  ii-iv, 
vi-viii. 


717 


718 


Ancient  Times 


B.  Art  and 
archaeology 


C.  Mythology 
and  religion 

D.  Social  life 

E.  Excava- 
tion and 
discovery 


P.  Original 
sources  in 
English 

G.  The  mon- 
uments as 
they  are  to- 
day 


A.  Histories 


B.  Art  and 
archaeology 


C.  Mythology 
and  religion 

D.  Social  life 


tMASPERO,  Art  in  Egypt.  A useful  little  manual  in  Ars  una  — species 
mille.  (Hachette  & 0'"=,  and  Scribner’s,  New  York.)  *Maspero, 
of  Egyptian  Archceology.  (Last  edition,  1914.  Putnam’s.)  tHEDWIG 
Fechheimer,  Die  Plastik  der  Aegypter  (156  beautiful  plates  showing 
the  finest  examples  of  Egyptian  sculpture.  The  best  series  to  be  had, 
and  very  low  priced). 

^Breasted,  The  Development  of  Religioti  and  Thottght  iji  Ancient 
Egypt. 

(Erman,  Life  in  Ancient  Egypt. 

tEowARDS,  Pharaohs,  Fellahs,  and  Explorers.  *Petrie,  Ten  Years' 
Digging  in  Egypt.  Weigall,  Treasury  of  the  Nile.  Two  quarterly 
journals  begun  in  1914,  called  Ancient  Egypt  (edited  by  Petrie  ; $2.00  a 
year;  subscriptions  taken  by  Dr.  W.  C.  Winslow,  525  Beacon  Street, 
Boston,  Mass.)  and  fozimal  of  Eg yptiati  Archeology  (published  by  the 
Egypt  Exploration  Fund).  Both  report  discoveries  in  Egypt  as  fast  as 
made. 

*Breasted,  Ancient  Records  of  Egypt,  Vols.  I-V.  tPETRlE,  Egyptian 
Tales.  tMASPERO,  Popular  Stories  of  Ancient  Egypt  (translated  from 
the  French  by  Mrs.  C.  H.  W.  Johns). 

The  Underwood  & Underwood  series  of  Egyptian  views,  edited  by 
tBREASTED,  Egypt  through  the  Stereoscope  : a fourney  through  the  Land 
of  the  Pharaohs  (too  views  with  explanatory  volume  and  set  of  maps). 
See  remarks  above,  p.  viii.  t (Selected  views,  with  explanations  printed 
on  the  backs,  may  be  secured  at  moderate  cost.  The  most  useful  fifteen 
on  Egypt  are  Nos.  17,  27,  29,  30,  31,  42,  48,  52,  57,  60,  62,  69,  82,  89,  97.) 

CHAPTER  IV 

*King,  History  of  Sumer  and  Akkad  and  ^History  of  Babylonia. 
tGoODSPEED,  History  of  the  Babylonians  and  Assyrians.  Recent  dis- 
coveries have  greatly  altered  the  chronology.  tC.  H.  W.  Johns, 
Anciezit  Babylonia  (Q,2.v!pox\&g^  Manuals).  *Hall,  The  Anciezit  History 
of  the  Near  East,  chaps,  v,  x,  xii.  *Olmstead,  Sargozi  of  Assyria. 
^Rogers,  A History  of  Babylonia  azid  Assyria. 

There  is  no  handbook  corresponding  to  Maspero’s  Art  in  Egypt. 
*Handcock,  Mesopotamian  Archeology.  *Hall,  The  Ancient  History 
of  the  Near  East.  *Jastrow,  Civilization  of  the  Babylonians  and 
Assyrians. 

*Jastrow,  Aspects  of  Religious  Belief  and  Practice  in  Babylonia  and 
Assyria.  See  also  his  Civilization. 

tSAYCE,  Babylonian  and  Assyrian  Life  and  Customs.  *Jastrow, 
Civilization. 


Bibliography 


719 


*Rogers,  a History  of  Babylonia  and  Assyria,  Vol.  I.  There  is  no 
journal  reporting  discoveries  in  Babylonia  and  Assyria  (like  Ancient 
Egypt  above),  but  see  the  new  journal  of  the  American  Archaeological 
Institute,  called  Art  atid  Archeology  ($2.00  a year;  subscriptions  taken 
by  The  Macmillan  Company,  64-66  Fifth  Avenue,  New  York),  which 
reports  discovery  in  the  whole  field  of  ancient  man. 

*R.  F.  Harper  (Ed.),  Assyrian  and  Babylonian  I.iterature.  tBoTS- 
FORD,  A Source  Book  of  Ancient  History,  chap.  iii.  *Sayce  (Ed.), 
Records  of  the  Past  (First  Series,  12  vols.;  Second  Series,  6 vols.). 
tC.  H.  \V.  Johns,  Oldest  Code  of  Laws  in  the  World  (Laws  of  Hammurapi). 
*King,  Letters  of  Hammurapi. 

The  buildings  surviving  in  Babylonia  and  Assyria  are  in  a very  ruin- 
ous state.  Photographs  are  now  available  in  the  excellent  series  by 
Underwood  & Underwood  on  Mesopotamia. 

CHAPTER  V 

tGooDSPEED,  History  of  the  Babylonians  and  Assyrians.  tC.  H.  W. 
Johns,  Ancient  Assyria  (Cambridge  Manuals).  *King,  History  of 
Babylonia.  *Hall,  Ancient  History  of  the  A^ear  East.  *Olmstead, 
Sarg07i  of  Assyria.  *Rogers,  A History  of  Babylonia  and  Assyria. 

There  is  no  handbook  of  Assyrian  art.  The  Patterson-Kleinmann 
series  of  photographs  contains  the  most  important  Assyrian  sculptures. 
See  also  *Jastrow,  Civilization. 

On  religion,  social  life,  excavation  and  discovery,  and  original  sources, 
see  the  books  mentioned  under  Chapter  IV,  above. 

CHAPTER  VI 

There  is  no  good  modem  history  of  Persia  in  English  based  on  the 
sources,  but  see  especially  : JBenjamin,  Story  of  Persia  (Story  of  the 
Nations  Series).  Meyer,  " Persia,”  in  Encyclopedia  Britannica.  Raw- 
linson.  Five  Great  Monarchies : Persia.  *Hall,  The  Ancient  History 
of  the  Near  East,  chap.  xii. 

*Perrot  and  Chipiez,  History  of  Art : Persia.  Rawlinson,  Mo7i- 
archies. 

Meyer,  " Persia,”  in  Encyclopedia  Britannica.  Rawlinson,  Mon- 
archies. 

*Jackson,  Zoroaster.  Rawlinson,  Monarchies. 

t Jackson,  Persia,  Past  and  Present.  This  valuable  book  is  the  best 
introduction  to  the  subject  of  Persia  as  a whole,  and  contains  much 
information  on  all  the  above  subjects.  tMiCHAELis,  A Century  of 
Archeological  Discovery. 


E.  Excava- 
tion and 
discovery 


F.  Original 
sources  in 
English 


G.  The 
monuments 
as  they  are 
to-day 


A.  Histories 


B.  Art  and 
archaeology 


A.  Histories 


B.  Art  and 
archaeology 

C.  Mythology 
and  religion 

D.  Social  life 

E.  Explora- 
tion and 
discovery 


720 


Ancient  Times 


P.  Original 
sources  in 
English 


A.  Histories 


B.  Mythology 
and  religion 


C.  Excava- 
tion and 
discovery 


D.  Social  life 

E.  Original 
sources  in 
English 


F.  Palestine, 
its  people  and 
monuments 
as  they  are 
to-day 


A.  Histories 


tToLMAN,  T^e  Behistan  Inscription  of  King  Darius.  The  Persian 
monuments  are  not  numerous,  and  this  inscription  of  Behistun  is  the 
most  important.  A considerable  part  of  it  will  be  found  quoted  in 
Botsford,  a Source  Book  of  Ancient  History,  pp.  57-59.  The  Avesta 
will  be  found  in  the  series  called  Sacred  Books  of  the  East. 

CHAPTER  VII 

*George  Adam  Smith,  The  Historical  Geography  of  the  Holy  Land. 
The  most  valuable  of  the  many  books  on  Palestine,  but  a little  advanced 
for  high-school  pupils.  * Henry  Preserved  Smith,  Old  Testament 
History.  *Cornill,  History  of  the  People  of  Israel.  IKent,  History  of 
the  Hebrew  People.  IKent,  History  of  the  fewish  People.  *Hall,  The 
Ancient  History  of  the  Near  East,  chap.  ix.  IMacalister,  A History 
of  Civilizatioti  in  Palestine  (Cambridge  Manuals). 

*Budde,  The  Religion  of  Israel  to  the  Exile.  *Cheyne,  V<?Z£)rir/4  Reli- 
gious Life  after  the  Exile,  tj-  M.  Powis  Smith,  The  Prophet  and  his 
Problems  (Scribner’s). 

Hilprecht,  Recent  Research  hi  Bible  Lands.  IMacalister,  A His- 
tory of  Civilization  in  Palestine  (Cambridge  Manuals).  Current  reports 
will  be  found  in  fournal  of  the  Palestine  Exploration  Pund,  and  in  Art 
and  Archceology  (see  above). 

Day,  Social  Life  of  the  Hebrews. 

The  Old  Testament  in  the  Revised  Version.  tMoORE,  The  Literature 
of  the  Old  Testament.  *Cornill,  Introduction  to  the  Canonical  Books  of 
the  Old  Testament.  *Rogers,  Cuneiform  Parallels  to  the  Old  Testament. 
(Botsford,  A Source  Book  of  Ancient  History,  chap.  iv. 

The  Underwood  & Underwood  stereoscopic  photographs  (edited  by 
Hurlbut),  Traveling  in  the  Holy  Land  through  the  Stereoscope  (100 
views  with  guidebook  and  maps).  t(A  selection  of  the  best  ten  would 
include  Nos.  8,  9,  18,  25,  39,  40,  41,  47,  61,  71.)  Smith,  George  Adam, 
The  Historical  Geography  of  the  Holy  Land.  Baton,  Guide  to  ferusalem. 

CHAPTER  VHI 

(Botsford,  Hellenic  History,  chap.  i.  (Westermann,  Ancient 
pp.  43-50.  (Goodspeed, pp.  65-71.  ((Myres, 
Dawn  of  History,  chap.  viii.  (Kimball-Bury,  Students'  Greece,  chap.  i. 
(Bury,  History  of  Greece  (second  edition),  pp.  1-43.  ((Reinach, 
Story  of  Art,  pp.  26-32.  ((Hawes,  Crete  the  Forerunner  of  Greece. 
(Baikie,  Sea  Kings  of  Crete.  (Zimmern,  Greek  Commonwealth,  Pt.  I 
(second  edition). 


Bibliography 


721 


The  surviving  documents  are  here  almost  wholly  archaeological,  but 
a few  selections  bearing  on  this  chapter  are  to  be  found  in  Botsford 
and  sutler’s  Hellenic  Civilization,  chap.  ii. 

CHAPTER  IX 

Botsford,  Hellenic  History,  chap.  ii.  W estermann,  Ancient  Natiojis, 
chap.  vii.  Goodspeed,  Ancient  World,  pp.  65-77.  Myres,  Dawn,  chap, 
ix.  Kimball-Bury,  Students'  Greece,  chap.  ii.  Bury,  Greece,  chap.  i. 
*Hall,  Ancient  History  of  the  Near  East,  pp.  31—72.  Hawes,  Crete. 
Baikie,  Sea  Kings.  *Mosso,  Dawn  of  Mediterranean  Civilization. 

See  note  under  preceding  chapter,  also  tBoTSFORD,  Source  Book  of 
Ancient  History,  chap.  vii. 


CHAPTER  X 

Botsford,  Hellenic  History,  chap.  iii.  Westermann,  Ancient 
Nations,  chap.  vui.  Goodspeed,  Ancient  World,  pp.  83-87,  91-99. 
Kimball-Bury,  Students'  Greece,  chap.  u.  Bury,  Greece,  chap.  i. 
tGREENIDGE,  Greek  Constitutional  History,  chap.  ii.  ttCAPPS,  Homer 
to  Theocritus, 'p'p.  Homeric  Eife.  Homeric 

Age.  ZiMMERN,  Greek  Commonwealth. 

ttBoTSFORD  and  Sihler,  Hellenic  Civilization,  chap.  ii.  Botsford, 
Source  Book  of  Ancient  History,  chaps,  viii-ix.  IThallon,  Readings  hi 
Greek  History,  chap.  i.  Selections  from  the  Iliad  and  Odyssey. 

CHAPTER  XI 

Botsford,  Hellenic  History,  chap.  iv.  Westermann,  Ancient 
Nations,  chap.  ix.  Goodspeed,  Ancient  World,  pp.  79-82,  87-92,  100- 
loi.  Kimball-Bury,  Students'  Greece,  chap.  iii.  Bury,  Greece,  chap.  ii. 
t Allcroft,  History  of  Sicily,  chaps,  i-ii.  Greenidge,  Greek  Constitu- 
tional History,  chaps,  ii-iii.  Capps,  Homer  to  Theocritus,  pp.  1 29-1 40. 
Keller,  Colonization,  pp.  26-50.  Zimmern,  Greek  Commonwealth. 

Botsford  and  Sihler,  Hellenic  Civilization,  chap.  iii.  Botsford, 
Source  Book,  chap.  xi.  Herodotus  (Rawlinson),  IV,  1 50-159.  Hesiod  and 
Theognis  (CoLLiNs).  Hesiod  (Mair).  Thallon,  Readings,  chaps,  ii-iv. 

CHAPTER  XII 


B.  Sources 
and  source 
selections 


A.  Histories 


B.  Sources 
and  source 
selections 


A.  Histories 


B.  Sources 
and  source 
selection 


A.  Histories 


B.  Sources 
and  source 
selections 


Botsford,  Hellenic  History,  chaps,  vi-ix.  Westermann,  Ancient  A.  Histories 
Nations,  chap.  x.  Goodspeed,  Ancient  World,  pp.  101-108,  115- 
125.  Kimball-Bury,  Students'  Greece,  pp.  79-89,  and  chaps,  v-vi. 


722 


Ancient  Times 


B.  Sources 
and  source 
selections 


A.  Histories 


B.  Sources 
and  source 
selections 


A.  Histories 


B.  Sources 
and  source 
selewions 


A.  Histories 


Greenidge,  Greek  Consiiiutional  History,  pp.  135-187.  Bury,  Greece, 
pp.  144-162  and  chaps,  iv-v.  Capps,  Homer  to  Theocritus,  chaps, 
vi-vii.  ttBENN,  Ancient  Philosophy,  chaps,  i-ii.  Reinach,  Story  oj 
Art,  pp.  33-41.  fMAHAFFY,  Social  Life  in  Greece,  chaps,  iv-v.  Zim- 
MERN,  Greek  Commonwealth. 

Botsford  and  Sihler,  chap.  iv.  Botsford,  Source  Book,  chaps,  x, 
xii-xiv.  \ Aristotle' s Constitution  of  Athens  (KenYON  or  PoSTE), 
chaps,  i-xxii.  \ Plutarch's  Lives  of  Theseus  and  Solon.  ^Herodotus,  I, 
29-33,59-64;  111,39-46,  120-125.  Thallon,  chaps,  iv  and  vi. 

CHAPTER  XIII 

Botsford,  Hellenic  History,  chaps,  x-xi.  Westermann,  Ancient 
Nations,  chdL^.xW.  Goodspeed,  pp.  126-144.  Kimball- 

Bury,  Students'  Greece,  chaps,  vii-viii.  Allcroft,  History  of  Sicily, 
chaps,  iiiff.  Bury,  Greece,  chaps,  vi-vii.  Hall,  Near  East,  chap.  xii. 
t Hogarth,  Asicient  East,  pp.  120-186.  *Abbott,  Pericles,  chap.  iii. 
*Grundy,  Great  Persian  War. 

Botsford  and  Sihler,  pp.  162-172.  tPLiNG,  Sozirce  Book  of  Greek 
History,  chap.  v.  Botsford,  Source  Book,  chaps,  xv-xvi.  Herodotus, 
Bks.  VI-IX,  especially  VII,  140-233.  Plutarch's  Lives  of  Aristides, 
Themistocles,  Pausanias.  \ Hischylus'  Persians,  especially  lines  355-520. 
Thallon,  Readings,  chaps,  vii-viii. 

CHAPTER  XIV 

Botsford,  Hellenic  Histojy.  Westermann,  Ancient  Nations,  chaps, 
xi  and  xiii.  Goodspeed,  IH'Z'/zz',  pp.  109-115,  144-155,  168-173. 

Kimball-Bury,  Studefits'  Greece,  pp.  64-74  chaps,  ix-x.  Bury, 
Greece,  pp.  120-143  and  chap.  viii.  ISeignobos,  Ancie?tt  Civilization, 
chap.  xi.  Greenidge,  Greek  ConstiUUional  History,  pp.  78-120,  189- 
207.  IGrant,  Greece  in  the  Age  of  Pericles,  chaps,  v-vii.  *Abbott, 
Pericles,  chaps,  iv-viii.  Zimmern,  Greek  Commonwealth. 

Botsford  and  Sihler,  chaps,  vi-vii.  Botsford,  Source  Book,  chap, 
xvii.  Plutarch's  Lives  of  Aristides,  Ci?no7t,  Lycurgus.  Xenophon's  State 
of  the  Lacedemonians.  Aristotle's  Atheniasi  Constitutiosi,  chaps,  xxiii- 
xxvii.  i Thucydides  {Jowett),  1,  gS-ioj,  127-139.  Thaei-ON,  Readings, 
chaps.  V and  ix. 

CHAPTER  XV 

Botsford,  Hellenic  History.  Westermann,  Ancient  Nations,  chaps, 
xiv-xv.  Goodspeed,  Ancient  World,  156-169.  Kimball-Bury,  Stu- 
dents' Greece,  chap.  xi.  Seignobos,  Ancient  Civilization,  chap.  xiv. 


Bibliography 


723 


Bury,  Greece,  chap.  ix.  Grant,  Age  of  Pericles,  chaps,  vii-x,  xii.  Benn, 

Ancient  Philosophy,  chap.  iii.  ttTARBELL,  History  of  Greek  Art,  chaps, 
iii,  vii,  and  viii.  Capps,  Homer  to  Theocritus,  chaps,  viii-xii.  t Monroe, 

History  of  Pducation,  pp.  28-59.  Mahaffy,  Social  Life  in  Greece, 
chaps,  vi  ff.  Abbott,  Pericles,  chaps,  xvi-xviii.  Zimmern,  Greek 
Commonwealth . 

Botsford  and  Sihler,  chaps,  viii-xi.  Botsford,  Source  Book,  chap.  B.  Sources 
xviii.  Plntarch'c  Pericles.  Thallon,  Keadmgs,  chap.  ix.  Elections* 

CHAPTER  XVI 

Botsford,  Hellenic  History.  Westermann,  Ancient  Nations,  chap.  A.  Histories 
xvi.  Goodspeed,  Ancient  World,  pp.  1 74-1 99.  Kimball-Bury,  Stu- 
dents' Greece,  chaps,  xii  and  xiv.  Bury,  Greece,  chaps,  x-xi.  Allcroft, 

Sicily.  Gr.ant,  Age  of  Pericles,  chap.  xi.  Abbott,  Pericles,  chaps, 
xiv— XV.  *Ferguson,  Greek  Imperialism,  \^&cX.W.  *Whibley,  A’o/zV/ca/ 

Parties  in  Athens.  ZiMMERN,  Greek  Commonwealth. 

Botsford  and  Sihler,  chap.  vi.  Botsford,  Sozirce  Book,  chaps.  B.  Sources 

xix-xx.  Fling,  Source  Book,  chap.  vii.  Plutarch's  Lives  of  Alcibiades,  source 

. _ selections 

Nicias,  Lysander.  Thttcydides  (Jowett),  Selections.  Thallon,  Read- 
ings, chaps,  x-xii. 


CHAPTER  XVII 

Botsford,  Hellenic  History.  Westermann,  Ancient  Nations,  chap.  A.  Histories 
xvii.  Goodspeed,  Ancient  World,  pp.  200-215.  Kimball-Bury,  Stti- 
dents'  Greece,  chaps,  xv-xvii.  AllcrOFT,  History  of  Greece,  404-363  B.c. 

Bury,  Greece,  chaps,  xii-xiv.  Allcroft,  Sicily.  Capps,  Homer  to 
Theocritus,  pp.  330-338.  ISankey,  Spaitan  and  Theban  Supremacies. 

Botsford,  Source  Book,  chaps,  xxii-xxiii.  ^ Xenophon' s Anabasis,  IV,  B.  Sources 
7 ff. ; Agesilaos  (Dakyns).  N'epos'  Epaminondas.  Plutarch's  Lives  of 
Pelopidas  and  Timoleo7i.  Thallon,  Readings,  chaps,  xiii-xiv. 

CHAPTER  XVIII 

Botsford,  Hellenic  History.  Westermann,  Ancient  Nations,  pp.  ^.  Histories 
193-198.  Goodspeed,  Ancient  World,  pp.  184-189,  215-220.  Bury, 

Greece  (see  Index).  Allcroft,  History  of  Greece,  404-363  b.c.,  chap.  xi. 

Capps,  Homer  to  Theocritus,  chaps,  xv-xvii.  Mahaffy,  Social  Life  in 
Greece,  chaps,  viff.  Benn,  Ancient  Philosophy,  chaps,  iv-vi.  Reinach, 

Story  of  Art,  pp.  50-58,  66-74.  Monroe,  History  of  Education,  pp. 

59-72.  Tarbell,  Greek  Art,  chap.  ix.  Ferguson,  Greek  Imperialism, 

Lect.  III.  ITaylor,  Plato.  *Mauthner,  Aristotle. 


B.  Sources 
and  source 
selections 


A.  Histories 


B.  Sources 
and  source 
selections 


A.  Histories 


B.  Sources 
and  source 
selections 


A.  Histories 


724  Ancient  Times 

Botsford  aud  Sihler,  chaps,  xii-xv.  Fling,  Source  Book,  chap, 
viii.  Thallon,  Readings,  pp.  513-516,  532-558.  Xenophon's  Economics 
(Dakyns).  Plato's  Apology.  Selections  from  Euripides  in  fApPLETON, 
Greek  Poets,  and  in  tGoLDWiN  Smith,  Specimens  of  Greek  Tragedy. 
Aristophanes'  Achamians  and  Birds  (Frere  in  Everyman’s). 

CHAPTER  XIX 

Botsford,  Hellenic  History.  Westermann,  Ancie7it  Nations,  pp. 
187-193  and  chap.  xix.  Goodspeed,  Ancient  World,  pp.  220-247. 
Kimball-Bury,  Students'  Greece,  chaps,  xviii-xx.  Allcroft,  History 
of  Greece,  362-323  b.c.  Bury,  Greece,  chaps,  xvi-xviii.  tHoGARTH, 
Anciejit  East,  pp.  186-217.  Ferguson,  Greek  Imperialism,  Lect.  IV. 
Capps,  Homer  to  Theocritus,  chap.  xiv.  tCuRTEls,  Macedonian  Einpire. 
t Wheeler,  Alexand^’r. 

Botsford  and  Sihler,  chap,  xvi,  passim.  Botsford,  Sottrce  Book, 
chaps,  xxiv-xxv.  Phctarch's  Lives  of  Demosthenes,  Phocion,  Alexajidei-. 
^An-ian's  Anabasis  (selections).  Justin,  History,  Bk.  IX  (Bohn).  De- 
mosthe^ies’  Crow7i  and  Third  Philippic.  Thallon,  Readings,  chap.  xv. 
Davis,  Readhigs,  I,  chap.  ix. 

CHAPTER  XX 

Botsford,  Hellenic  History.  Westermann,  Ancient  Nations,  chap. 
XX.  Goodspeed,  A7icient  World,  pp.  248-256,  258-269.  *Gardner, 
New  Chapters  in  Greek  History,  chap.  xv.  Ferguson,  Greek  Impe7-ialism, 
Lects.  V-VII.  ■fSuvcKBVRGH,  Greek  HistoTy, -pp.  225-3^0.  Greenidge, 
Greek  Constitutio7ial  Histo7y,  chap.  vii.  Mahaffy,  P/vblems  hi  Greek 
History,  chap.  ix.  t Mahaffy,  P7-og7-ess  of  Hellenism,  Lects.  II-IV. 
* Greek  Life  and  Thought,  chaps,  iii-v,  xvi. 

Justin,  History,  B k. I X.  Plutarch 's Lives  ofAratus,  Demetrius,  Pyrrhus, 
Agis,  Cleomenes,  Eumenes.  Fling,  Source  Book,  chap.  xiii.  ^Polybius' 
Histories.  Shuckburgh,  Selections,  especially  on  the  Achaean  League. 

CHAPTER  XXI 

Botsford,  Helle7iic  History.  Westermann,  A7icient  Nations,  chaps, 
xxi-xxii.  Goodspeed,  pp.  256-262,  265-267.  Hogarth, 

Ancient  East,  pp.  218-251.  Mahaffy,  Alexander's  Empire,  chaps,  xiv, 
XX,  and  xxiii;  Progress  of  Hellenism,  Lect.  V ; Greek  Life  and  Thought, 
chaps,  i-ii,  vi-xv.  Monro'e,  HistoTy  of  Education,  pp.  73-78.  JTucker, 
Life  in  Ancient  Athens,  chap.  ix.  Tarbell,  Greek  Art,  chap.  x.  Capps, 
Homer  to  Theocritus,  chap,  xviii. 


Bibliography  7^5 

Botsford  and  Sihler,  chaps,  xvi-xix.  Botsford,  Source  Book, 
chaps.  xxvi-x.xvii.  t Davis,  Readings,  I,  chap.  x. 

CHAPTER  XXII 

Botsford,  History  of  Rome,  chaps,  i-iv.  Westermann,  Aticient 
Nations,  chaps,  xxiii-xxv.  Goodspeed,  Ancient  World,  pp.  276-325, 
331-342.  IBryant,  Short  History  of  Rome,  chaps,  i-vii.  fPowLER, 
Rome,  pp.  7-54.  IIMyres,  Daivn,  chap.  x.  Mosso,  Daion  of  Civiliza- 
tion, chaps,  xxi-xxii,  xxiv-xxv.  Jones,  Companion  to  Ro7nan  Histoiy, 
pp.  1-12.  IHeitland,  Short  Histoiy  of  the  Roman  Republic,  pp.  1-82. 
tHow  and  Leigh,  Plistoiy  of  Rome,  pp.  1-131.  JPelham,  Outlines, 
pp.  45-67.  tt Abbott,  Roman  Political  Institutions,  JCarter, 

Religion  of  Aiirna.  *Frank,  Roman  Imperialism. 

Botsford,  Story  of  Rome,  chaps,  i-iv;  Source  Book,  chaps,  xxix-xxxi. 
Munro,  Source  Book,  chaps,  i,  ii,  iv,  and  v.  Plutarch's  Lives  of  Romulus, 
Aitma,  Pyrrhus,  Camillus.  D.yvis,  Source  Readings,  ll,  pp.  1-40. 


CHAPTER  XXIII 

Botsford,  History  of  Rome,  chap.  v.  Westermann,  Ancient  Nations, 
pp.  275-276,  279-2S4.  Goodspeed,  Ancient  World,  pp.  326-331,  343- 
346.  Bryant,  Short  Histoiy,  pp.  67-74.  Fowler,  Rome,  pp.  55-83. 
HeitLand,  Short  History,  pp.  82-97.  JLiddell,  Student's  Rome,  pp.  218- 
229.  *Greenidge,  Roman  Public  Life,  chap.  vii.  How  and  Leigh, 
Rome,  pp.  131-14S.  tSMiTH,  Carthage  and  the  Carthaginians.  Frank, 
Roman  Imperialism. 

Botsford,  Stoiy  of  Rome,  pp.  101-104;  Source  Book,  chap,  xxxii. 
Munro,  Source  Book,  chap.  iii.  Davis,  Source  Readings,  II,  pp.  41-50. 


CHAPTER  XXIV 

Botsford,  History  of  Rome,  chap.  v.  Westermann,  Ancient  Nations, 
chaps,  xxvi-xxvii.  Goodspeed,  Ancient  World,  pp.  346-354.  Fowler, 
Rome,  pp.  84-110.  Bryant,  Short  History,  pp.  73-79  and  chaps,  ix-xi. 
How  and  Leigh,  pp.  169-244.  Liddell,  Rome,p-p.  256-320.  *Havell, 
Republican  Rome,  pp.  156-274.  Heitland,  Short  History,  pp.  98-145. 
*Morris,  Hannibal.  Frank,  Roman  Imperialism. 

Botsford,  Story  of  Rome,  pp.  104-124;  Source  Book,  chap,  xxxiii. 
Munro,  Source  Book,  chap.  vi.  Davis,  Source  Readings,  II,  chap.  iii. 
Polybius,  I,  56-62;  III,  49-56.  iLivy,  xxi,  32-38.  Plutarch's  Lives  of 
Fabius  and  Marcelliis. 


B.  Sources 
and  source 
selections 


A.  Histories 


B.  Sources 
and  source 
selections 


A.  Histories 


B.  Sources 
and  source 
selections 


A.  Histories 


B.  Sources 
and  source 
selections 


A,  Histories 


B.  Sources 
and  source 
selections 


A.  Histories 


B.  Sources 
and  source 
selections 


A.  Histories 


726  Ancient  Times 

CHAPTER  XXV 

BotsFORD,  History  of  Roj/ie,  pp.  1 16-150.  WesTERMANN,  Ancient 
Nations,  chaps,  xxix-xl.  Goodspeed,  A7icieitt  World,  pp.  354-363, 
365-392.  Bryant,  Short  History,  chaps,  xii-xiv.  Fowler,  Rome, 
pp.  1 10-135.  tMASOM,  Rome,  133-7^  ^■^■1  chap.  i.  tALLCROFT  and 
Masom,  Rome,  202-133  chaps,  x-xiv.  t Davis,  Injlnence  of  Wealth 
in  Itnperial  Rome,  chap.  ii.  Abbott',  Ro?nan  Political  Institutions, 
chap.  V.  Green IDGE,  Romani  Public  Life,  chap,  viii;  Roman  Histoiy, 
Vol.  I,  chap.  i.  *Duff,  Literary  Histojy  of  Rome,  pp.  92-117.  Pel- 
ham, Outlines,  pp.  149-198.  Heitland,  Short  History,  pp.  146-248. 
t Abbott,  Society  and  Politics  in  Aticient  Rome,  pp.  22-40. 

Botsford,  Story  of  Rome,  pp.  125-126  and  chap,  vi;  Source  Book, 
chaps,  xxxiv-xxxv.  Davis,  Soiirce  Readings,  II,  pp.  85-104.  Munro, 
Source  Book,  c\\2LTp%.  w\i  znA  xi\.  Livy,xxx\v,  1-8;  xlv,  10-12.  Plutarch's 
Lives  of  Cato  the  Censor,  Flaminius,  HLmilius  Paulus. 

CHAPTER  XXVI 

Botsford,  History  of  Rome,  chaps,  vii-viii.  Westermann,  Ancient 
Nations,  chaps,  xxxi-xxxiv  and  pp.  379-382.  Goodspeed,  Ancietit 
World,  pp.  392-428.  Bryant,  Short  History,  chaps,  xv-xxvi.  Fowler, 
Rome,  pp.  136-186.  Heitland,  Short  History,  pp.  249-512.  IAbbott, 
Co7nmon  People  of  A7icie7it  Ro77ie,  pp.  235-286.  Pelham,  Outhiies, 
pp.  201-258,  398-469.  Abbott,  Ro77ian  Political  L7istitutio7is,  chaps, 
vi-vii.  How  and  Leigh,  Ro77ie,  pp.  331-551.  IPreston  and  Dodge, 
Private  Life  of  the  Romans,  chap.  v.  IAllcroft,  Ro77ie,  yS-pi  b.c. 
Frank,  Roma7i  Imperialism.  *JoNES,  Co7npanio7i  to  Ro77ian  HistoTy. 

Botsford,  Story  of  Ro7ne,  chaps,  vii-viii ; Source  Book,  chaps,  xxxvi- 
xxxvii.  Munro,  Atx?/!,  pp.  180-185  and  chap.  viii.  Davis, 

Readhigs,  II,  pp.  105-162.  Pbitarch's  Lives  of  Tiberitis  a7id  Gains  Grac- 
chus, Marius,  S7illa,  Crass7is,  Po7npey,  Cice7'o,  Ccesa7-,  Se7iorius.  t Cessar^s 
Gallic  War,  I,  42-47.  Salbist's  fuguTdhhie  War  (Bohn). 

CHAPTER  XXVII 

Botsford,  HistoT^i  of  Ro7ne,  pp.  204-232.  Westermann,  Ancient 
Natio77s,  pp.  382-403.  Fowler,  Ro77ie,  pp.  187-211.  Goodspeed,  An- 
cie7it  World,  pp.  428-451.  *Jones,  Roman  Empire,  chaps,  i-iii.  tBuRY, 
Stude7it's  Roma7i  Empire,  chaps,  i-xii.  Abbott,  Roma7i  Political  Bisti- 
tutions,  chap.  xii.  Davis,  Lnflue7ice  of  Wealth,  chap.  vii.  Pelham,  Out- 
lities,  pp.  357-509.  *Firth,  Augustus.  fFowLER,  History  of  Roman 


Bibliography  727 

Literature,  Bk.  II.  ttMACKAiL,  Romati  Literature,  Bk.  II,  chaps,  i-v. 
tTuCKER,  Life  in  the  Roman  World,  chap.  v. 

BoysFORD,  Stojy  of  Rome,  chaps,  ix-x ; Source  Book,  chaps,  xxxviii- 
xxxix.  Munro,  Source  Book,  chaps,  ix  and  xi.  Davis,  Source  Readings, 
pp.  163-196.  ILaing,  Alasterpieces  of  Latin  Lite7-ature  (selections); 
iThe  Deeds  of  Augustus  (Fairley’s  translation  in  the  Pefinsylvania 
Translations  and  Reprints),  Vol.  V,  No.  i.  Suet07iuis'  Lives  of  the 
CiBsars  (selections),  i Tacitus’  Annals,  XV,  38-45,  60-65. 


CHAPTER  XXVIII 

Botsford,  History  of  Rome,  pp.  232-266.  Westermann,  Ancient 
Nations,  pp.  403-435.  Fowler,  Rome,  pp.  21 1— 251.  Goodspeed,  An- 
cient World,  pp.  451-482.  Pelham,  Outlines,  pp.  509-541.  Reinach, 
Story  of  Art,  pp.  75-83.  t Pellison,  Roman  Life  in  Pliny's  Tune,  chap.  ix. 
*Mau  and  Kelsey,  Po7npeii,  chaps,  vii-viii,  xii-xxii,  xlvi-xlviii,  Ivi-lix. 
Tucker,  Roma7i  Life,  chaps,  i-iii,  xix-xxi.  Greenidge,  Roma7i  Public 
Life,  chap.  xi.  *Hardy,  Studies  in  Roman  History,  Series  I,  chaps,  i-v. 
Jones,  Romaji  E7npire,  chaps,  iv-vi.  Davis,  I7ifltie7ice  of  Wealth,  chaps, 
iii-vi.  Bury,  Stude7its’  Roma7i  E77ipire.  *Cumont,  Orie7ital Religio/ts  i7i 
Ro7/ta7t  Paga7iis77i  (an  epoch-making  work). 

Botsford,  Sto7y  of  Ro77ie,  chap,  xi ; Source  Book,  chap.  xl.  Davis, 
Source  Readings, 196-287.  Vivvi'SSi,  Sotcrce  Book,'^^.  162-171,  176- 
179.  Letters  of  Pliny  (Firth).  New  Testament,  The  Acts. 


CHAPTER  XXIX 

Botsford,  History  of  Rome,  chap.  xii.  Westermann,  A7icie7it 
chaps,  xl-xli.  Goodspeed,  pp.  483-501.  Jones, 

Roma/t  Empire,  chaps,  vii-xi.  Oman,  Byza7iti7ie  Empire,  chap.  ii. 
Abbott,  Roma7i  Political  l7istit7itio7is,  chap.  xvi.  *Wright,  Pahnyra 
a/id  Ze7iobia,  chaps,  xi-xv.  Seignobos,  A7icie7it  Civilizatio7i,  pp.  332- 
346.  Davis,  07ttline  History,  pp.  130—183.  Pelham,  Outli7tes,  pp. 
577-586.  tCuTTs,  St.  ferome.  Jones,  Co7)ipa7iio7i  to  Roma7i  Histo7y. 
*CoTTERiLL,  Medieval  Italy,  pp.  21-54.  Davis,  I7iflue7ice  of  Wealth, 
chap.  viii.  *Uhi.HORN,  Co7iflict  of  Ch7-istia7iity  ivith  Heathe7iis77i, 
pp.  420-479. 

Botsford,  Source  Book,  chaps,  xli-xliii,  xlv.  Davis,  So7irce  Readi7igs, 
II,  pp.  287-389.  Munro,  Source  Book,  pp.  1 71-174.  JRobinson,  Read- 
i7igs  in  Europea7i  History,  Vol.  I,  pp.  14-27.  The  Notitia  Dig7titatut/i 
{Pe7insylvania  Tratislatio7is  a7id  Reprints). 


B.  Sources 
and  source 
selections 


A.  Histories 


B.  Sources 
and  source 
selections 


A.  Histories 


B.  Sources 
and  source 
selections 


A.  Histories 


B.  Sources 
and  source 
selections 


A.  General 
and  political 
histories 


B.  Constitu- 
tional and 
institutional 
history 


C.  Life  and 
society 


728  Ancient  Times 

CHAPTER  XXX 

Hotsford,  Ilistor)’  of  Rome,  chaps,  xiii-xiv.  Westermann,  Aiicicnt 
jVaiions,  chaps,  xlii-xlv.  Goodspeed,  Ancienl  World,  pp.  502-521. 
IOman,  Byzaniine  Empire,  chaps,  iii,  vi,  ix,  xi-xii.  Cotterill,  Medieval 
Italy,  pp.  55-116,  159-185,  194,  205,  251-283.  tlioDGKIN,  Dynasty  of 
Theodosius,  pp.  55-72,  134-203.  tH.  W.  C.  Davis,  Medieval  Europe, 
chap.  i.  Reinach,  Story  of  Aid,  pp.  84-91.  Jones,  Roman  Empire, 
pp.  410-446.  *Hutton,  Church  and  the  Barbarians,  chaps,  iv-x. 
*Emerton,  Int>'odtcction  to  the  Middle  Apes.  *Morey,  Outlines  of 
Roman  Law. 

Botsford,  Source  Book,  chaps,  xliv-xlvi.  Davis,  Source  Readings,  II, 
chaps,  x-xi.  IRobinson,  Readings  in  European  History,  Vol.  I,  pp. 
19-27,  97-100  and  chaps,  iii-vi.  Tacitus'  Germania.  Ceesar's  Gallic  IVar, 
VI,  pp.  21-28.  \ Eugipptts’  Life  of  St.  Sevef-inus  (Robinson).  Jordanes' 
Gothic  Histoyy  (MiEROW).  English  Correspo7ide7ice  of  St.  Bo7iiface 
(Kylie). 


ADDITIONAL  WORKS  OF  REFERENCE  ON  THE  GREEK 
AND  HELLENISTIC  AGE,  TOPICALLY  ARRANGED 

The  histories  of  Greece  by  Grote,  Curtius,  Holm,  Abbott.  JFree- 
MAN,  St07y  of  Sicily  ; ^History  of  Federal  Gover7i77ie7it.  *Deniker,  Races 
of  ALa7t.  ^Ferguson,  Helle7iistic  Athe7is.  *Bevan,  LLotise  of  Seleucus, 
*Rawlinson,  Bactria.  *Hogarth,  Philipp  and  Alexa7ider.  *Dodge, 
Alexa7ider.  *Grundy,  Th7icydides  a7id  the  History  of  his  Age.  *Tarn, 
A7itigo7ios  Go7iatas.  ^Tm-USAKT),  Agathocles.  *M.A'ilAF¥\,  Silver  Age  of 
the  Greek  Wo7'ld. 

*Gilbert,  Greek  Co7istii7itio7ial  A7itiquities.  *Phillipson,  L7ite7-77a- 
tio7ial  Law  a7id  Custo77i  of  A7icie7it  Greece  a7id  Ro77ie.  t Calhoun, 
Athe7iia7i  Clubs  i7i  Politics  a7id  Litigation.  *Tod,  L7iter7tatio7ial  Arbitra- 
tiofi  amo7igst  the  Greeks.  *Whibley,  Greek  Oligarchies.  IHammond, 
Political  L7istitutio7is  of  the  A7icie7it  Greeks. 

tlGuLlCK,  Life  of  the  A7icient  Creeks.  *GUHL  and  Koner,  Life  of  the 
G7'eeks  a7id  Ro77ia7is.  IGardner,  G7-eek  Athletic  Sp07is  a7id  Festivals. 
JBeuemner,  Ho7)ie  Life  of  the  A7icie7it  G7'eeks.  IDavis,  A Day  ii7 
A/icie7it  Athe7is.  *iyAVl'DSON,  Fd7icatio7i  of  the  Greek  People.  *Mahaffy, 
What  have  the  Greeks  do7ie  for  Modersi  Civilizatio7i  ? *Ball,  Short 
Histo7y  of  Mathe77iatics.  *Jones,  Greek  Morality.  *Ward,  The  A7icie7tt 
Lowly.  IDonaldson,  Wo7/ia7i ; her  Positio7i  aitd  L77flue7ice  Greece 
and  Rofne.  *Abrahams,  Greek  Dress. 


Bibliography 


729 


*Farnell,  Higher  Aspects  of  Greek  Religio7i.  *Murray,  Four  Stages 
in  Greek  Religion.  *Harrison,  Religion  of  Ancient  Greece.  *Adam, 
Religious  Teachej's  of  Greece.  *Halliday,  Greek  Divination.  *Fair- 
BAXKS,  Mythology  of  the  Greeks  and  Romans.  fBuLFlNCH,  Age  of  Fable. 

^Gardner,  Ancient  Athens  ; * Handbook  of  Greek  Sculpture.  tFowLER 
and  Wheeler,  Greek  Archceology.  IRichardson,  Vacation  Days  in 
Greece.  *Schreiber,  Atlas  of  Classical  Antiquities  (illustrated). 

IFowler,  Ancient  Greek  Literature.  ICroiset,  Greek  Uterature. 
i]EVoys,  Greek  Literature.  Lectures  on  Greek  Poetry.  *Jebb, 

Greek  Literature',  * Classical  Greek  Poetry,  Attic  Orators.  *Lang, 
Homer  and  the  Epic.  *Murray,  Rise  of  the  Greek  Epic.  *'Moulton, 
Ancient  Classical  Drama.  *Haigh,  Attic  Theatre.  fBuRT,  Brief  History 
of  Greek  Philosophy.  IMayor,  Sketch  of  Ancient  Philosophy.  *Sandys, 
Classical  Greek  Scholarship. 

There  is  no  cheap  dictionary  of  classical  antiquities.  tHARPER, 
Dictionary  of  Classical  Literature  and  Antiquities.  *Whibley,  Com- 
panion to  Greek  Studies.  *Hall,  Companion  to  Classical  Texts.  ITozer, 
Ancient  Geography.  tSHEPHERD,  Atlas  of  Ancient  History.  The  new 
series  of  individual  maps  of  the  ancient  world  by  IMurray  are  very 
valuable.  tPuxzGER,  Schulatlas.  tSlEGLlN,  Schulatlas.  A new  series 
of  classroom  wall  maps  for  ancient  history  (edited  by  IBreasted  & 
Huth)  is  being  published  by  the  Denoyer  Geppert  Company,  Chicago. 

tMiCHAELlS,  ^ Centuiy  of  Archceological  Discoveries.  *Schuchardt, 
Schliemann's  LLxeavations.  tBuRROWS,  Discoveries  in  Crete.  *Mosso, 
The  Palaces  of  Crete.  *Garstang,  Asia  Minor.  ttHAWES,  Crete  the 
Forerunner  of  Greece. 

The  Underwood  & Underwood  series  of  stereoscopic  photographs  of 
Greece  and  its  monuments  (edited  by  Richardson),  Greece  through  the 
Stereoscope  (100  views  with  guidebook  and  maps).  A short  description 
is  also  printed  on  the  back  of  each  view.  See  remarks  above,  p.  viii. 
I(.\  selection  of  fifteen  of  the  most  useful  views  comprises  Nos.  i,  8, 
21.  35.  39.  42,  48-  54,  62,  64,  77,  80,  87,  96,  97.) 


D.  Religion 
and  mythol- 
ogy 


E.  Art  and 
archaeology 


F.  Literature 
and  philoso- 
phy 


G.  Hand- 
books, 
atlases,  etc. 


H.  Explora- 
tion and  dis- 
covery 


GREEK  AUTHORS  IN  TRANSLATION 

/Eschylus  (Campbell,  verse).  Alcceus  (Easby-Smith).  Aristophanes 
(Frere;  Rogers).  Aristotle  (Kenyon;  Poste).  Demosthenes  (Ken- 
nedy). Euripides  ',  Way).  (RaWLINSON).  Hesiod 

(with  Callimachus  and  Theognis, 'by  Banks;  with  Theognis,  Collins; 
best  translation  of  Hesiod  alone,  Mair).  Homer:  Iliad  (Lang,  Leaf, 
Myers;  Bryant);  (Butcher and  Lang ; Bryant).  Isocrates 


730 


Ancicjit  Times 


A.  General 
and  political 
histories 


B.  Constitu- 
tional and 
institutional 
history 


C.  I-ife  and 
society 


D.  Religion 
and  mythol- 
ogy 


(Freese).  Paitsanias  (Frazer).  Pindar  (Myers).  Plato  (Jowett). 
Plutarch  (Clough  ; selected  Lives,  by  Perrin).  Polybius  (Shuck- 
burgh).  Strabo  (Hamilton  and  Falconer).  Thucydides  (Jowett; 
Crawley).  Xenophon  (Dakyns). 

ADDITIONAL  WORKS  OF  REFERENCE  ON  THE 
ROMAN  AGE,  TOPICALLY  ARRANGED 

For  a detailed  criticism  of  the  tradition  about  earliest  Rome  (p.  497, 
note),  see  flHNE,  History  of  Pome.  Other  more  extended  and  valuable 
histories  are  those  of  Mommsen,  Heitland,  Duruy,  Long,  Ferrero, 
Merivale,  Gibbons.  See  also  *Mommsen,  Provinces.  *Bussell,  Roman 
Empire.  Other  special  works  are  ^Dodge,  Hannibal.  ■*IIow,  Han- 
nibal and  the  Great  IVar.  IStrachan-Davidson,  Cicero.  fBoissiER, 
Cicero  and  his  Friends.  JFowler,  Ccesar.  *Sihler,  Julhis  Ccesar. 
*Holmes,  CcesaPs  Conquest  of  Caul.  *Shuckburgh,  Augustus.  *Tar- 
VER,  Tiberius.  *Baring-Gould,  Tragedy  of  the  Ccesars.  JCapes,  Early 
Empire.  *WatSON,  ]l!arcus  Aurelius.  *Bryant,  Antoninus  Pius. 
*Gregorovius,  Hadrian.  ^Henderson,  Life  and  Priricipate  of  the 
Emperor  X"ero.  *Hopkins,  Alexander  Severus.  *Hay,  Heliogabahis. 
*Firth,  Constantine.  fCuTTS,  Constantine.  *Boissier,  Roman  Africa. 
tBoucHIER,  Life  and  Letters  in  Roman  Africa-,  * Roman  Spam. 
*Glover,  Life  and  Letters  in  the  Fourth  Century. 

(Taylor,  Constitutional  and  Political  History  of  Rome.  *MA'mNGLY, 
Lmperial  Civil  Sendee.  *Botsford,  Roman  Assemblies.  *Arnold, 
Roman  Provincial  Ad?ninistration.  Ahcnicipalities  of  the  Roman 

Empire.  *Greenidge,  Legal  Procedure  in  Cicero's  Time.  *Hadley, 
Lntroduction  to  Roma?t  Law.  *FowLER,  City  State  of  the  Creeks  and 
Romans.  (Bryce,  The  Roman  and  British  Empires. 

*Dill,  Roman  Society  from  Nero  to  Marcus  Aurelius',  * Roman  Society 
in  the  L.ast  Ce7itu7y  of  the  lVeste7-7i  Empi7-e.  (Becker,  Callus.  *Buck- 
LAND,  Ro77ia7i  Law  of  Slave7y.  (Inge,  Society  at  Ro7ne  U7ider  the  Ccesars. 
(Johnston,  Private  Life  of  the  Ro77ia7is.  *Ingram,  History  of  Slavery. 
■*Friedlaender,  Roma/i  Life  a7id  Ma7i7iers.  (Church,  Ro77ia7i  Life 
i7i  the  Days  of  Cice7-o.  ^Oliver,  Ro77ia7i  Econocnic  Conditions.  \Roma7i 
Ea7-m  Ma7iage77ie7ii,  by  a Virginia  farmer  (Fairfax  Harrison). 

^Carter,  Religious  Life  of  A7icie7it  Rome.  *FowLER,  Religious  Eix- 
perience  of  the  Ro77ian  People.  (Granger,  Worship  of  the  Ro7na7is. 
(Guerber,  Myths  of  G7-eece  a7id  Ro7ne.  ( Murray,  Ma7mal  of  Mythology. 
*Glover,  Co/iflict  of  Religio7is.  *Fisher,  Beg77inings  of  Christia7iity. 
*Hatch,  Orga7iizatio7i  of  the  Early  Christian  Churches.  *Cumont, 
Mysteries  of  Mithra. 


Bibliography 


731 


*E.  R.  Barker,  Buried  Herculanetim.  *T.  B.  Platner,  Topography 
and  Monuments  of  Ancient  Rome.  tC.  Huelsen,  The  Roman  Forum. 
*H.  B.  Walters,  Art  of  the  Romans.  *R.  Lanciani,  Ruins  and  Exca- 
vations of  Ancient  Rome  \ *Pagan  and  Christian  Ro7He.  *J.  FergussoN, 
History  of  Architecture.  fRAMSAY  and  Lanciani,  Manual  of  Roman 
Antiquities. 

ttj.  W.  Mackail,  Latm  Literature.  *Lawton,  Classical  Latin  Litera- 
ture. *C.  T.  Crutwell,  History  of  Roman  Litej'ature.  *TEUFrEL  and 
Schwabe,  History  of  Roman  Literature.  *W.  Sellar,  Ro?nan  Poets  of 
the  Republic',  * Roman  Poets  of  the  Augicstan  Age.  '*£.  V.  Arnold, 
Romatt  Stoicism.  See  works  on  ancient  philosophy  under  Greece. 

IMichaelis,  a Century  of  Archceological  Discoveries.  *Mau  and 
Kelsey,  Pompeii,  its  Life  and  Art.  Barker,  Biiried  Herculaneum. 
*Peet,  Stone  and  Bronze  Ages  in  Ltaly.  Lanciani,  Ruins  a7td  Excava- 
tions of  A7icie7it  Rome. 

The  Underwood  & Underwood  series  of  stereoscopic  photographs  of 
Rome  and  Italy  (edited  by  Ellison  and  Egbert),  Ltaly  throiigh  the 
Stereoscope  (100  views  with  explanatory  volume  and  set  of  maps).  See 
above,  p.  viii.  t(A  selection  of  the  most  useful  fifteen  views  comprises 
Nos.  21,  23,  25,  27,  30,  33,  34,  43,  45,  46,  47,  58,  60,  62,  91.) 


E,  Art  and 
archaeology 


F.  Literature 
and  philoso- 
phy 


G.  Explora- 
tion and  dis- 
covery 


H.  The 
monuments 
as  they  are 
to-day 


ROMAN  AUTHORS  AND  OTHER  SOURCES  FOR 
ROMAN  HISTORY  IN  TRANSLATION 

Ammia>tus  Marcellinus  (Bohn  Ed.).  Appia7i  (White).  Ccesar  (Bohn 
Ed.).  Cassidorus’  Letters  (Hodgkin).  Cicero's  Letters  (Shuckburgh)  ; 
IVorks  (Bohn  Ed.).  Dio  Casshis  (Foster  or  Carey).  Eugippus'  St. 
Severinus  {p.o'&i'sisotA).  (Martin  ; Lonsdale  and  Lee  ; Wick- 

ham). Jordanes  (Mierow).  Josephus  (Whiston).  Justi7i,  Nepos,  and 
Eutropius  (Bohn  Ed.).  Juvenal  (Gifford).  Livy  (Spillan  ; Brodribb). 
Liccretius  (Munro).  Marcus  Aurelms  (Rendall  or  Long).  Mo7i7i7ne7i- 
tum  Ancyranum  (Fairley).  Ovid  (Riley).  Plmy's  Letters  (Firth). 
Prope7h.ius  (Moore).  Sallust,  with  Florus  and  Paterculus  (Bohn  Ed.). 
Strabo  (Falconer).  Suetonius  (Forester).  Tacitus  (Church  and 
Brodribb).  Firgil  {Bryce-,  Crane). 


INDEX 


KEY  TO  PRONUNCIATION 


a as  in  fat 
a as  in  errand 
a as  in  face 
a as  in  surface 
a as  in  far 
a as  in  fall 
a as  in  ask 
a as  in  sofa 


e as  in  met 
e as  in  prudent 
e as  in  be 
e as  in  begin 
e as  in  her 
i as  in  pin 
i as  in  pine 


o as  in  bonnet 
p as  in  valor 
6 as  in  bone 

5 as  in  obey 

0 as  in  move 

9 like  u in  Jude'a 

6 as  in  nor 

01  as  in  oil 


u as  in  must 
u as  in  muse 
u as  in  musician 
u as  in  nature 
u as  in  pull 
g as  in  get 
h as  in  French  boh 
th  as  in  thin 


A'bra  ham,  208 
Abusir  (a  bo  ser'),  235 
Academy,  356,  420,  477  f. 

Achaean  (a  ke'an)  League,  450  f. 
Achaeans  (ake'anz),  254 
Acropolis  (a  krop'p  lis),  261,  343, 
364,  366  f. 

Actium  (ak'shi  um),  599 
Adrianople  (ad  ri  an  o^pl),  692 
Adriatic  (adriaUik),  345 
.Egaleos  (e  ga'le  os),  322 
,Egean  (e  je'an)  world,  2251!.; 
oriental  influences  in,  240  f. ; 
fall  of,  255  ff. 

.Egina  (e  ji'na),  331,  344 
.--Egospotami  (e  gos  pot'a  mi),  391 
Aineas  (ene'as),  601,  616 
jEneid  (e  ne'id),  the,  616 
,Eschylus  (es'ki  lus),  363,  371 
.Etolian  (e  to'li  an)  League,  45 
rEtolians  (e  to'li  anz),  450 
Agriculture  in  Late  Stone  Age, 

22  ff. ; social  effects  of,  24 
Agrippa  (agrip'a),  610,  612 
Agrippina  (ag  ri  pi'na),  620 
Ahuramazda  (a  ho  ra  maz'da),  185 
Ak'kad,  121,  i24f. 

Alaric  (aTarik),  693 
Alba  Longa  (aTba  long'ga),  492  ff. 
Alcibiades  (al  si  bl'a  dez),  383, 

385  f.,  390 

733 


Alemanni  (al  e man'i),  691 
Alexander  (al  eg  zan'der)  the 
Great,  425  ff.,  445  f. 

Alexandria  (al  eg  zan'dri  a),  446, 
450,  461  ff. ; Jews  at,  453 
Alexandrian  (al  eg  zan'dri  an)  edu- 
cation, 475  ff. 

Alexandrian  library,  472  ff.,  594 
Alexandrian  literature,  475 
Alexandrian  Museum,  477 
Alexandrian  scientists,  468  ff. 

Ali  Baba  (a'le  ba'ba),  89 
Alphabet,  Egyptian,  42,  g6  f, , 
Phoenician,  270  ff.,  501 ; Greek, 
..  271  f--  499  f- 

A mar'na,  tombs  at,  92  f.,  204; 
_ letters  at,  93  f. 

A men  ho'tep  III,  89 
Amenhotep  IV,  91  ff. 

Am'pn,  415,  439 

Amorites  (am'p  rits),  104,  128 

A'mos,  208  f . 

Amphictyonies(am  fik'ti  p niz), 291 
Amphitheater,  644,  650 
Ancyra  (an  si'ra),  617 
Andronicus  (an  drp  ni'kus),  560 
Angles  (ang'glz),  694 
Animals  of  prehistoric  Europe, 
3 f. ; domestication  of,  24 
An  tig's  nus,  446 
Antigonus  II,  449 


734 


Ancient  Times 


Antioch  (an'ti  ok),  448,  450 
Antiochus  (an  tl'd  kus),  445,  448 
Antiochus  the  Great,  550  f. 
Antoninus  Pius  (an  to  lu'uus 
pi'us),  634,  664 

Antony  (aiPtoni),  5S6f.,  596 ff. 
Apelles  (apei'ez),  466 
Aphrodite  (af  rp  di'te),  279,  502 
Apollo  (a  poPo),  315  f. 

Apollodorus  (a  pol  6 do'ru.s),  409 
A ra'bi  a,  loi  f. 

AP abs,  708  ff. 

Aramaic  (ar  a nia'ik),  146  f.; 

triumph  of,  148,  1S3,  190 
Arameans  (ar  a me'aiiz),  144  ff., 
162 

Ar  be'la,  435 

Arcadius  (ar  ka'di  us),  692  f. 
Archimedes  (ar  ki  me'dez),  467  f. 
A re  op'agus,  313,  341.  363 
Arginusae  (ar  ji  nu'se),  391 
APgp  lis,  331 
Ar'gos,  283 
A ri  a'na,  176 

Aristarchus  (ar  i.star'kus),  469,656 
Aristogiton  (a  ris  to  jPton),  306, 

313 

Aristophanes  (ar  is  tof'a  nez),  383, 
416 

Aristotle  (ar'istotl),  428,  471,  478 
Armenians  (arme'ni  anz),  255,  629 
Arrian  (ar'i  an),  655 
Ar^te  mis,  279 

Artemisium  (ar  te  niish'iuni),  330  f. 
Aryans  (ar'yanz),  176  ff. 

Asculum  (as'kulum),  517 

Asia  (a'shia),  86,  89 

Asia  Minor  (ini'npr),  226,  24S  f., 

643 

Assur  (a.s'6r),  140!,  150  f. 
Assurbanipal  (a  sor  ba'ni  pal),  160 
Assyria  (asirda),  140  ff.,  148  f., 
210  ff.,  629 

Assyrian  (asir'ian)  art  and  sculp- 
ture, 1 58  f. 

Assyrian  civilization,  1 58 
Assyrian  Empire,  I5iff.,  iSSff., 
160  ff. 

Assyriology,  194 
Astrology,  168 
A the'na,  279,  362,  369 
Ath  e ne'um,  643 


A the'ni  an  art  and  literature, 362  ff 
Athenian  Empire,  339  ff.,  378  ff. 
Athenian  government,  303  ff., 
341  f.,  361,  363  f.,  379 
Athenian  law,  303,  305 
Athenian  money  and  prices,  346 
Athenian  society,  350  f. 

Athenian  war,  cost  of,  347 
Athens  (ath'enz),  284,  296,  298, 
336  ff.,  344  ff.,  420,  613 
Athletic  games,  290  f.,  307  f. 
Ath'os,  Mount,  324,  328,  439 
Attica  (at'i  kit),  283,  324,  346 
Attila  (atd  lit),  694 
Augustan  (a  gu.s'tan)  Age,  607  ff. 
Augustine  (agus'tin),  699  f. 
Augustus  (agus'tus),  596  ff. 
Aurelian  (^  re'lyan),  676 
Australia  (astra'lia),  3 
A ves'ta,  179 

Ba'bel,  Tower  of,  112 
Babylon  (bab'i  Ion),  1 28, 1 33, 1 52  f., 
164  ff. 

Babylonia  (babildhiia),  105  f. 
Babylonian  (bab  i lo'ni  an)  art  and 
architecture,  137 
Babylonian  astrology,  168,  661 
Babylonian  divination,  134,  503 
Babylonian  education,  135  f. 
Babylonian  religion,  134 
Bag  dad',  710 

Balearic  (bal  e ar'ik)  Islands,  525 
Barbarian  invasions,  688  ff. 
Basilica  (ba  sil'i  ka)  church,  702  ff. 
Behistun  (be  his  ton')  inscription, 
184  f.,  190  ff.,  194 
Bel  i sa'ri  us,  696 
Belshazzar  (bel  shaz'ar),  181 
Black  Sea,  344 

Boeotia  (be  o'shia),  284,  334,  402, 
404 

Boghaz-K6i  (bo'ghaz  ke'e),  249 
Book  of  the  Dead,  91 
Bos'pp  rus,  683 
Brindisi  (bren'de  se),  487 
Britain  (brit'an),  589,  694,  701 
Bronze  Age,  222  ff.,  227 
Brundisium  (brun  di.sh'i  um),  487 
Brutus  (bro'tus),  596,  598 
Burgundians  (bergun'di  anz),  693 
Byzantium  (bi  zan'shi  um),  683 


Lidcx 


735 


Caere  (se're),  499,  521 
Caesar  (se'zar),  586  ff.,  613 
Calendar,  45,  467,  595 
Caligula  (ka  lig'u  la),  618  f. 
Callimachus  (ka  lim'a  kus),  poet, 
473.  475 

Callimachus,  soldier,  326 
Callisthenes  (kalis'the  nez),  443 
Cambyses  (kam  bi'sez),  182 
Canaanites  (ka'nanits),  104,  200  f. 
Cannae  (kan'e),  540  f. 

Capua  (kap'u  a),  497,  521  f.,  543 
Carchemish  (kar'kem  ish),  241 
Carthage  (kaCthaj),  267,  333,  439, 
490,  518,  520  ff.,  546 
Carthaginian  (kar  tha  jin'i  an)  civ- 
ilization, 526 
Carthaginians,  489 
Cassius  (kash'ius),  596,  598 
Catiline  (kaCi  lin),  5S6  f. 

Cecilia  Metella  (sesil'i  a me  tel';'), 
492 

Cecrops  (se'krops),  407 
Censors,  505,  509 
Ceres  (se'rez),  502 
Chaeronea  (ker  9 ne'a),  428 
Chaldean  (kal  de'aii)  Empire, 
164  ff.,  213 

Chaldeans  (kal  de'anz),  162 
Chalons  (shii  loh'),  694 
Champollion  (shamporion)  96  ff., 
455 

Charlemagne  (sharde  man),  702 
Charles  Martel  (mar  tel'),  702 
Cheops  (ke'ops),  56 
Chephren  (kef'ren),  56 
Chios  (ki'os),  300 
Christianity,  663  f.,  682  ff. 

Church,  African,  699 ; Eastern, 
698  ff. ; Western,  698  ff. 

Cicero  (sis'ero),  586!,  597,  613  f. 
Cimbrians  (sim'bri  anz),  597 
Cimon  (sEmon),  339,  341,  356 
Claudius  (kla'di  us),  619  f. 
Cleomenes  (He  om'e  nez),  451 
Cleon  (kle'on),  383  f. 

Cleopatra  (He  9 pa'tra),  455,  593  f., 
598  f. 

Clerestory,  70  f. 

Clisthenes  (His'the  nez),  306  f., 

342 

Clitus  (kli'tus),  442 


Clovis  (klo'vis),  701 
Cnidus  (ni'dus),  300 
Cnossus  (nos'us),  233  f. 

Colon!  (ko  lo'ni),  668  f. 

Colosseum  (kol  o se'um),  622,  649 
Comitia  (ko  inish'ia),  507  f. 
Commodus  (kom'o  dus),  673 
Constantine  (kon'stan  tin),  683  f. 
Constantinople  (koustan  ti  no'pl), 
683  f. 

Consuls,  504  f.,  509 
Copper  Age,  222  f. 

Cor'inth,  296,  331,  344,  348,  552 
Corinthian  War,  401  ; architec- 
ture, 407  f. 

Corsica  (kor'si  kii),  535 
Council  of  Five  Hundred,  361, 

365 

Crassus,  587,  590 

Crete  (kret),  227  ff.,  235  f.,  248 

Croesus  (kre'stts),  180  f. 

Ctesiphon  (tes'i  fon),  667,  675 
Cumas  (ku'me),  521 
Cuneiform  writing,  iiof.,  189!., 
242 

Cynoscephalas  (sin  os  sef'a  le),  550 
Cyrene  (si  re'ne),  415,  525 
Cyrus  (si'rus)  the  Great,  179  ff. 
Cyrus  the  Y ounger,  399  f. 

Dacians  (da'shi  ans),  627,  630 
Damascus  (da  mas'kus),  151,  21 1 
Darius  (dari'us)  the  Great,  185, 
324  ff. 

Darius  III,  431,  435 
David,  204  f. 

Decelea  (desele'a),  389 
Delian'(de'li  an)  League,  339,  348, 

390 

De'los,  297,  339,  348 
Delphi  (del'fi),  315  ff.,  643,  684 
De  me'ter,  279,  315,  502 
Democracy,  301  ff.,  307,  395  f.,  406 
Demosthenes  (de  mo^the  nez), 
427  f. 

Demotic  (de  mot'ik)  writing,  44 
Den'mark,  17  ff.,  223 
Dictator,  506,  531,  539 
Diocletian  (di  o kle'shian),  676  ff. 
Dionysius  (di  0 nish'i  us),  gram- 
marian, 474  f. 

Dionysius,  tyrant,  490 


736 


Ancient  Times 


Dionysus  (di  6 iii'sus),  279,  310, 
362 

Dipylon  (dip'i  Ion)  Gate,  365 
Domitian  (do  mish'ian),  627 
Dorians  (do'ri  anz),  254  f. 

Dor'ic  column,  31 1,  340,  367,  370 
Draco  (dra'ko),  303 
Dru'sus,  581 

Dur-Sharrukin  (dor-shar  ro  ken'), 
152 

Early  Stone  Age,  5 ff. 

Ecbatana  (ek  bat'a  na),  437 
Egypt,  35  ff.;  Stone  Age  of,  38; 
conquered  by  Assyria,  153  f.; 
conquered  by  Alexander,  434 ; 
a Roman  province,  599 
Egyptian  art  and  architecture, 
68  ff.,  87  ff. 

Egyptian  classes  of  society,  67 
Egyptian  emperors,  burial  place 
of,  94  f. 

Egyptian  Empire,  80  ff. ; higher 
life  of,  86  ff. ; religion  in,  91  ff., 
659  ; fall  of,  93  ff. 

Egyptian  gods,  50 

Egyptian  industrial  progress,  62  ff. 

Egyptian  pyramids,  49  ff. 

Egyptian  science,  78 

Egyptian  slaves,  67 

Egyptian  tombs,  49  ff. 

Egyptian  writing,  40  ff.,  96  ff. 
Egyptology,  98 

Elephantine  (el  g fan  ti'ne),  459 
Eleusis  (elu'sis),  315,  415 
Elijah  (e  H'ja),  207 
Embalming,  49 
E pam  i non'das,  403  f. 

Ephesus  (ef'e  sus),  450 
Epicureanism,  478 
Epimachos  (e  pim'a  kos),  630 
E pi'rus,  5 1 7 

Eratosthenes  (er  a tos'the  nez), 
459,  469,  471  f. 

Erechtheum  (e  rek  the'um),  367, 
407 

E re'tri  a,  324 
Er  go  tl'mos,  297 
Eskimos  (es'ki  moz),  12 
Etruscans  (e  trus'kanz),  488  f., 
495  ff- 

Euaenetus  (u  e'ne  tus),  381 


Euboea  (u  be'a),  324 
Euclid  (ii'klid),  469 
Eupatrids  (fi  pat'ridz),  284 
Euripides  (u  rip'i  dez),  372  f.,  400, 
406 

Europe  (u'rojj),  3 ff.,  221  ff. 

Fa'bi  us,  540 

Fabricius  (fa  brish'i  us),  494 
Fertile  Crescent,  loi 
Feudal  Age  in  Egypt,  74  ff. ; tombs 
of,  76;  administration  in,  79; 
commerce  of,  79 ; decline  of, 
80 

Fire-making,  3,  5 
Fla  min'i  us,  539,  575  f. 

Fla'vi  an  emperors,  627 
Flint  implements,  10  f. 

Forum,  495,  509,  609 
Franks,  691,  701 

Gains  Gracchus  (ga'yus  grak'us), 

577 

Galatia  (ga  la'shia),  449 
Ga  le'ri  us,  686 

Gallic  invasion  of  the  East,  449 
Gard  (gar)  River,  646 
Gaul  (gM),  588  ff. 

Gelon.  (je'lon),  333 
German  barbarians,  579,  588,  626, 
664,  674,  682,  688  ff. 

Gil'ga  mesh,  127 

Gizeh  (ge'ze),  pyramids  of,  49  ff. 

Gladiators,  564 

Glass-making  in  Egypt,  64  f. 

Gortyna  (gor  ti'na),  304 

Goths,  691,  695 

Gracchi  (grak'i),  576  ff. 

Granicus  (grani'kus),  430 
Great  Mother,  414 
Greek  architecture  and  sculpture, 
292,  310  ff.,  406  ff. 

Greek  colonies,  287  ff. 

Greek  commerce,  287,  295  ff. 
Greek  education,  308 
Greek  games,  290  f.,  307  f. 

Greek  genius,  423 
Greek  gods,  278  ff. 

Greek  language,  spread  of,  453 
Greek  literature,  293,  315 
Greek  music,  308  f. 

Greek  painting,  314  f.,  406  ff. 


Index 


737 


Greek  relip^lon,  276  ff.,  •^1=;,  480 
GreStr^ciences,  359  ±.,  419 
Greek  slaves,  298 
Greek  theater,  371,  374 
Greek  vases,  314 

Greeks,  217,  250,  2521?.;  social 
institutions  of,  259;  kings  of, 
260,  286 ; agriculture  of,  260 ; 
supremacy  of,  344  ff. ; in  Italy, 
490 

Gregory  (greg'o  ri),  701 
Guinea  (giu'i),  471,  525 
Gylippus  (ii  lip'us),  387 

Hades,  315 

Ha'dri  an,  630  ff.,  636,  650 
Hamilcar  Barca  (ha  mil'kar 
bar'ka),  534 

Hammurapi  (hammora'pe),  1 28ff.; 

code  of,  130  ff. 

Hannibal  (ban'ibal),  533  ff. 

H armo'di  us,  306,  313 
Hasdrubal  (bas'dro  bal),  543  f. 
Hatshepsut  (hat  sliep'sot),  83  f. 
Hebrew  (he'bro)  civilization,  201  f. 
Hebrew  kingdom,  200  ff. ; divided, 
206  ff.;  destruction  of,  2 toff. 
Hebrew  literature,  208,  216 
Hebrew  religion,  214 
Hebrew  writing,  209 
Hebrews,  144  f.,  197  f.;  exile  of, 
213  f. ; religion  of,  214;  re- 
stored, 216 

Hecatasus  (hekate'us),  318  f., 
360 

Helicon  (heBi  kon).  Mount,  293 
Hellenes  (hel'enz),  291  f. 
Hellenistic  (hel  e nist'ik)  Age, 
453  ff- 

Hellenistic  architecture,  560 
Hellenistic  world,  481  ff. 
Hellespont  (hel'es  pont),  324,  328, 
339 

Hephaestion  (he  f es'ti  on),  443 
He'ra,  279 

Heraclea  (herakle'a),  517 
Heracleia  (heraklfa),  472 
Hermes  (her'mez),  279,  502 
Herodes  Atticus  (he  ro'dez 
at'i  kus),  642 

He  rod'o  tus,  360  f.,  363,  419 
He'si  od,  293 


Hieratic  (hi  e rat'ik)  writing,  44 
Hieroglyphics,  44  f. ; deciphered, 
96  ff.;  in  Crete,  229;  Hittite 
(hiCit),  241 

Hipparchus  (hi  par'kus),  306 
Hippias  (hip'i  as),  306,  324 
Hippocrates  (hi  polCra  tez),  361, 
375 

Hi'ram,  205  f. 

Hittite  (hiCit)  art  and  architec- 
ture, 242 

Hittite  Empire,  243  f. ; fall  of,  255  f. 
Hittite  influence,  240  ff.,  248  ff. 
Hittite  religion,  242  f. 

Hittite  writing,  241  f. 

Hittites,  93  f.,  143,  149,  199,  202, 
239  f. 

Ho'mer,  275  f.,  375 
Ho  no'ri  us,  692  f. 

Horace  (hoEas),  615  f. 

Horse,  in  Egypt,  80  f. ; in  Baby- 
lonia, 138,  143 
Huns  (hunz),  692 

Ice  Age,  7 f. 

Ictinus  (iktflnus),  369 
Ikh  na'ton,  92  ff. 

Illyricum  (i  liEi  kitm),  693 
Imhotep  (emho'tep),  52 
In'di  a,  437 
Indian  Ocean,  79,  437 
Indo-European  peoples,  171  ff. 
lonians  (lo'nianz),  316,  318  ff., 
322  ff. 

Ionic  (i  onflk)  column,  340,  367  f. 
Iphigenia  (if  i je  ni'a),  410 
Iran  (e  ran'),  176 
Iranians  (i  ra'ni  anz),  176  ff. 

Iron  Age,  157,  263 
Isaac  (I'zak),  208 
Isaiah  (iza'ya),  210  f. 

Ish'tar,  134,  151,  168 
Is'lam,  706 

Isocrates  (i  solCra  tez),  420,  422 
Israel  (iz'ra  el),  206 
Issus  (is'us).  Gulf  of,  430  f. 

Italic  tribes,  488 
Italy  (it'a  li),  485  ff. 

Jacob,  208 

Jeremiah  (jeremi'a),  213 
Jericho  (jer'i  ko),  203 


738 


Aiicient  Times 


Jerusalem  (je  ro'sa  lem),  besieged, 
210  f.;  destroyed,  213;  rebuilt, 
216;  taken  by  Sulla,  585;  de- 
stroyed, 626 
Jesus,  1 1 5,  661  f.,  705 
Joseph,  208 
Judah  (jo'da),  206 
Judaism,  216,  66i 
Jugurtha  (jo  ger'tha),  578  f. 

Julian  (jo'lyan)  "the  Apostate,” 
686  f.,  691 
Juno  (johio),  502 
Jupiter  (jo'pi  ter),  502 
Justin'ian,  695  if.,  705  f.;  code  of, 
697 

Kaldi  (kal'de),  162 
Kar' nak,  80  ff. 

Kassites  (kas'its),  144 
Khafre  (kaf'ra),  56,  70  f. 

Khufu  (ko'fd),  54,  56 
King’s  Peace,  401 
Ko^ran,  707 

Kuyunjik  (koyonjek'),  435 

Laconia  (la  ko'ni  a),  283 
Lake-dwellers,  Swiss,  2i  f. 
Laocoon  (laok'o  on),  465 
Late  Stone  Age,  14  ff.;  tools  in, 
20;  architecture  in,  26;  festivals 
and  athletic  contests  in,  28 ; 
trades  in,  29  ; commerce  in,  31  ; 
wars  in,  32  ; in  Italy,  486 
Latin  League,  51 1,  513 
Latin  literature,  562  f. 

Latin  war,  520 
Latins,  492  f. 

Latium  (la'shinm),  492  if.,  616 
Laws,  oldest  surviving  code  of, 
132;  earliest,  in  Greece,  303 
Le  on'i  das,  330 
Lep'i  dus,  597 
Leuctra  (liik'trii),  404 
Library,  at  Alexandria,  47 2 ff.,  594 ; 

at  Rome,  614 
Licinius  (li  .sinl  u.s),  575  f. 

Lictors,  508 

Lilybaeum  (lil  i behtm),  517 
Livy  (liv'i),  614  f. 

Lom'bards,  701 
I.ucullus  (lu  ktiPtis),  5S5 
Lyceum  (ILsehnn),  356,  478 


Lydians  (lid'i  anz),  322 
Lysander  (li  saiPder),  391,  401  f. 
Lysiades  (li  si'a  dez),  381 
Lysicrates  (li  sik'ra  tez),  381 

Macedon  (mas'e  don),  426,  550 
Macedonia  (mas  e do'ni  a),  426 
Magi  (ma'ji),  661 
Magnesia  (mag  ne'shia),  551 
Man  ti  ne'a,  404 
Mar'a  thon,  324  ff. 

Marcellus  (marsePus),  610 
Marcus  Aurelius  (mar'kus  a re'- 
li  us),  664  f. 

Mar  do'ni  us,  328,  333  f. 

Marduk  (maPdok),  134,  168 
Ma'ri  us,  579  ff. 

Mars,  502 

Massilia  (ma  sil'i  a),  290 
Mausoleum  (ma  s6  le'um),  408 
Mausolus  (ma  so'lus),  406 
Mayors  of  the  Palace,  701 
Mecca  (mek'a),  706  f. 

Medes  (medz)  and  Persians  (per'- 
shanz),  162,  177 
Median  Empire,  177 
Meg'a  rii,  303 
Memphis  (mem'lis),  57 
Me  nanMer,  562 
Menes  (me'nez),  58 
Mercury  (mer'ku  ri),  502 
Mesopotamia  (mes  o po  ta'mi  ii), 
629 

Messina  (messe'na),  528 
Metal,  Age  of,  47  f.,  222  f.,  486  f. 
Metaurus  (me  ta'rus)  River,  543 
Middle  Stone  Age,  9 ff. 

Mi  le'tus,  316,  324 
Miltiades  (mil  tfa  dez),  325  f. 
Mithradates  (rnith  ra  da'tez),  583, 
585 

Mith'ras,  195,  678 
Mitylene  (miti  le'ne),  383 
Mnesicles  (ne'sik  lez),  367 
Mohammed  (mohanPed),  706  ff. 
Mohammedan  conquests,  709 
Money,  in  Athens,  346;  in  Greece, 
299  ff. ; in  the  Orient,  186,  299  f. 
Monica  (monff  ka),  699 
Monks,  700,  702 

Monotheism,  in  Egypt,  92  f. ; in 
Palestine,  214 


hidex 


739 


Moors  (niorz),  710  f. 

Moses  (mo'zez),  200 
Moslems  (mos'leuiz),  702,  707  ff., 
71 1 f. 

Mycale  (mik''a  le),  334 
Mycenae  (ml'se^ne),  237  f.,  247  f. 
Mycenaean  (mi  se  ne'an)  Age, 
236  ff. 

Na'hum,  163 
Na  po'le  on,  455 
A'a  ram'sin,  123  f. 

Naucratis  (na'kratis),  289 
Nebuchadnezzar  (neb  u kad  nez'- 
ar),  164  ff.,  213,  368 
Nemausus  (ne  ma'sus),  646 
Ne'ro,  620  ff. 

Neffva,  627,  634 

New  Persia  (per'sha),  675,  678,  705 
New  Testament,  662 
Nicaea  (ni  se'a),  686 
Nicias  (iiish'i  as),  384  ff. 
Nicomedia  (nik  o me'di  a),  679 
Nile  (nil),  37  ff. 

Nimes  (nein),  646 
Nineveh  (nin'e  ve),  154  f.,  163,  213 
Nippur  (nip  pop),  112,  116,  117 
Nobles,  Greek,  leadership  of,  283  ff. 
Nomads,  25  f. 

North  American  Indians,  4,  40 
NCi'bi  a,  86,  89 

Octavian  (ok  ta'vi  an),  596  ff. 
Odoacer  (6  do  a'iser),  695 
Old  Testament,  217 
Oligarchy,  395 

Olympian  (o  lim'iji  an)  games,  308, 

356 

Oracles,  315 

Orient,  achievements  of,  2iSff. ; 
influence  on  Greece,  264  f. ; re- 
vival of,  705  ff. 

Orpheus  (orTus),  414 
O sfris,  50,  91 
Ostracism,  306  f. 

OsTro-Goths,  695 

Psestum  (pesTum),  522 
Painted  Porch,  363,  365,  497 
PalePmo  Stone,  46 
Palestine  (pa.Pestin),  197  ff.,  256 
Palmyra  (pal  iniTa),  676 


Panathenaea  (pan  ath  e ne'a),  362 
Paper,  making  of,  43  f.,  64  f. 
Papyrus  (papi'rus),  43  f. 

Par  me'ni  o,  431,  437,  442 
Parrhasius  (pa  ra'shi  us),  41 1 
PaPthe  non,  367,  369  f. 

Parthians  (par'thi  anz),  590,  595, 
628  f.,  67s 

Pasargadae  (pa  saPga  de),  182,  189 
Patesis  (pata'sez),  113,  119 
Paul,  638,  662,  700 
Pausanias  (pa  sa'ni  as),  geog- 
rapher, 655 

Pausanias,  Spartan  general,  334 
Peloponnesian  (pel  9 po  ne'sliian) 
War,  First,  348  f. ; Second, 
380  ff.;  Third,  385  ff. 

PePga  mum,  453,  463  f.,  472 
Per  i an'der,  303 

Pericles  (pePi  klez),  344,  348, 
350  ff.,  381  ff.  _ 

Peripatetics  (per  i pa  tePiks),  477  f. 
Per  sep'o  lis,  189 

Persian  (pePshan)  art  and  archi- 
tecture, 189 
Persian  Empire,  182  ff. 

Persian  kings,  194  f. 

Persian  religion,  195 
Persian  roads  and  communica- 
tions, 187  f. 

Persian  sea  power,  187 
Persian  War,  Athens  in,  348 
Persian  writing,  183 
Persians,  179  ff.,  322  ff.,  389  f. 
Peter,  700 

Phalerum  (faleTum),  331 
Pharaoh  (fa'ro),  53 
Pharsalus  (far  sa'lus),  592  f. 
Phidias  (fid'i  as),  367,  369,  382 
Philas  (fl'le),  459 
Philip,  426  ff. 

Philippi  (fi  lip'i),  598 
Philistines  (filisTinz),  202  f.,  256 
Philosophy,  316,  318  ff. 

Philotas  (fi  loTas),  441 
Phoenicia  (fe  nish'a),  58 
Phoenicians  (fe  iii.slPanz),  144  f., 
265  ff.,  290,  328,  471;  alphabet 
of,  270 

Phonetic  writing,  40  ff. 

Phrygians  (frijfi  anz),  255 
Pictorial  records,  39  ff. 


740 


Ancient  Times 


Pin'dar,  309,  415,  429 

Piraeus  (pi  re'us),  332,  339,  344, 

348 

Pi  sis'tra  tus,  306 
Plataea  (plate'ii),  326,  334,  684 
Pla'to,  41 1,  418,  420  f.,  42S 
Plautus  (pla'tus),  562 
Plebs,  506 

Pliny  (pliiPi),  the  elder,  655  f. 
Pliny,  the  younger,  635,  654  f. 
Plow  culture,  25 
Plutarch  (plo'tark),  655 
Pnyx  (niks),  343,  366 
Polybius  (po  lib'i  us),  561  f. 
Polygnotus  (pol  ig  no'tus),  363 
Pompeii  (poin  pa'ye),  410,  557, 
559,  636  f.,  639 

Pompey  (pom'pi),  584  ff.,  590  ff. 
Poseidon  (po  sfclpn),  279 
Pottery,  in  Egypt,  63  ; in  Europe, 

19 

Praetor  (pre'tor),  506 
Praxiteles  (praks  it'e  lez),  408 
Prehistoric  Europe,  3 ff. 

Pri  e'ne,  458,  460  f.,  476 
Psyttaleia  (sit'alfa),  332 
Ptolemies  (toPe  miz),  86,  446  f., 
593 

Ptolemy  (toPe  mi),  astronomer, 
656  f. 

Punic  War,  First,  533  ff. ; Second, 
535  ff-;  Third,  546  f. 

Pyramid  Age,  49  ff. ; agriculture 
in,  61 ; art  and  architecture  in, 
68  ff.;  cattle  raising  in,  61  f. ; 
classes  of  society  in,  67 ; com- 
merce in,  58  f. ; government  in, 
53  ff.;  length  and  date  of,  57  f. ; 
occupations  in,  62  ff. 

Pyrrhus  (pir'us),  517 
Pythagoras  (pi  thag'o  ras),  319 
Pytheas  (pith'e  as),  471 

Quaestors  (kwesTorz),  505 

Ramses  (ram'.sez)  II,  94 
Ramses  III,  257 
Rawlinson  (iWlinson),  190  ff. 

Re  (ra),  50 
Red  Sea,  59 
Rhetoricians,  420 
Rhodes  (rodz),  450,  465,  613 


Roman  amusements,  564  f. 

Roman  army,  528  ff. 

Roman  art  and  architecture,  523, 
608,  610 

Roman  Church,  698  ff. 

Roman  colonization,  512 
Roman  commerce  and  banking, 
554  f-.  640 

Roman  conquests,  552  ff. 

Roman  degeneration,  570,  669 
Roman  Empire,  601  ff. ; civilization 
of  the  early  Empire,  649  ff. ; 
decline  of,  667  ff. ; division  of, 
6S2  ff.,  692 

Roman  government,  504  ff.,  520  ff. 
Roman  house,  5s6ff.  . 

Roman  imperial  organization, 
552  ff. 

Roman  money,  501  f.,  523,  671 
Roman  painting,  653 
Roman  provinces,  553  ff-,  604  ff., 
636  ff.,  641 

Roman  religion,  502  ff.,  659  ff. 
Roman  Republic,  504,  507,  511; 
end  of,  574  ff. 

Roman  roads  and  bridges,  638  f. 
Roman  schools,  561 
Roman  sculpture,  652 
Roman  Senate,  506,  509,  574  ff. 
Roman  ships,  501,  534 
Roman  slaves,  566  ff.,  669 
Roman  theaters,  610 
Rome  (rom),  494  ff.,  500;  taken 
by  Gauls,  513;  rivalry  of,  with 
Carthage,  518,  520  ff. 

Rom'u  lus  and  Re'mus,  4S4 
Romulus  Augustulus  (§,  gus'tu  lus), 

695 

Rosetta  (ro  zePta)  Stone,  97  f., 
193.  454  f- 

Royal  tombs  of  Egypt,  94  f. 

SaPa  mis,  331  f.,  371 
Samnites  (sambiits),  514 
Sa'mos,  298,  324 
Sappho  (safT),  309,  354 
Siir  din'i  a,  535 
SaPdis,  322 

SaPgon  of  Ak'kad,  122  f. 

Sargon  II,  152 

Sassanians  (sa  sa'ni  anz),  675,  678 
Saul  (sal),  203 


Index 


741 


Saxons  (sak'snz),  694 
Schliemann  (shle'man),  245  ff. 
Scipio  (sip'i  o),  S44  ff. 

Scopas  (sko'pas),  406,  409 
Sc3'lax  (sflaks),  i86f. 

Seleucids  (se  lu'sidz),  448 
Seleucus  (se  lu'kus),  445  f.,  448 
Semites  (sem'its),  loif. ; traffic  of, 
103;  religion  of,  103  f.;  art  of, 
123  f.;  union  of,  with  Sumerians, 
1 26  f. ; struggle  of,  with  Indo- 
Europeans,  172  ff.,  524  ff.,  706  f. 
Seneca  (sen'e  ka),  620  f.,  654 
Sennacherib  ’ (se  nak'e  rib),  1 52, 
210,  212,  288 
Sentf'num,  514  f.,  543 
Sep  timh  us  Se  ve'rus,  673,  675 
Se  ra'pis,  631 
Se  sos'tris,  80 
Se'ti  I,  94 

Seven  Wise  Men,  320 
Shadoof  (shadof'),  36 
Shal  ma  ne'zer  III,  21 1 
ShT'nar,  Plain  of,  105  f. 

Sicilian  (si  siPian)  expedition,385f. 
Sicilian  War,  533  ff. 

Sicily  (sis'ili),  Greek  colonists  in, 
289!. 

Sinai  (sPni),  50,  59 
Slavery,  in  Egypt,  67  ; in  Greece, 
298  ; in  Rome,  566  ft.,  669 
Slavs  (slavz),  706 
Social  War,  582 

Socrates  (sok'ra  tez),  416  ff.,  420  f. 
SoPo  mon,  205  f. 

S5'lon,  303  ff.,  342,  345,  355 
Sophia  (so  fe'a),  Saint,  688,  698 
Sophists  (sof'ists),  357  ff.,  370,  372, 

415 

Sophocles  (sof'o  klez),  353,  371  ff. 
Spain  (span),  594 
SpaPta,  283,  307,  336  ff.,  347  f., 
401 ; fall  of,  402 
Spartan  leadership,  394  ff. 
SpaPtan  league,  307,  392 
Sphinx  (sfingks),  50 
Stesichorus  (ste  sik'o  rns),  309  f. 
Stilicho  (stiPi  ko),  692  f. 

Stoicism  (sto'i  sizm),  478  f. 

Stone  Age,  Early,  5 ff. ; Late,  14  ff., 
221  f. ; Middle,  9 ff. ; in  Egypt, 
38  ; in  Italy,  488 


Stonehenge  (ston'henj),  30 
Stra'bo,  613,  661 
Sudan  (so  dan'),  59 
Sulla  (suPa),  425,  582  ff. 

Su'mer,  108 

Sii  me'ri  an  agriculture,  108 
Sumerian  art,  1 18 
Sumerian  calendar,  iii 
Sumerian  houses,  ii4f. 

Sumerian  religion,  ii2f. 

Sumerian  society,  119 
Sumerian  writing.  109  ff. 
Sumerians,  107  ff. ; union  of,  with 
Semites,  126!. 

Susa  (so'sa),  189,  437 
Swiss  lake-villages,  20  f. 

Syracuse  (siPa  kus),  289  f.,  344, 

385 

Syria  (siPi  a),  448,  585,  643 

Tacitus  (tas'i  tns),  654 
Ta  ren'tum,  517,  522!. 

Tasmanians  (taz  nia'ni  anz),  2 f. 
Terence  (tePens),  562 
Tetricus  (tetTikus),  676 
Teutons  (tu'tonz),  579 
Thales  (tha'lez),  316,  318 
Theater,  Greek,  310 
Thebes  (thebz),  in  Egypt,  80,  86  f., 
92,  94.  375 

Thebes,  in  Greece,  284,  402  ff., 
429 

Themistocles  (the  mis'to  klez), 
328  ff.,  338  f.,  341 
Theocritus  (the  okTi  tns),  475,  616 
Theodoric  (the  od'o  rik),  695 
Theodosius  (the  9 do'shi  us),  684, 
692,  697 ; Edict  of,  700 
Thermopylae  (ther  mop'i  le),329ff. 
Theseus  (the'sus),  367 
Thucydides  (thu  sid'i  dgz),  419, 

615 

ThrPle,  471 

Thutmose  (thot  ino'se)  III,  84  f., 
684 

Ti  be'ri  us,  emperor,  617  f. 
Tiberius  Gracchus  (grak'us),  576!. 
Tibullus  (ti  buPus),  659 
Tigranes  (tigra'nez),  585 
Ti  mo'the  os,  474 
Tiryns  (tPrinz),  237,  247  f. 

TPtus,  627 


742 


Ancient  Times 


T ombs  of  the  Egyptian  kings,  94  f. 
Tours  (tor),  71 1 t 4 

Tower  of  Babel,  112  '/// 

Towns,  earliest,  26  f.  j/ 
Tra'jan,  627  ff.,  634  ff.,  650  f. 
Trasimene  (trasT  men).  Lake,  539 
Tri  bo'ni  an,  697 
Tribunes  (trib'unz),  505 
Triumvirate  (tri  um'vi  rat),  587 
Troy  (troi),  239,  245  ff.,  429 
Turks,  713 

Tyrants,  Age  of,  301  ff. ; civiliza- 
tion of,  307  ff.,  320 
Tyre  (tir),  434 

Urfi  las,  691 

University,  of  Alexandria,  477;  of 
Athens,  479  ; of  Rome,  642 
Ur  (er),  126 

Valens  (va'lenz),  692 
Vandals  (van'dalz),  691,  693 
Ve'nus,  502 

Vespasian  (ves  pa'zhian),  609, 
623  f. 


VesTa,  502 

Virgil  (ver'jil),  616,  702 
Visigoths  (vizT  goths),  692 

Wedge-form  writing,  1 10  f.,  189  f., 
242 

West  Goths,  692 

Women,  position  of,  in  Greece, 

353  f- 

Writing,  phonetic,  41  ff.;  pictorial, 
40;  invention  of,  45 
Writing  materials,  43  f. 

Xenophon  (zen'tl  fon),  399  ff.,  422 
Xerxes  (zerk'sez),  187,  190,  328  ff. 

Vahveh  (ya  va'),  206 

ZVma,  544  ff. 

Ze'no,  479 
Ze  no'bi  a,  676 
Zeus  (zus),  277  ff. 

Zeuxis  (zulTsis),  41 1 
Z6  rb  asTer,  177  ff.,  675 


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